Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03055477.2018.1520385
Melvyn T. Jones
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Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03055477.2018.1524699
L. Prosser
of Troy House is bleak’ (p. 61). If the purpose of the book is to draw attention to the architectural and historical significance of Troy, thereby providing a mandate for its future preservation, it has been an unequivocal success. The biography of the building presented by Benson advances understanding of the structure and site beyond all other previously published accounts. The work proceeds through seven interrelated chapters, including sections on the landscape setting, ownership history, architectural development, designed gardens, walled garden and built features within the demesne. This approach takes the study of the house beyond the sphere of architectural description, linking the building to the identity of its owners and, importantly, taking account of the house’s broader estate landscape setting — extending to the gardens, farmstead, deer park and estate facilities including the water mill, brick kiln, keeper’s cottage and conduit house. The methodology employed by the author is refreshingly multipronged for a house history, taking into account an array of sources including: estate archives (inventories, wills, correspondence, sale catalogues and estate maps); Welsh praise poetry; old photographs; oral history; archaeological finds; resistivity surveys; and visual and material culture (extending to an early painting of the hall by Hendrick Danckerts dated 1672). This broad range of material is well handled, allowing the author to chart a course through a complex building and ownership history. Benson shows how Troy developed into a site of significance during the fifteenth century, as part of the substantial landholdings amassed by Sir William ap Thomas (d. 1445) of Raglan, whose heir, Sir William Herbert (1423–69), was created 1st Earl of Pembroke. The Troy estate crystallised under the Herberts and remained fastened to the family interest for a period of some 150 years, including during the highs and lows associated with loyalty to the Yorkist cause. During the sixteenth century Troy was established as a residence of junior members of the family; a hall house which was an important site of local office-holding and administration under Sir William Herbert of Troy (d. 1524), its prominence confirmed by a visit from Henry VII in 1502. The sub-heading chosen for the book — ‘a Tudor estate through time’ — does not do justice to the author’s achievements in grounding the long-term architectural development of the site within a continually changing historical context. Between 1584 and 1600 Troy was purchased by the Somerset family and became part of a much broader, multinational complex. Benson demonstrates some of the ways in which the family utilised Troy as an expression of their status and identity, linking aspects of its function and appearance to the Catholic sympathies of the family (pp. 44–7) and a European tour of 1611–12 (pp. 47, 98–9). For the first time, Benson identifies Robert Warren as the architect commissioned to undertake
它提出了许多值得进一步探索的问题，并有望在确保房子充满活力的未来方面发挥形成作用。
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Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03055477.2018.1522582
David Cant
to the modern clergy house of the inner city (recently portrayed as the vicarage of St Saviour’s in the Marches in the television series Rev), is no easy task, but the author’s sure grasp of the wider cultural picture enables her to interweave the greater historical narrative with what was happening at a local level in parishes across England. Deftly chosen examples of particular clergy and their houses allow valuable glimpses into the way in which the buildings’ design and use changed as the parson’s role changed. There is a welcome emphasis on the challenges that increasing and rapid urbanisation posed to a church organised on the parochial model, and the church’s attempts to meet them. Butterfield’s All Saints Margaret Street