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Conflicting Approaches to the Study of Social Capital 社会资本研究的冲突方法
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.2143/EP.10.1.503869
D. Stolle, M. Hooghe
In recent years, the concept of social capital (i.e. the presence of networks, trust and reciprocity) has become quite fashionable in social science research. Especially Robert Putnam’s ‘Making Democracy Work’ 2 has provoked an enormous amount of research on this societal resource. It has become customary to make a distinction between network and attitudinal approaches of social capital, focusing on individual network positions and the role of civic attitudes respectively. We argue that these two approaches do not exclude one another: it is just as legitimate to study the larger societal benefits of social capital (Putnam and others) as it is to study the individual benefits of networks positions (Lin and others). The question on how social capital can be generated seems more promising for future research, and here we can distinguish society-based approaches (social capital is generated by day-to-day social interaction) and institutional approaches (political and economic institutions determine social capital levels). The available research demonstrates that day-to-day interaction can have significant effects on democratic attitudes, e.g., by a process of value convergence. There is, however, also considerable evidence to show the effect of institutions, boosting social capital levels by ensuring impartiality and transparency and by promoting income inequality. Both from a political science, as from a social perspective, we urge the scientific community to pay more attention to the question how social capital might be generated by the political system.
近年来,社会资本的概念(即网络、信任和互惠的存在)在社会科学研究中变得相当流行。尤其是罗伯特·普特南(Robert Putnam)的《让民主发挥作用》(Making Democracy Work)引发了对这一社会资源的大量研究。将社会资本的网络途径和态度途径区分开来,分别关注个人的网络位置和公民态度的作用,已经成为一种习惯。我们认为,这两种方法并不相互排斥:研究社会资本的更大社会效益(Putnam等人)与研究网络位置的个人效益(Lin等人)一样合理。关于社会资本如何产生的问题似乎更有希望在未来的研究中得到解决,在这里我们可以区分基于社会的方法(社会资本是由日常的社会互动产生的)和制度方法(政治和经济制度决定社会资本水平)。现有的研究表明,日常互动可以对民主态度产生重大影响,例如,通过价值趋同的过程。然而,也有相当多的证据表明制度的影响,通过确保公正性和透明度以及促进收入不平等来提高社会资本水平。无论是从政治科学的角度,还是从社会的角度,我们都敦促科学界更多地关注政治制度如何产生社会资本的问题。
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引用次数: 52
The glass ceiling: Reality or myth? A gender analysis of leadership 玻璃天花板:现实还是神话?领导力的性别分析
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.2143/EP.10.1.503871
V. Draulans
This article focuses on the reality of the ‘glass ceiling’ metaphor, the invisible barrier that women experience in their upward career mobility which prevents them from reaching the top of an organization. The first part describes the origins and development of the concept. Next, the debate concerning the existence of a specific male or female leadership style has been broadened to an analysis of the context of leadership. As part of that, the phenomenon of ‘tokenism’ is analyzed. The few women that succeeded in breaking through the glass ceiling often arrive in a token position. Persons in leadership positions who belong to a minority group, are looked at as representing the whole of (stereotypes ascribed to) the minority group. Specific personal competencies, characteristics and activities are relegated to the background. The presupposed male/female stereotypes dominate the relationships. How can effective leadership be realized if someone functions as a token? Not only women, but also people belonging to ethnic minorities can be confronted with token positions. Diverse factors of influence such as the choices made by women themselves and the organizational structures and cultures are described. An organizational culture is difficult to describe, and so is the impact on the career growth possibilities and upward mobility of women. Some strategies for change are presented. In order to make these strategies operational, a clear distinction between three dimensions has to be made: an analysis of the numerical proportion of male to female employees, an analysis of the organizational culture, and a gender analysis in terms of content (e.g. gender in topics of research, educational programmes, etc.). Different policy instruments can be used: legislation, equal opportunity and positive action programmes, and mainstreaming programmes. The whole debate about gender and leadership is a debate about value options and value preferences.
