This article uses the case of Cinchona officinalis entrepreneurship during the COVID-19 pandemic to explore how dynamics of care and extraction figure within the construct of multispecies solidarity. C. officinalis is an endangered medicinal tree that holds global historical significance as a natural source of quinine. In Loja, Ecuador, C. officinalis trees were extracted for their bark or “casarilla” to the point of near-extinction in the late 1800s. Today, the trees continue to play a significant role in local health knowledge and practice, making them vulnerable to exploitation when disease events spike demand for medicinal resources. During the COVID-19 pandemic, entrepreneurs played a unique role fostering solidarities with C. officinalis by developing cascarilla-based products that reduced pressure on wild trees while enabling local health practices. Drawing on interviews and participant observation with entrepreneurs, cascarilla harvesters, and consumers, the author uses the phrases solidarity through and solidarity with C. officinalis to highlight how seemingly instrumentalist interactions with medicinal species are tied to practices of care that enable more-than-human communities to navigate global health crises. Yet, as the following analysis highlights, the ability to enact solidarities with nonhuman species is strongly shaped by social status and economic resources. Ultimately, this article diversifies understandings of what multispecies solidarity can look like while critically engaging in questions of who is best positioned to participate. Such considerations are essential as communities prepare for futures in which pressures on medicinal species become more frequent amid recurring disease crises.
{"title":"Multispecies Solidarity: How People and Cinchona Survived the COVID-19 Pandemic in Loja, Ecuador","authors":"Katharine McNamara","doi":"10.1111/cuag.70011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/cuag.70011","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article uses the case of <i>Cinchona officinalis</i> entrepreneurship during the COVID-19 pandemic to explore how dynamics of care and extraction figure within the construct of multispecies solidarity. <i>C. officinalis</i> is an endangered medicinal tree that holds global historical significance as a natural source of quinine. In Loja, Ecuador, <i>C. officinalis</i> trees were extracted for their bark or “casarilla” to the point of near-extinction in the late 1800s. Today, the trees continue to play a significant role in local health knowledge and practice, making them vulnerable to exploitation when disease events spike demand for medicinal resources. During the COVID-19 pandemic, entrepreneurs played a unique role fostering solidarities with <i>C. officinalis</i> by developing cascarilla-based products that reduced pressure on wild trees while enabling local health practices. Drawing on interviews and participant observation with entrepreneurs, cascarilla harvesters, and consumers, the author uses the phrases solidarity <i>through</i> and solidarity <i>with C. officinalis</i> to highlight how seemingly instrumentalist interactions with medicinal species are tied to practices of care that enable more-than-human communities to navigate global health crises. Yet, as the following analysis highlights, the ability to enact solidarities with nonhuman species is strongly shaped by social status and economic resources. Ultimately, this article diversifies understandings of what multispecies solidarity can look like while critically engaging in questions of who is best positioned to participate. Such considerations are essential as communities prepare for futures in which pressures on medicinal species become more frequent amid recurring disease crises.</p>","PeriodicalId":54150,"journal":{"name":"Culture Agriculture Food and Environment","volume":"47 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/cuag.70011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145779553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the COVID-19 pandemic, global demand for ravintsara (Cinnamomum camphora ct 1,8-cineole), an introduced yet naturalized medicinal tree, surged due to its reputed antiviral properties. In Madagascar's highlands, informal distillers (mpitanika ravina) became essential workers, producing ravintsara essential oil around the clock with leaves supplied by equally informal collectors to meet urgent export orders. The labor of harvesting and distilling, or transforming leaves into a liquid therapeutic commodity for export, constitutes a critical but largely obscured node in the essential oil value chain. This article argues that the designation of essential extends beyond the product itself to encompass the work sustaining its production for alternative health markets during the pandemic. Drawing on multi-sited ethnographic research in Madagascar's Central Highlands, I examine how Malagasy workers ensured the continued production of plant-derived anti-virals under volatile market conditions, precarious labor arrangements, and pandemic restrictions. Rather than focusing on smallholder farmers or industrial exporters, this study centers on those situated between cultivation and export, specifically leaf collectors, still builders, distillery owners, and distillation workers. By attending to essential oil extraction, and the labor, infrastructures, and technical expertise it requires, the article demonstrates how informal workers sustain global supply chains, adapt to public health crises, and shape the production and circulation of alternative medicine commodities.
