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Katie Donington, The Bonds of Family: Slavery, Commerce and Culture in the British Atlantic World 凯蒂·多宁顿,《家庭的纽带:英属大西洋世界的奴隶制、商业与文化
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa009
M. Cazzola
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引用次数: 0
Anat Rosenberg, Liberalizing Contracts: Nineteenth Century Promises Through Literature, Law and History 阿纳特·罗森伯格:《契约自由化:19世纪文学、法律和历史中的承诺》
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa002
Victoria Barnes
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引用次数: 0
White Subversion of Public School Desegregation in South Carolina, 1963-1970 1963-1970年南卡罗来纳州白人对公立学校废除种族隔离的颠覆
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa003
S. Lowe
Despite small victories for black South Carolinians in desegregating Clemson College and the University of South Carolina in 1963, federal court cases dealing with public education in the mid- to late 1960s reveal that South Carolina officials were willing to go to great lengths to preserve segregation. 1963 as a turning point on South Carolina’s desegregation history should be reconsidered. The state had no lack of white politicians, bureaucrats, and parents who continued to appeal to the courts to undermine the transformative intent of Brown v. Board. Despite some minor steps toward desegregation—small steps that whites were willing to allow as long as they helped to forestall any real integration—white South Carolinians were able, through legal delay and obfuscation, to subvert the promise of “integration with dignity.” Ultimately, policy-related efforts failed and by the early 1970s, desegregation had become a reality. However, personal defiance successfully thwarted integration, leading some white parents to permanently quit the public school system.
尽管南卡罗莱纳黑人在1963年废除克莱姆森学院和南卡罗莱纳大学的种族隔离中取得了小小的胜利,但在20世纪60年代中后期处理公共教育的联邦法院案件表明,南卡罗莱纳官员愿意竭尽全力维护种族隔离。1963年作为南卡罗来纳州废除种族隔离历史的转折点应该被重新考虑。该州不乏白人政客、官僚和家长,他们继续向法院上诉,以破坏布朗诉董事会案的变革意图。尽管在废除种族隔离方面采取了一些小步骤——只要这些小步骤有助于阻止任何真正的种族融合,白人都愿意允许——但南卡罗来纳州的白人能够通过法律上的拖延和混淆,颠覆“有尊严的种族融合”的承诺。最终,与政策相关的努力失败了,到20世纪70年代初,废除种族隔离已经成为现实。然而,个人的反抗成功地阻碍了种族融合,导致一些白人父母永久地退出了公立学校体系。
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引用次数: 0
Political Judging and Judicial Restraint: The Case of Learned and Augustus Hand 政治审判与司法约束:学者与奥古斯都·汉德案例
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa006
J. Allen
In recent decades, accusations of partisanship by the U.S. judiciary have intensified. A consequence has been the erroneous framing of judges within the conventional, and some-times epithetical, political binary of liberalism and conservatism. This article argues that the application of such labels has distorted the full thrust of the complex individuals who have constituted the American judiciary and proposes reframing our perception of judges, both past and present, by seeking more viable standards for measuring judicial performance. To do so, it draws on the early twentieth-century examples of Learned and Augustus Hand of the Second Circuit Court of Appeals. Despite being praised as symbols of judicial independence, scholars have often framed the judges in political terms. This article draws on the Hands’ public speeches, publications, and private correspondence to argue that they adopted a non-partisan view of judging that transcended political affiliations and displayed a much deeper consideration about their roles as judges than conventional political labels suggest. By inserting greater nuance into our historical understanding of the delicate relationship between politics and law, we can yet save courts from the threat that politically charged language poses to their legitimacy.