complex of church and vicarage combined on a tight urban site and the group of church, vicarage and school at St Mark’s Swindon as part of the new railway town are both well illustrated. The role of some of the leading Victorian architects, and of the Anglican Church’s significant impetus to the Gothic Revival, is also recognised. Indeed, carefully selected and well-reproduced illustrations — historical photographs, plans and documents as well as good contemporary colour photography — in a modestly priced publication is another virtue of this account. The indelible picture that emerges is of the immense variety of the parsonage in England, exploding the myth that the archetypical parsonage is the genteel residence portrayed in the pages of a Jane Austen novel. Poor clergy in very modest houses were common until the reforms of the twentieth century as the old patrician order faded, though not quickly enough to leave children of the vicarage, like the author or the present reviewer, without memories of freezing cold houses and parents struggling to cope in houses far too large to run on modest clerical stipends. As late as the 1970s my parents moved from a moderately sized vicarage (Kidlington, Oxfordshire, a medieval house with an extension by G. E. Street) to a twenty-roomed monster (Banbury, Oxfordshire, an Elizabethan front block facing the town, behind which the Victorian rector had added a vast pseudo-medieval hall range), which took the whole of my father’s salary just to pay for the oil-fired central heating in his first winter; no wonder he soon persuaded the diocese to sell up. The decline of the Anglican Church and modern patterns of ministry in radically changed circumstances meant the sale of historic parsonages, which began in earnest after the Great War (six hundred had been sold by 1930 and a further seven hundred by 1939), accelerated rapidly in the later twentieth century, with modern clergy houses now indistinguishable from their neighbours. It is much to be hoped that this book will be a spur to greater research into this neglected house type: it is not too late to quarry the rich building and architectural history the English parsonage represents, and most of them — better furnished, maintained and heat
到市中心的现代神职人员住宅(最近在电视剧《牧师》中被描绘成马尔克斯的圣救世主牧师住宅)，这并非易事，但作者对更广泛的文化图景的把握使她能够将更大的历史叙事与英格兰各地教区的地方层面发生的事情交织在一起。巧妙地选择了特定的神职人员和他们的房子的例子，让我们有价值地瞥见建筑的设计和使用方式随着牧师角色的变化而变化。日益增长和快速的城市化对以教区模式组织的教会构成了挑战，教会试图满足这些挑战，这是一个值得欢迎的强调。巴特菲尔德的所有圣徒玛格丽特街的教堂和牧师住宅结合在一个紧凑的城市场地上，St Mark 's Swindon的教堂、牧师住宅和学校作为新铁路城镇的一部分，都得到了很好的说明。一些领先的维多利亚建筑师的作用，以及圣公会对哥特式复兴的重大推动，也得到了认可。事实上，在一个价格适中的出版物中，精心挑选和精心复制的插图- -历史照片、计划和文件以及良好的当代彩色摄影- -是本报告的另一个优点。这幅令人难以忘怀的画面展现了英国各式各样的牧师住宅，打破了人们的神话，即典型的牧师住宅是简·奥斯汀(Jane Austen)小说中描绘的那种上流社会的住宅。贫穷的神职人员住在非常简陋的房子里是很常见的，直到20世纪的改革，旧的贵族秩序逐渐消失，尽管这还没有快到让牧师的孩子们，比如作者和现在的评论员，没有冰冷的房子的记忆，没有父母在大得无法靠微薄的神职人员津贴维持生活的房子里挣扎的记忆。直到20世纪70年代，我的父母才从一个中等大小的牧师住宅(牛津郡的基德灵顿，一座中世纪的房子，在G. E.街旁扩建)搬到一个有20个房间的大房子(牛津郡的班伯里，一座伊丽莎白时代的正楼，面向城镇，维多利亚时代的牧师在后面加了一个巨大的仿中世纪的大厅)，这花去了我父亲的全部薪水，仅仅是为了支付他第一个冬天的燃油中央供暖费用;难怪他很快就说服教区卖掉了。英国圣公会的衰落和现代事工模式在急剧变化的环境中意味着出售历史悠久的牧师住宅，这在第一次世界大战后开始(到1930年已售出600套，到1939年又售出700套)，在20世纪后期迅速加速，现代神职人员的住宅现在与邻居的住宅难以区分。我们非常希望这本书能激励人们对这种被忽视的房屋类型进行更深入的研究:挖掘英国牧师住宅所代表的丰富建筑和建筑历史还为时不晚，而且其中大多数——家具、维护和供暖都比我们中的一些人所能想象的要好——仍然存在。
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Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03055477.2018.1524214
Edward A. Chappell
Early-modern timber framing and associated finish vary significantly among the countless places settled by Europeans and Africans in the age of exploration. Most of these dots on maps of the western hemisphere remain essentially unstudied, as evidence for their vernacular architecture slips away. This is of more than local interest because the material offers opportunities to investigate how related populations share and alter cultural traits, and how the traits evolve in response to degrees of immigration, value of labour, environmental conditions and trade. This paper focuses on one of the dots, presenting new evidence for frame construction on the small British island of Bermuda, and addresses its role in the population’s economic evolution.
