Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1177/030751330409000114
M. De Meyer
This article is a discussion of some terms used for ‘scribal palette’ in Graeco-Roman texts, and of how the interpretation of ‘sportive’ writings depends upon the context.
本文讨论了希腊罗马文本中用于“誊写调色板”的一些术语，以及如何根据上下文解释“体育”作品。
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Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1177/030751330409001s24
G. Vittmann
otherwise, with his fellow kings, Pyrrhos, Antigonos Gonatas and the Seleucids (especially in the Syrian Wars). Here we see the aspirations of the family extending well beyond Egypt, not only in Ptolemy Keraunos' brief occupation of Macedon, but in HuB's revival of the enigmatic Ptolemy the Son as the intended beneficiary of the Chremonidean War and the overthrow of Antigonos Gonatas (HuB opts for a son of Arsinoe II and Lysimachos, adopted by Ptolemy II). The fullness of the treatment of foreign affairs only serves to highlight the relative brevity of what follows. The complexity of royal family life is well brought out, but matters concerning the economy and administration are hastily dealt with; the reclamation of the Fayum, cleruchic settlement, apomoira and the socalled Revenue Laws are all treated in a fairly cursory fashion. The Zenon archive is present in the footnotes but the only Zenon mentioned in the index is from Kition. Yet not only was Ptolemy II overseeing a more fully developed and consolidated system of control in Egypt but his reign, at least the latter part, is well-served for papyrus. This book is likely to be used for reference rather then read straight through. In the light of this, HuB's decision to renumber the later Ptolemies is unfortunate. The present numbering has existed since 1938 when W. Otto and H. Bengston installed Ptolemy VII Neos Philopator for a brief (and perhaps unjustifiable) reign in 145 Be. This short-lived Ptolemy has now been deleted by HuB under the influence of the arguments of M. Chauveau, and all subsequent Ptolemies drop back one, Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II becoming Ptolemy VII Euergetes II, and so on (for Chauveau's arguments see 'Un ete 145', BIFAO 90 (1990), 135-68). This discarding of the conventional numbering system may lead to confusion amongst those using the volume for clarification about one or other Ptolemy-after all the prime purpose of such numbering systems is to aid identification. The problem is exacerbated by an index that omits the royal epithets which could at least have acted as some form of check on confusion. As a resource for studying the history of the Egypt's rulers in the Hellenistic period this volume will be invaluable with its comprehensive and up-to-date review of arguments, bibliography and evidence. HuB may be relatively conventional in approach but his history is a statement of the vitality of Ptolemaic scholarship. There will continue to be new evidence and fresh approaches, and HuB wisely quotes Mahaffy's words 'finality is not to be expected'.
{"title":"Book Review: Die Hieroglyphischen Ahnenreihen der Ptolemäischen Könige. Ein Vergleich Mit den Titeln der Eponymen Priester in den Demotischen und Griechischen Papyri","authors":"G. Vittmann","doi":"10.1177/030751330409001s24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/030751330409001s24","url":null,"abstract":"otherwise, with his fellow kings, Pyrrhos, Antigonos Gonatas and the Seleucids (especially in the Syrian Wars). Here we see the aspirations of the family extending well beyond Egypt, not only in Ptolemy Keraunos' brief occupation of Macedon, but in HuB's revival of the enigmatic Ptolemy the Son as the intended beneficiary of the Chremonidean War and the overthrow of Antigonos Gonatas (HuB opts for a son of Arsinoe II and Lysimachos, adopted by Ptolemy II). The fullness of the treatment of foreign affairs only serves to highlight the relative brevity of what follows. The complexity of royal family life is well brought out, but matters concerning the economy and administration are hastily dealt with; the reclamation of the Fayum, cleruchic settlement, apomoira and the socalled Revenue Laws are all treated in a fairly cursory fashion. The Zenon archive is present in the footnotes but the only Zenon mentioned in the index is from Kition. Yet not only was Ptolemy II overseeing a more fully developed and consolidated system of control in Egypt but his reign, at least the latter part, is well-served for papyrus. This book is likely to be used for reference rather then read straight through. In the light of this, HuB's decision to renumber the later Ptolemies is unfortunate. The present numbering has existed since 1938 when W. Otto and H. Bengston installed Ptolemy VII Neos Philopator for a brief (and perhaps unjustifiable) reign in 145 Be. This short-lived Ptolemy has now been deleted by HuB under the influence of the arguments of M. Chauveau, and all subsequent Ptolemies drop back one, Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II becoming Ptolemy VII Euergetes II, and so on (for Chauveau's arguments see 'Un ete 145', BIFAO 90 (1990), 135-68). This discarding of the conventional numbering system may lead to confusion