{"title":"Essential Work in Essential Oil Production: Ravintsara Distillation in Madagascar During the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Chanelle Adams","doi":"10.1111/cuag.70010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/cuag.70010","url":null,"abstract":"<p>During the COVID-19 pandemic, global demand for ravintsara (<i>Cinnamomum camphora</i> ct 1,8-cineole), an introduced yet naturalized medicinal tree, surged due to its reputed antiviral properties. In Madagascar's highlands, informal distillers (<i>mpitanika ravina</i>) became essential workers, producing ravintsara essential oil around the clock with leaves supplied by equally informal collectors to meet urgent export orders. The labor of harvesting and distilling, or transforming leaves into a liquid therapeutic commodity for export, constitutes a critical but largely obscured node in the essential oil value chain. This article argues that the designation of essential extends beyond the product itself to encompass the work sustaining its production for alternative health markets during the pandemic. Drawing on multi-sited ethnographic research in Madagascar's Central Highlands, I examine how Malagasy workers ensured the continued production of plant-derived anti-virals under volatile market conditions, precarious labor arrangements, and pandemic restrictions. Rather than focusing on smallholder farmers or industrial exporters, this study centers on those situated between cultivation and export, specifically leaf collectors, still builders, distillery owners, and distillation workers. By attending to essential oil extraction, and the labor, infrastructures, and technical expertise it requires, the article demonstrates how informal workers sustain global supply chains, adapt to public health crises, and shape the production and circulation of alternative medicine commodities.</p>","PeriodicalId":54150,"journal":{"name":"Culture Agriculture Food and Environment","volume":"47 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-12-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/cuag.70010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145779422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>Not long after I began researching hemp agriculture in Illinois, I found that some CBD growers refer to themselves as “pharmers.” This term reflects their fervent belief in the health benefits and transformative potential of CBD. They view themselves as farmers who are growing medicine, and they work to legitimize the pharmaceutical value of CBD hemp. They often argue that CBD is fundamentally more natural and effective than synthesized commercial drugs and share stories of customers who have replaced “a list of prescriptions as long as your arm” with just one remedy for their anxiety, chronic pain, or related disorders—CBD. Being a pharmer is more than just a play on words. It is a powerful identity that underscores their commitment to both farming and expanding access to plant-derived medicinal products they believe are cheaper and more effective than many prescription drugs developed by “Big Pharma.” After these conversations, I kept thinking about the possible theoretical and rhetorical value of the concept of “pharming.” Who else could be considered pharmers, and how might it be valuable to think about their activities through this lens?</p><p>Anthropologists have long been interested in medicinal plants and diverse healing paradigms. A rich tradition of ethnobotanical and ethnopharmacological research in anthropology focuses on the medicinal uses of plants within particular cultural contexts, how communities care for these plants, and debates surrounding intellectual and cultural property rights in the context of drug development (c.f., Etkin <span>1993</span>; Etkin et al. <span>2011</span>; Hsu and Harris <span>2010</span>; Posey <span>2002</span>). Ethnographers have also investigated the large-scale cultivation of medicinal plants for global markets. For example, recent