近几十年来,对美国司法部门党派偏见的指责愈演愈烈。其结果是,法官被错误地框定在传统的(有时是讽喻的)自由主义和保守主义的政治二元之中。本文认为,这种标签的应用已经扭曲了构成美国司法体系的复杂个体的全部力量,并建议通过寻求更可行的衡量司法表现的标准来重新构建我们对过去和现在的法官的看法。为了做到这一点,它借鉴了20世纪初第二巡回上诉法院的勒德和奥古斯都·汉德的例子。尽管法官被称赞为司法独立的象征,但学者们经常用政治术语来框定法官。本文利用汉兹夫妇的公开演讲、出版物和私人信件来论证他们采用了一种超越政治派别的无党派判断观点,并对他们作为法官的角色表现出比传统政治标签所暗示的更深层次的思考。通过在我们对政治与法律之间微妙关系的历史理解中加入更多的细微差别,我们仍然可以使法院免受充满政治色彩的语言对其合法性构成的威胁。
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引用次数: 0
Combatting Bias in the Criminal Courts of France, 1870s-1913 19世纪70年代至1913年,法国刑事法庭的偏见斗争
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa008
J. Donovan
In nineteenth-century France, liberals assumed that a conservative judiciary was frequently biased in favour of the prosecution, and socialists assumed that juries were dominated by the upper classes and too unrepresentative of the population to render justice equitably. Agitation by the left to combat these perceived biases led to the adoption of two key reforms of the fin de siècle. One was the abolition in 1881 of the résumé, or summing-up of the case by the chief justice of the cour d’assises (felony court). Liberals thought this reform was necessary because judges allegedly often used the résumé to persuade jurors in favour of conviction, a charge repeated by modern historians. The other reform, beginning at about the same time, was to make jury composition more democratic. By 1880, newly empowered liberals (at least in Paris) had begun to reduce the proportion of wealthy men on jury lists. This was followed in 1908 by the implementation of a circular issued by the Minister of Justice ordering the jury commissions to inscribe working-class men on the annual jury lists. However, a quantitative analysis of jury verdicts suggests that the reforms of the early 1880s and 1908 had only modest impacts on jury verdicts. Ideas and attitudes seem to have been more important. This has implications regarding two key controversies among modern jurists: the extent to which judges influence jurors and the extent to which the characteristics of jurors influence their verdicts.
在19世纪的法国,自由主义者认为保守的司法制度经常偏向于控方,而社会主义者则认为陪审团由上层阶级主导,不能代表大众,无法公正地进行审判。左翼为对抗这些明显的偏见而进行的鼓动,导致了法国政府采取了两项关键改革。其中之一是1881年废除了重案法庭首席法官对案件的总结。自由主义者认为这项改革是必要的,因为据称法官经常使用rsamsum来说服陪审员支持定罪,这是现代历史学家反复提出的指控。大约在同一时间开始的另一项改革是使陪审团的组成更加民主。到1880年,新获得权力的自由主义者(至少在巴黎)已经开始减少陪审团名单上富人的比例。随后在1908年,司法部长发布了一项通知,命令陪审团委员会将工人阶级男子列入年度陪审团名单。然而,对陪审团裁决的定量分析表明,19世纪80年代初和1908年的改革对陪审团裁决的影响不大。思想和态度似乎更为重要。这对现代法学家之间的两个关键争议产生了影响:法官对陪审员的影响程度以及陪审员的特征对其判决的影响程度。
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引用次数: 0
Law at a Critical Juncture: The US Army’s Command Responsibility Trials at Manila, 1945-1947 关键时刻的法律:1945-1947年马尼拉美军指挥责任审判
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-05-28 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa005
J. Fellows
The US Army’s war crimes trials of the hundreds of Japanese military personnel tried at Manila from 1945 to 1947 represent an opportunity to gain valuable insights into Allied ‘justice’ at a time when many aspects of war crimes jurisprudence were at a formative stage. Specifically, the Manila trials offer a unique portal into the jurisprudence of the doctrine of command responsibility. The ‘command responsibility trials’ at Manila, as they became known, are important for understanding the jurisprudential path to finding superiors criminally responsible for the criminal acts of their subordinates. This paper examines five trials from the US Army’s Manila trials in relation to the doctrine of command responsibility and in so doing, shows how the Manila trials significantly contributed to the development of the very important doctrine known as command responsibility.
1945年至1947年,美军在马尼拉对数百名日本军事人员进行了战争罪审判,这是一个机会,可以在战争罪法理学的许多方面处于形成阶段的时候,获得对盟军“正义”的宝贵见解。具体地说,马尼拉审判为指挥责任学说的法理学提供了一个独特的入口。众所周知,马尼拉的“指挥责任审判”对于理解判定上级对其下属的犯罪行为负有刑事责任的法理途径非常重要。本文考察了美军马尼拉审判中与指挥责任理论相关的五项审判,并在此过程中展示了马尼拉审判如何对非常重要的指挥责任理论的发展做出重大贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Reforming Criminal Justice in the Ottoman Empire: Police, Courts and Prisons in Rusçuk, 1839-1864 奥斯曼帝国的刑事司法改革:1839-1864年鲁塞鲁克的警察、法院和监狱
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-05-28 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa004
Mehmet Çelik
This case study explores the experimentation phase of the Ottoman Tanzimat reforms on the criminal justice system in the city of Rusçuk from 1839-64. In particular, it investigates crime and punishment by focusing on police, courts, and prisons and how these institutions responded to reform efforts in Rusçuk, which became the capital of the Danube Province in 1864. It shows that the Ottoman government established new police forces (zaptiye) and modernised prisons in the city in 1846 immediately after their introduction in the imperial capital of Istanbul. At the same time, the government bestowed extensive judicial authority on the meclis-i kebir (a secular administrative council in the provinces), and to a lesser extent on the meclis-i muvakkat (temporary council), over criminal cases. While the Sharia courts continued to enforce Islamic criminal law, the meclis-i kebir took charge of enforcing the new penal codes of 1840, 1851, and 1858, and served as a precursor first to the secular courts of the 1864 Provincial Reform and then to the more centralised and standardised nizamiye courts of the 1870s. This study also analyses the types and frequency of crimes and the penalties they received. Based on Rusçuk’s prison registers, which contain the cases tried by the meclis-i kebir and meclis-i muvakkat, and the records of the meclis-i vala (Supreme Court) in Istanbul, it argues that the crime rate in Rusçuk was much higher than the one represented in the Sharia court’s records.