amongst those using the volume for clarification about one or other Ptolemy-after all the prime purpose of such numbering systems is to aid identification. The problem is exacerbated by an index that omits the royal epithets which could at least have acted as some form of check on confusion. As a resource for studying the history of the Egypt's rulers in the Hellenistic period this volume will be invaluable with its comprehensive and up-to-date review of arguments, bibliography and evidence. HuB may be relatively conventional in approach but his history is a statement of the vitality of Ptolemaic scholarship. There will continue to be new evidence and fresh approaches, and HuB wisely quotes Mahaffy's words 'finality is not to be expected'.","PeriodicalId":54147,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY","volume":"90 1","pages":"52 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2004-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/030751330409001s24","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65102481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1177/030751330409001S32
J. Grenier
{"title":"Book Review: Atlas de la Diffusion des Cultes Isiaques (IVème s. av. J.-C. -IVème s. apr. J.-C)","authors":"J. Grenier","doi":"10.1177/030751330409001S32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/030751330409001S32","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54147,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY","volume":"90 1","pages":"68 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2004-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/030751330409001S32","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65102503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1177/030751330409001S33
Michael H. Zach
{"title":"Book Review: Meroe City. An Ancient African Capital. John Garstang's Excavations in the Sudan","authors":"Michael H. Zach","doi":"10.1177/030751330409001S33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/030751330409001S33","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54147,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY","volume":"23 1","pages":"69 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2004-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/030751330409001S33","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65102550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1177/030751330409001S14
Dimitri Meeks
sees this as a change brought about through the extended contact between Egypt and the states of the Near East that pressured Egypt eventually to conform to Near Eastern diplomatic custom. However, since the princess concerned is the daughter of Ramesses and his first Hittite wife, it is possible that she was in a different category from the daughters of his Egyptian wives, and there is no evidence in the Hittite correspondence that any other daughters of Ramesses II were in the market for an international marriage. All in all, it is clear that Egyptian queens (mwt nsw and hmt nsw wrt) had a very limited role in the system of international diplomatic correspondence. Although a larger part is played by the daughters of foreign rulers, it is never as correspondents, but only as the means to cement alliances or show the loyalty of a subject ruler to his overlord. Roth sets her material into a theoretical framework drawn from sociology. Using the premise that cross-cultural contact brings about change, she wants to know what the consequences of Egypt's contacts with Near Eastern states were for the ideology of kingship and the queen's role in it and for the actual political role of royal women in Egyptian foreign policy. A broad but rather banal answer seems to be that such contact led on the one hand to the acceptance and adaptation of foreign models and on the other, to the strengthening of the traditional view towards foreigners. The former is shown in the external sources and the latter in the internal ones, so that to see the whole picture, one must use both types of sources together. In order to describe the processes of cultural change that result from the interaction of individuals and groups from different cultures, Roth borrows from sociology the idea of network models. Thus, at an ideological level, where Egypt shows asymmetric relationships with other states, we have an egocentric network. Egyptian queens, as hmot (nt ) tszo nbw and subjugators of enemies, and daughters of foreign rulers coming to Egypt to marry the king in a one way direction only, are part of this egocentric, asymmetrical network. At a diplomatic level, however, Egypt has symmetrical relationships with other states, both sending and receiving ambassadors and correspondence. As far as Egyptian queens participated in this latter system-and their participation was limited-they too were part of an equal network with symmetrical relationships between its various parts. Roth then argues that in the area of international marriage politics, Egypt changes from an egocentric, asymmetrical model to an equal, symmetrical network when Ramesses II agrees to marry his daughter by his first Hittite wife to a foreign ruler. Finally, Roth posits that individuals form bridges between networks over which information can be disseminated. In this way, daughters of foreign rulers entering Egypt with their entourages formed a link between Egypt and the culture they had come from and thus broug