research focused on two different plants with anti-malarial properties (cinchona and artemisia) reveals how colonial-era cinchona plantations in India transformed landscapes and communities (Middleton <span>2021</span>, <span>2024</span>) and how postcolonial artemisia cultivation shapes politics and farmer livelihoods in Madagascar (Robbins <span>2025</span>). The concept of “pharming” brings these sometimes divergent research traditions into productive conversation with one another and encourages us to focus more closely on what it means to intentionally cultivate or harvest plants with medicinal properties that have become (or are in the process of becoming) global commodities. Some of these plants may be deeply connected to local healing and subsistence traditions; others may be novel and/or non-native cultivars. In all cases, local and global discourses about health and well-being shape the ways that pharmers and consumers perceive the value of these plants and embrace their role(s) in the development and circulation of plant-based remedies.</p><p>The four articles in this special issue help us think more deeply about the phenomenon of pharming, defined as the cu
在我开始研究伊利诺伊州的大麻农业后不久,我发现一些CBD种植者称自己为“药剂师”。这个词反映了他们对CBD的健康益处和变革潜力的狂热信念。他们认为自己是种植药物的农民,他们致力于使CBD大麻的药用价值合法化。他们经常争辩说,从根本上说,CBD比合成的商业药物更天然、更有效,并分享客户的故事,他们把“一长串处方”换成了一种治疗焦虑、慢性疼痛或相关疾病的药物——CBD。当一个农民不仅仅是玩文字游戏。这是一个强大的身份,强调了他们对农业和扩大获得植物衍生药物的承诺,他们认为这些药物比“大型制药公司”开发的许多处方药更便宜、更有效。在这些对话之后,我一直在思考“pharming”这个概念可能的理论和修辞价值。还有谁可以被认为是药剂师?从这个角度来思考他们的活动有什么价值?人类学家长期以来一直对药用植物和各种治疗范例感兴趣。人类学中民族植物学和民族药理学研究的丰富传统侧重于特定文化背景下植物的药用,社区如何照顾这些植物,以及围绕药物开发背景下知识产权和文化产权的辩论(c.f., Etkin 1993; Etkin et al. 2011; Hsu和Harris 2010; Posey 2002)。民族志学家还调查了全球市场药用植物的大规模种植。例如,最近的研究集中在两种具有抗疟疾特性的不同植物(金鸡纳和青蒿)上,揭示了殖民时期印度金鸡纳种植园如何改变景观和社区(Middleton 2021, 2024),以及后殖民时期种植青蒿如何影响马达加斯加的政治和农民生计(Robbins 2025)。“种植”的概念使这些有时不同的研究传统彼此之间进行了富有成效的对话,并鼓励我们更密切地关注有意种植或收获具有药用特性的植物的意义,这些植物已经成为(或正在成为)全球商品。其中一些植物可能与当地的治疗和生存传统密切相关;其他可能是新的和/或非本地栽培品种。在所有情况下,关于健康和福祉的地方和全球话语塑造了药剂师和消费者认识这些植物价值的方式,并接受他们在植物疗法的开发和流通中的作用。本期特刊的四篇文章帮助我们更深入地思考种植现象,种植被定义为种植或系统地收获用于生产药物的植物。药膏曾经很常见,但现在许多植物衍生的化合物(例如,柳树皮中发现的水杨酸是阿司匹林的前体)可以在实验室中合成。其中一些植物与“替代”或“传统”药物有关,但对许多药剂师来说,他们的冒险的长期成功取决于更多的主流接受,在某些情况下,这些药物的合法化。对不同地区种植企业的民族志研究有助于我们了解农民如何参与(通常以隐藏的方式)药物开发和流通的政治经济,这些作物及其伴随的经济的社会和生态影响,以及通过种植形成的独特的多物种关系。这些论文还强调了全球健康危机(例如COVID-19大流行)给药剂师带来的机遇和挑战,以及那些“不信任”生物医学和科学专业知识的人(例如Cullinan et al. 2024)对植物性或自然疗法的兴趣日益浓厚。凯瑟琳·法利(Katherine Farley)通过探索阿巴拉契亚地区野生与栽培西洋参(Panax ququefolius)的争论,扩展了我们对什么是“药用”的理解。大多数人参都是商业制药,但这种药用根的野生品种被认为更有效,具有更大的市场价值。她在北卡罗来纳州和西弗吉尼亚州进行的人种学研究揭示了人们从事野生人参采伐的原因,他们对过度采伐和栖息地丧失的担忧,以及他们在保护野生人参的方法上存在分歧的关键领域。法利的作品打破了种植和收获人参之间的界限,并强调了人参药剂师如何理解植物遗传学、药用效力和人参的“野性”(以及人参生长的地方)之间的联系。 法利的工作揭示了集中分析小规模、手工生产者和收获者的种植活动,并仔细研究他们关于种植技术如何塑造植物本身性质的想法的价值。Chanelle Adams在马达加斯加中部高地探索了ravintsara (Cinnamomum camphora ct 1,8-cineole)的收获和蒸馏,这是一种具有抗病毒特性的精油。她对ravintsara的仔细研究有助于我们了解种植过程中涉及的不同劳动,以及收获和提炼这些产品的人的脆弱性,特别是在增加药用植物价值的健康危机背景下。亚当斯的民族志研究与Covid-19大流行期间对ravintsara的兴趣爆发重叠,她带来了“基本”工人的生活和观点,这些工人在这场危机中使这种“基本”油的生产和流通成为可能。她对ravintsara行业非正式工人的关注揭示了这一至关重要但基本上不可见的劳动力是如何维持植物性替代药物的全球供应链的。凯瑟琳·麦克纳马拉(Katherine McNamara)对厄瓜多尔金鸡纳种植的研究也恰逢COVID-19大流行。麦克纳马拉调查了大流行如何增加了对金鸡纳衍生的奎宁产品的需求,以及圣佩德罗德维尔卡班巴小镇的精英演员如何通过酿造一种名为ToniQuina的手工奎宁水来满足这一需求。麦克纳马拉将这些最近尝试在更广泛的背景下创造含有金鸡纳的可销售产品,这是当地对这种植物价值的理解及其在当地药典中的作用。她揭示了收获、蒸馏和利用金鸡纳的方式,为这个社区的团结和恢复创造了机会。麦克纳马拉的作品强调了种植在更大的社会和历史背景下的重要性,并密切关注了种植活动促进的多物种关系。我和考特尼·罗伯茨(Courtney Roberts)合著的一篇文章,考察了伊利诺伊州小规模CBD大麻(大麻中不含令人陶醉的四氢大麻酚含量低于0.3%)农民在一个特别艰难的政治时刻谈判时的观点。虽然大麻种植在美国技术上是合法的,但监管的不确定性以及大麻与令人兴奋的大麻的暧昧关系使其长期非法。与本期特刊的其他文章一样,我们的文章也揭示了制药过程中隐藏的工作;在这种情况下,小规模的CBD制药商花费宝贵的时间和精力游说州官员制定“大麻友好”立法,并努力使CBD的医疗价值和经济潜力合法化。这项工作是在美国大麻产业迅速整合的背景下进行的,这些产业越来越多地由大公司主导,这些大公司希望CBD像娱乐和药用大麻一样受到监管和许可。这些政治经济压力破坏了大麻行业内部的团结,使伊利诺伊州的小药剂师变得脆弱。这些文章共同提醒我们,药事活动的经济重要性,特别是对小规模种植者和收获者而言,以及药事在植物性药物的生产和流通中发挥的重要作用。它们也凸显了制药商面临的不确定性。COVID-19大流行等全球卫生危机和/或对“传统”和“替代”疗法的态度迅速转变,可能导致对药用植物的需求大幅波动。由于缺乏明确的法规和有效性的经验证据,许多药用植物也可能被污名化或长期非法,这种情况也增加了药剂师的脆弱性。进一步的人种学研究可以帮助我们了解药剂学如何在许多地方塑造景观、社区和政治经济关系,以及药剂师自己如何塑造全球供应链和健康话语。培育具有药用价值的植物并不是一个新现象,对这些做法的人种学研究也不是。然而,种植的概念帮助我们汇集了不同的研究传统,并认真思考世界不同地区植物性药物的生产者/采集者的创业活动如何有意义地相互联系。将药疗作为一种创业活动和那些参与植物疗法种植的人的新兴身份进行仔细的比较研究,可以获得很多东西。