本案例研究探讨了1839年至1864年奥斯曼帝国Tanzimat改革在rus鲁克市刑事司法系统中的实验阶段。特别是,它通过关注警察、法院和监狱来调查犯罪和惩罚,以及这些机构如何应对1864年成为多瑙河省首府的鲁塞普鲁克的改革努力。它表明,奥斯曼政府在1846年将新的警察部队(zaptiye)引入帝国首都伊斯坦布尔后,立即在该市建立了现代化的监狱。与此同时,政府赋予meclisi - kebir(各省的世俗行政委员会)广泛的司法权,并在较小程度上赋予meclisi muvakkat(临时委员会)处理刑事案件的司法权。当伊斯兰教法院继续执行伊斯兰刑法时,mecisi - kebir负责执行1840年,1851年和1858年的新刑法,并首先成为1864年省级改革的世俗法院的先驱,然后是19世纪70年代更集中和标准化的尼扎米耶法院。本研究还分析了犯罪的类型和频率以及他们受到的惩罚。根据rusuk的监狱登记簿,其中包括meclis- kebir和meclis- muvakkat审判的案件,以及伊斯坦布尔最高法院的记录,它认为rusuk的犯罪率远高于伊斯兰教法法庭的记录。
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引用次数: 0
Elizabeth Papp Kamali, Felony and the Guilty Mind in Medieval England 伊丽莎白·帕普·卡马里:《中世纪英格兰的重罪与犯罪心理》
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-03-16 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa007
Sarah B. White
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引用次数: 0
The Background to Riggs v. Palmer 里格斯诉帕默案的背景
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njz027
W. Meyer
The decision of the New York Court of Appeals in Riggs v. Palmer (1889) is remarkable for the mass of discussion about a variety of fundamental issues that it has generated. Elmer Palmer was convicted of murdering his grandfather Francis, and the court refused to let him inherit under Francis’s will despite the absence of any explicit statutory grounds for voiding the legacy. An exercise in legal archaeology uncovering details that are stated only obliquely (or not at all) in the majority and dissenting opinions corrects a number of errors often made about the case. More speculatively, it suggests a new explanation of the result, one supported by a review of similar cases in other states in the same era and of the composition of the Court of Appeals in 1889: that the decision in Riggs is best understood as an ad hominem one, provoked by the unusually light punishment that Elmer had received for his crime and rationalized by an appeal to legal principles. If it was, much of what has been written about the decision and its significance is called into question.
纽约上诉法院在里格斯诉帕尔默(1889年)一案中的裁决因其引发了关于各种基本问题的大量讨论而引人注目。埃尔默·帕尔默被判谋杀了他的祖父弗朗西斯,法院拒绝让他按照弗朗西斯的遗嘱继承遗产,尽管没有任何明确的法定理由来废除遗产。法律考古学的实践揭示了多数意见和反对意见中只是间接(或根本没有)陈述的细节,纠正了案件中经常出现的一些错误。更有推测性的是,它提出了对结果的一种新的解释,这种解释得到了对同一时期其他州类似案件的回顾和1889年上诉法院组成的支持:里格斯案的决定最好被理解为一种人身攻击,由埃尔默因犯罪而受到的异常轻的惩罚引起,并通过对法律原则的上诉而合理化。如果是这样的话,关于这一决定及其意义的许多文章都受到了质疑。
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引用次数: 0
Jean-Christophe Gaven, Le Crime de Lèse-nation: Histoire d'une Invention Juridique et Politique 让-克里斯托夫·加文,《国家犯罪:法律和政治发明的历史》
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njz026
C. Gazeau
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引用次数: 0
期刊
AMERICAN JOURNAL OF LEGAL HISTORY
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