这篇文章关注的是“玻璃天花板”的隐喻,即女性在职业晋升过程中遇到的无形障碍,这阻碍了她们到达组织的最高层。第一部分描述了这一概念的起源和发展。接下来,关于是否存在特定的男性或女性领导风格的争论已经扩大到对领导力背景的分析。作为其中的一部分,分析了“象征主义”现象。少数成功突破玻璃天花板的女性往往只得到一个象征性的职位。担任领导职务的少数群体的人被认为代表了少数群体的整体(归因于刻板印象)。具体的个人能力、特点和活动都退居次要地位。预设的男性/女性刻板印象主导着两性关系。如果一个人只是象征性的,那么如何才能实现有效的领导?不仅是女性,少数民族的人也会面临象征性的职位。报告描述了各种影响因素,例如妇女自己作出的选择以及组织结构和文化。组织文化很难描述,对妇女职业发展可能性和向上流动的影响也很难描述。提出了一些改变的策略。为了使这些战略可行,必须明确区分三个方面:分析男女雇员的数量比例,分析组织文化,以及在内容方面进行性别分析(例如,研究主题、教育方案等中的性别)。可以使用不同的政策工具:立法、平等机会和积极行动方案以及主流化方案。关于性别和领导力的整个辩论是关于价值选择和价值偏好的辩论。
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引用次数: 4
The End of Old Certainties 旧确定性的终结
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2002-12-01 DOI: 10.2143/EP.9.4.503860
C. Holtz-Bacha
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引用次数: 5
Does News Content Matter 新闻内容重要吗?
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2002-12-01 DOI: 10.2143/EP.9.4.503862
S. Walgrave, K. D. Swert
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引用次数: 10
The true limits of globalization 全球化的真正局限
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2002-12-01 DOI: 10.2143/EP.9.4.503858
J. Gray
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引用次数: 2
Tuned Out Voters 排除选民
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2002-12-01 DOI: 10.2143/EP.9.4.503859
P. Norris
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引用次数: 11
Christian churches and euthanasia in the Low Countries: background, argumentation and commentary. 基督教会与低地国家的安乐死:背景、论证与评论。
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2002-04-01 DOI: 10.2143/EP.9.2.503851
J. Jans
It will hardly come as a surprise to anybody even only remotely familiar with the general thrust and orientation of ‘Christian ethics’, that the question of euthanasia has been and still is seen in general as a moral disvalue and/or an evil that should be resisted. The bottom line of this approach is the theological notion that human life is a gift of the Creator and therefore a good to be nurtured, promoted and worth protection. Euthanasia, and especially its depenalization and legalization to different degrees in the current laws of the Netherlands and Belgium, is evaluated as contrary to this requirement of protectability. Both during the (public) debate on euthanasia and in reaction to various attempts to legislate on this matter, Christian churches in the Netherlands and Belgium have raised their voices and addressed the public at large, their own members and politicians in order to influence reflection and deliberation.
即使是对“基督教伦理”的主旨和方向稍微熟悉的人也不会感到惊讶,安乐死的问题一直被认为是一种道德上的错误和/或一种应该被抵制的邪恶。这种方法的底线是神学观念,即人类的生命是造物主的礼物,因此是一种值得培育、促进和保护的好东西。安乐死,特别是在荷兰和比利时的现行法律中,其不同程度的非核化和合法化,被评估为与这一可保护性要求相反。在关于安乐死的(公开)辩论中,以及对各种关于这个问题的立法尝试的反应中,荷兰和比利时的基督教会提高了他们的声音,并向公众、他们自己的成员和政治家发表了讲话,以影响反思和审议。
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引用次数: 4
The Loss of the Human 人类的消失
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.2143/EP.9.1.503842
V. Roodt
First, a remark on the topic of my paper, which contains an 'and' where one would expect an 'or'. It might seem highly questionable to want to establish a relation between the self-proclaimed 'last anti-political German', teacher of self-overcoming and solitude, and a political thinker with an express commitment to political action and citizen equality. Would a genuine concern with both thinkers not precisely preclude any attempt to fabricate an alliance between them? One way of circumventing this difficulty might be to argue that Nietzsche is really a political thinker, and, more problematically, that he is some version of a radical democrat. Conversely, one