{"title":"Special Issue Introduction: Ethnographic Perspectives on Pharming: How Farmers Participate in the Cultivation and Circulation of Plant-Derived Pharmaceuticals","authors":"Megan A. Styles","doi":"10.1111/cuag.70009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/cuag.70009","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Not long after I began researching hemp agriculture in Illinois, I found that some CBD growers refer to themselves as “pharmers.” This term reflects their fervent belief in the health benefits and transformative potential of CBD. They view themselves as farmers who are growing medicine, and they work to legitimize the pharmaceutical value of CBD hemp. They often argue that CBD is fundamentally more natural and effective than synthesized commercial drugs and share stories of customers who have replaced “a list of prescriptions as long as your arm” with just one remedy for their anxiety, chronic pain, or related disorders—CBD. Being a pharmer is more than just a play on words. It is a powerful identity that underscores their commitment to both farming and expanding access to plant-derived medicinal products they believe are cheaper and more effective than many prescription drugs developed by “Big Pharma.” After these conversations, I kept thinking about the possible theoretical and rhetorical value of the concept of “pharming.” Who else could be considered pharmers, and how might it be valuable to think about their activities through this lens?</p><p>Anthropologists have long been interested in medicinal plants and diverse healing paradigms. A rich tradition of ethnobotanical and ethnopharmacological research in anthropology focuses on the medicinal uses of plants within particular cultural contexts, how communities care for these plants, and debates surrounding intellectual and cultural property rights in the context of drug development (c.f., Etkin <span>1993</span>; Etkin et al. <span>2011</span>; Hsu and Harris <span>2010</span>; Posey <span>2002</span>). Ethnographers have also investigated the large-scale cultivation of medicinal plants for global markets. For example, recent research focused on two different plants with anti-malarial properties (cinchona and artemisia) reveals how colonial-era cinchona plantations in India transformed landscapes and communities (Middleton <span>2021</span>, <span>2024</span>) and how postcolonial artemisia cultivation shapes politics and farmer livelihoods in Madagascar (Robbins <span>2025</span>). The concept of “pharming” brings these sometimes divergent research traditions into productive conversation with one another and encourages us to focus more closely on what it means to intentionally cultivate or harvest plants with medicinal properties that have become (or are in the process of becoming) global commodities. Some of these plants may be deeply connected to local healing and subsistence traditions; others may be novel and/or non-native cultivars. In all cases, local and global discourses about health and well-being shape the ways that pharmers and consumers perceive the value of these plants and embrace their role(s) in the development and circulation of plant-based remedies.</p><p>The four articles in this special issue help us think more deeply about the phenomenon of pharming, defined as the cu","PeriodicalId":54150,"journal":{"name":"Culture Agriculture Food and Environment","volume":"47 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/cuag.70009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145779385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on interviews and participant observation activities conducted in 2024, this article investigates the perspectives and experiences of Illinois farmers cultivating CBD (cannabidiol) hemp. The 2018 U.S. Farm Bill legalized hemp, defined as cannabis containing < 0.3% delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), the intoxicating compound found in marijuana. Hemp includes