{"title":"Book Review: Divine Households. Administrative and Economic Aspects of the New Kingdom Royal Memorial Temples in Western Thebes","authors":"Dimitri Meeks","doi":"10.1177/030751330409001S14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/030751330409001S14","url":null,"abstract":"sees this as a change brought about through the extended contact between Egypt and the states of the Near East that pressured Egypt eventually to conform to Near Eastern diplomatic custom. However, since the princess concerned is the daughter of Ramesses and his first Hittite wife, it is possible that she was in a different category from the daughters of his Egyptian wives, and there is no evidence in the Hittite correspondence that any other daughters of Ramesses II were in the market for an international marriage. All in all, it is clear that Egyptian queens (mwt nsw and hmt nsw wrt) had a very limited role in the system of international diplomatic correspondence. Although a larger part is played by the daughters of foreign rulers, it is never as correspondents, but only as the means to cement alliances or show the loyalty of a subject ruler to his overlord. Roth sets her material into a theoretical framework drawn from sociology. Using the premise that cross-cultural contact brings about change, she wants to know what the consequences of Egypt's contacts with Near Eastern states were for the ideology of kingship and the queen's role in it and for the actual political role of royal women in Egyptian foreign policy. A broad but rather banal answer seems to be that such contact led on the one hand to the acceptance and adaptation of foreign models and on the other, to the strengthening of the traditional view towards foreigners. The former is shown in the external sources and the latter in the internal ones, so that to see the whole picture, one must use both types of sources together. In order to describe the processes of cultural change that result from the interaction of individuals and groups from different cultures, Roth borrows from sociology the idea of network models. Thus, at an ideological level, where Egypt shows asymmetric relationships with other states, we have an egocentric network. Egyptian queens, as hmot (nt ) tszo nbw and subjugators of enemies, and daughters of foreign rulers coming to Egypt to marry the king in a one way direction only, are part of this egocentric, asymmetrical network. At a diplomatic level, however, Egypt has symmetrical relationships with other states, both sending and receiving ambassadors and correspondence. As far as Egyptian queens participated in this latter system-and their participation was limited-they too were part of an equal network with symmetrical relationships between its various parts. Roth then argues that in the area of international marriage politics, Egypt changes from an egocentric, asymmetrical model to an equal, symmetrical network when Ramesses II agrees to marry his daughter by his first Hittite wife to a foreign ruler. Finally, Roth posits that individuals form bridges between networks over which information can be disseminated. In this way, daughters of foreign rulers entering Egypt with their entourages formed a link between Egypt and the culture they had come from and thus broug","PeriodicalId":54147,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY","volume":"90 1","pages":"34 - 37"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2004-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/030751330409001S14","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65102412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1177/030751330409001S08
Ursula Verhoeven
Das vorliegende Werk verspricht mit seinem Haupttitel The Cannibal Hymn eine monographische Beschaftigung mit einem der beriihmtesten und meistdiskutierten Texte der agyptischen ]enseitsliteratur, der sich neben seinem ungewohnlichen Thema durch eine sprachlich sehr anspruchsvolle Gestaltung auszeichnet: der sogenannte Kannibalenhymnus-eine Bezeichnung, die eigentlich nur nochforschungsgeschichtlich oder publizistisch zu rechtfertigen ist, da es sich weder urn einen typischen Hymnus handelt, noch ein wie auch immer gearteter 'echter' menschlicher Kannibalismus in seinem Zentrum steht.! Das Rinderrelief auf dem Buchumschlag laBt die Diskrepanz zwischen der bisherigen Benennung und der Interpretation des Autors. bereits vermuten. Der Untertitel des Buches A Cultural and Literary Study laBt das zweite Anliegen des Verfasser erkennen: In der 'Introduction' (Kap. 1) bemerkt er, es handele sich bei seinem Buch nicht urn 'a work of traditional philology', sondern 'an essay on literature as an artefact of cultural history'. Am Fallbeispiel des Kannibalenhymnus will er sich die Aufgabe stellen, die 'kulturellen Resonanzen' eines performativen Rituals, wie es in diesem Text beschrieben zu sein scheint, aufzuspiiren. Nach einer ersten unkommentierten Ubersetzung des Textes (Kap. 2) widmet er sich in Kap. 3 den Einschatzungen der textlichen Uberlieferung der Pyramidentexte (PT). Der friiheren Annahme evolutionistischer Pragung, die PT spiegelten eine altere orale Tradition, widerspricht er eindeutig: nichts sprache dafur, daB die erste schriftliche Fassung deutlich alter sei als ihre erste Verwendung bei Unas, da gerade in der spaten 5. Dynastie eine Zunahme im Gebrauch Iangerer Texte zu beobachten sei (S. 17-19). Hier benennt er erstmals-etwas unvermittelt-daB der Kannibalenhymnus seiner Meinung nach eine 'evocation of the ritual of the butchered bull' enthalte (S. 18): wichtig ist ihm dabei die Relevanz des Textes und seiner Metaphorik fur den Kult des Konigs im spaten Alten Reich und nicht z.B. die Frage nach den Urspriingen des Schlachtrituals. Beziiglich der spateren Verwendungen lehnt er angebliche Riickgriffe auf ein kanonisches Buch oder unverstandene Oberreste alter Zeiten eindeutig ab und spricht sich fur eine kulturelle Kontinuitat und theologisch gleich bleibende Vorstellungen aus: Rituale konnten je nach Ort und Funktion verandert werden, und der performative Gebrauch habe damit eine kontinuierliche Entwicklung erfahren. 1m 4. Kap. 'The Reconstruction of a Ritual' bespricht er Alter, Kontext und Genre von agyptischen Ritualtexten, die ja stets nur den schriftlich fixierten/zu rezitierenden Teil eines Rituals darstellen, wahrend symbolische oder konkrete Handlungen hochstens angedeutet werden. Eine Unterscheidung zwischen Magie und Religion im formellen Kult und Rituallehnt Verfasser fiir Agypten deutlich ab, weist aber darauf hin, daB der Kannibalenhymnus einem 'strong "magical" style' unterliege: 'its theme is to compel and not to petition the
本著作以其主要书名《坎尼伯·海默尔》，承诺要和《阿基塔斯》的一篇主要书名为单一主题，内容是一篇比较流行，是当时讨论最多的阿基塔语文献，除了这个题目以外，还以一种复杂的语言结构出版出来:所谓的食人者之歌，看来只有通过科学或公共的研究才能说得通，因为那里既没有典型的食人者，也没有任何形式的“真正的”食人者。书名和作者的解释互相矛盾。已经猜测.《建筑与文学》一书的副标题“收集作者的第二件作品”(第1章)说:“不是‘传统文学的工作’，而是‘他们的文化艺术品’。”他利用食人族的一宗案例研究，确定了经文形容的这种祭过“文化共鸣”的行为。本编得初现。(第二章)本编在3章，获得了金字塔式的逃狱获得的精神创伤。这与现代人的传统主张是矛盾的，因为这一主张并不表示首次书面版本比首次使用年龄要大，而这又是在Unas(拿摩托5)上发表的。王朝之后，越来越多的人使用越来越多的经文。(在这里为他erstmals-etwas unvermittelt-daB Kannibalenhymnus其意见后又有evocation《仪式》butchered牛’的(第18页):重要的是他在文本及其相关性Metaphorik破译的教派Konigs在铁锹旧帝国的问题,而不是如的Urspriingen Schlachtrituals .Beziiglich spateren用途的反对他所谓Riickgriffe kanonisches本书上或者unverstandene Oberreste旧显然开始鼓励为文化的Kontinuitat和神学就存在的观念:仪式可以根据地点和功能verandert performative使用,以便继续发展听说.一段4 .章.这其中包括一些十恶不赦的仪式(只记载了仪式中明文规定的部分)的年龄情节以及主旨，在仪式中最强烈地显示出某些行为的象征意义或具体行为。在正式的崇拜和仪式中，魔法和宗教的区别显然是否定的，但有人指出食人圣歌的作用是一种“强烈”的风格:“他们的名字非常相似，不可能做上帝的见证”(第30页)。下面的两章分别叫做“文学礼仪形式”(第5章)和“给行为影像的形式”。在无神论者基本使用“名义模式”的时候，食人大师揭示出一种强烈的叙事因素，这种叙事是仪式流程的推断，并且被认为是“对信仰的意象”的指示(第35页)。在比喻性的问题上，他表现了人们的观点，认为墓穴和庙宇的装饰是文学创作的一部分。由于责任欺诈的解释缺乏，洗礼手册就用犀利的铭文负责解释。章.作者讨论了传说的内容、墓碑上的位置。接着是一场表演考察:真实的神话学(第8章)。对于食人者的圣歌，他表示他直接将某些屠杀的实际行为称为神话。所谓的无知识仪式，据称是把仪式执笔者实际表演的事，以及从经文某一处增加的象征意义，融合在一起，成为怪事的典型特色。比如，食人歌的焦点在于“屠夫和食物的真实人生”(第51页)。章. handelt von den Beziehungen zwischen Schlachtung und opferrous: Hier deet Eyre den Kannibalenhymnus明确了对屠宰和肉类盛宴的叙事再创造，通过对屠宰过程的象征性再创造，将肉类献祭的顺序神话化，从而赋予献祭仪式象征性的意义
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Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1177/030751330409001s17
A. Dodson
{"title":"Book Review: The Tombs of Three Memphite Officials: Ramose, Khay and Pabes","authors":"A. Dodson","doi":"10.1177/030751330409001s17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/030751330409001s17","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54147,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY","volume":"90 1","pages":"41 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2004-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/030751330409001s17","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65102423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Statuen der 30. Dynastie ubd der ptolemaisch-romischen Epoche","authors":"Sally-Ann Ashton, Eva Rogge","doi":"10.2307/3822363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3822363","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54147,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY","volume":"88 1","pages":"276"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3822363","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Die Wanddarstellungen im Grab des Mehu in Saqqara","authors":"H. Altenmüller, D. Johannes","doi":"10.2307/3822354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3822354","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54147,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY","volume":"88 1","pages":"259"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3822354","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Tomb of Tia and Tia: A Royal Monument of the Ramesside Period in the Memphite Necropolis","authors":"A. Dodson, G. Martin, J. V. Dijk","doi":"10.2307/3822359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3822359","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54147,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY","volume":"88 1","pages":"270"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3822359","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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