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Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03055477.2018.1523195
D. James
This paper discusses the subject of carpenters’ assembly marks, where they are placed on a building and, when they are recorded and understood, how they can help in the analysis and interpretation of a structure. The different forms of assembly mark are explained along with the methods by which they were made with a view to bringing a degree of standardisation to the descriptions used by those engaged in recording buildings.
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Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03055477.2018.1523305
N. Alcock, C. Tyers
Dates of outermost measured complete rings and sapwood ring number are given in brackets. Complete sapwood is indicated by ‘C’ and where the character of the final ring has been identified, some laboratories signify seasonal felling dates as winter (C), spring (1=4C) and summer (1=2C), referring approximately to October to February, March to May and June to September respectively; ‘c’ indicates the presence of complete sapwood but not on the sample; ‘h/s’ indicates the presence of the heartwood-sapwood boundary; ‘NM’ indicates rings counted but not measured. Superscript numbers, e.g. ‘’, denote two or more samples with the same end date and sapwood complement. Unless otherwise stated, sapwood estimates are those of Miles, “The Interpretation, Presentation and Use of Tree-ring Dates.” Felling date ranges for which the sapwood estimate has been refined using the Dendro function of OxCal (Miles, “Refinements in the Interpretation of Tree-ring Dates”) are given in italics to indicate that they are ‘interpretative’, with the unrefined date in brackets. Site Master gives the years spanned and three highest or representative t-values. All timbers dated are of oak, Quercus spp., unless otherwise stated. References to the master sequences are not printed but are available from the editor on request. RRS [Historic England Research Report Series] reports may be downloaded or obtained as hard copy from Historic England; their address and the list of available reports published in 2017 are printed below, p. 151. Images of selected buildings are included on pages 146–150.
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Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03055477.2018.1523656
S. Mileson
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Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03055477.2018.1523226
Pam Slocombe
David Clark in Vernacular Architecture vol. 44 drew together thoughts from papers at the Vernacular Architecture Group Winter conference in January 2013 and suggested what might be the standard model of the medieval house, its use and meaning.1 As a premise it was proposed that customary tenants, the successors of the unfree villeins of the earlier medieval period, holding a single virgate of land, usually built their own house, albeit with the lord possibly supplying materials. This paper examines whether there is evidence that this was usually the case, and considers the availability or otherwise of building materials and the complex relationship between landlords and their tenants, leasehold, as well as customary, when new building or repair was required. This article should to be read alongside C. R. J. Currie, “Why Historians Believe that Customary Tenants Normally Paid for Their Own Buildings: A Reply to Pamela Slocombe,” Vernacular Architecture 49 (2018): 38–43.
David Clark在《白话建筑》第44卷中总结了2013年1月白话建筑集团冬季会议上的论文，并提出了中世纪房屋的标准模型、用途和意义，持有一块土地，通常建造自己的房子，尽管上帝可能会提供材料。本文研究了是否有证据表明通常是这种情况，并考虑了建筑材料的可用性或其他情况，以及房东与其租户之间的复杂关系、租赁权以及在需要新建或维修时的习惯关系。这篇文章应该与C.R.J.Currie一起阅读，“为什么历史学家相信习惯租户通常为自己的建筑付费：对Pamela Slocombe的回复”，《乡土建筑》49（2018）：38-43。
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Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03055477.2018.1527141
A. Crosby
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