both non-intoxicating CBD varieties used to help alleviate anxiety, pain, and related disorders, and industrial varieties grown for fiber and food. Illinois passed a bill legalizing hemp agriculture in 2018, inspiring an explosion of interest among farmers in growing CBD. The first several years of CBD agriculture in Illinois followed a “boom and bust” cycle, with many farmers struggling to process and market their hemp. Six years after legalization, CBD growers remained suspended in a difficult transitional moment. They successfully overcame many of the initial challenges associated with growing and processing CBD hemp, but they still face profound legal gray areas and uncertainties. CBD may technically be legal, but it is enduringly illicit, as it is subject to lingering stigmatization and regulatory ambiguities that pose serious challenges for farmers. These issues have been exacerbated by the legalization of recreational marijuana in Illinois. The perspectives and experiences of these Illinois CBD farmers reveal the hidden political and social work involved in “pharming” cannabis, how farmers navigate regulatory uncertainty, and how the current structure of the U.S. cannabis industry pits smallholders and subsector stakeholders against one another, furthering trends toward corporate consolidation. This case study also illustrates how small farmers in the U.S. face pressures to innovate and diversify but often struggle to benefit from agricultural policies and programs that promote the adoption of novel crops.
{"title":"CBD Hemp Pharming in Illinois: Working to Legitimize an Enduringly Illicit Crop","authors":"Megan A. Styles, Courtney R. Roberts","doi":"10.1111/cuag.70008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/cuag.70008","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Based on interviews and participant observation activities conducted in 2024, this article investigates the perspectives and experiences of Illinois farmers cultivating CBD (cannabidiol) hemp. The 2018 U.S. Farm Bill legalized hemp, defined as cannabis containing < 0.3% delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), the intoxicating compound found in marijuana. Hemp includes both non-intoxicating CBD varieties used to help alleviate anxiety, pain, and related disorders, and industrial varieties grown for fiber and food. Illinois passed a bill legalizing hemp agriculture in 2018, inspiring an explosion of interest among farmers in growing CBD. The first several years of CBD agriculture in Illinois followed a “boom and bust” cycle, with many farmers struggling to process and market their hemp. Six years after legalization, CBD growers remained suspended in a difficult transitional moment. They successfully overcame many of the initial challenges associated with growing and processing CBD hemp, but they still face profound legal gray areas and uncertainties. CBD may technically be legal, but it is enduringly <i>illicit</i>, as it is subject to lingering stigmatization and regulatory ambiguities that pose serious challenges for farmers. These issues have been exacerbated by the legalization of recreational marijuana in Illinois. The perspectives and experiences of these Illinois CBD farmers reveal the hidden political and social work involved in “pharming” cannabis, how farmers navigate regulatory uncertainty, and how the current structure of the U.S. cannabis industry pits smallholders and subsector stakeholders against one another, furthering trends toward corporate consolidation. This case study also illustrates how small farmers in the U.S. face pressures to innovate and diversify but often struggle to benefit from agricultural policies and programs that promote the adoption of novel crops.</p>","PeriodicalId":54150,"journal":{"name":"Culture Agriculture Food and Environment","volume":"47 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/cuag.70008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145779500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}