might try to demonstrate that Arendt is really a closet Nietzschean — provided, of course, that one takes Nietzsche to be amenable to a modicum of democratic theory. However, such an attempt to force their divergent projects into the straitjacket of mutual consistency would lose more in integrity — and ultimately, in relevance — than it would gain in cohesion. It is not my intention, therefore, to try and merge their respective undertakings into either a watered-down Nietzsche or a spiced-up Arendt, or to cobble together a new political theory out of their different philosophies. Instead of aiming at an ultimate synthesis, my concern in this paper is with a particular field of inquiry where Nietzsche’s thinking finds, to some extent, its analogue in that of Arendt. The purpose of this exercise is not to simply show up a few points of similarity, but rather, to illuminate a particular problem from two perspectives that stand in an analogical, rather than dialectical, relationship to one another. This analogical relationship does not resolve itself into an ultimate synthesis, and is not predicated on a seamless fit between two different fields of reference. On the contrary, this relationship, like any analogy, has an inevitable remainder, something held in abeyance that transcends the relationship with the analogon. Moreover, as will become clear, it is the differences as much as the affinities between Nietzsche and Arendt’s thinking that serve to illuminate the question this paper aims to address. This question concerns modernity as a condition of disintegration or loss, and particularly the loss of a coherent cultural complex — that is, an inter-human domain of “structured sense”, to borrow a term from Nancy (1997: 8) — which necessarily circumscribes the meaning of the human. The premise of the paper, then, is that what has been lost in modernity are the cultural conditions for being — or becoming — human, as opposed to enduring only as a form of animal life (which of course we always still are) or, on the other side of the scale, descending into barbarism (which is itself a form of animalization). This premise
首先是对我论文主题的评论,在应该用“或”的地方用了一个“和”。想要在自称“最后的反政治德国人”、自我克服和孤独的导师,与一位明确致力于政治行动和公民平等的政治思想家之间建立一种关系,似乎是非常值得怀疑的。对这两位思想家的真正关注,难道不会精确地排除他们之间捏造联盟的任何企图吗?规避这一困难的一种方法可能是,认为尼采确实是一个政治思想家,更有问题的是,他是一个激进民主主义者的某种版本。相反,有人可能会试图证明,阿伦特实际上是一个秘密的尼采主义者——当然,前提是人们认为尼采对民主理论的一点点顺从。然而,这种将它们的不同项目强加于相互一致的约束之下的企图,将在完整性方面失去更多,并最终在相关性方面失去更多,而不是在凝聚力方面获得更多。因此,我的意图不是试图将他们各自的事业合并成一个淡化的尼采或一个加料的阿伦特,或者从他们不同的哲学中拼凑出一个新的政治理论。在本文中,我关注的不是最终的综合,而是一个特定的研究领域,在这个领域中,尼采的思想在某种程度上与阿伦特的思想相似。这个练习的目的不是简单地指出几个相似之处,而是从两种观点来阐明一个特定的问题,这两种观点之间的关系是类比的,而不是辩证的。这种类比关系并没有把自己分解成一个最终的综合,也不是基于两个不同的参考领域之间的无缝配合。相反地,这种关系,象任何类推一样,有一种不可避免的余物,一种超越与类推关系的暂时搁置的东西。此外,尼采和阿伦特的思想之间的差异和相似之处,将有助于阐明本文旨在解决的问题。这个问题关注的是现代性作为一种解体或丧失的条件,尤其是一种连贯的文化情结的丧失——也就是说,借用南希(1997:8)的术语,一种人与人之间的“结构感”领域——它必然限制了人类的意义。因此,这篇论文的前提是,在现代性中失去的是作为或成为人类的文化条件,而不是仅仅作为一种动物生活形式而存在(当然,我们仍然是动物生活形式),或者在天平的另一边,堕落到野蛮状态(这本身就是一种动物化形式)。这个前提
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引用次数: 1
Gifts and alliances in Java 爪哇的礼物和联盟
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.2143/EP.9.1.503844
Peter Verhezen
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引用次数: 5
Caring for a dignified end of life in a Christian health-care institution: the view of Caritas Catholica Vlaanderen. 在基督教保健机构中照顾有尊严的生命结束:弗拉德伦天主教明爱的观点。
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.2143/ep.9.2.503852
Chris Gastmans
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Ethical Perspectives
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