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Why Black Homeowners are More Likely to be Caribbean American than African American in New York: A Theory of How Early West Indian Migrants Broke Racial Cartels in Housing 为什么纽约的黑人房主更有可能是加勒比裔美国人,而不是非洲裔美国人:早期西印度移民如何打破住房种族卡特尔的理论
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1093/AJLH/NJAA033
E. Brown
Why are the black brownstone owners in Harlem and Brooklyn disproportionately West Indian? The landlords, West Indian-American? The tenants African-American? These are tough questions. For students of housing discrimination, West Indian Americans have long presented a quandary. If it is reasonable to assume that racial exclusions are being consistently applied to persons who are dark-skinned, one would expect to find that housing discrimination has had similar effects on West IndianAmericans and African-Americans. Yet this is not the case: West IndianAmericans generally own and rent higher quality housing than AfricanAmericans. Moreover, these advantages began long ago. For example, when racial covenants, that is, restrictions barring racial and ethnic groups from owning real property in particular neighborhoods were rife in New York, they were not consistently applied against West Indians, who were sometimes able to * Eleanor Marie Lawrence Brown, GWIPP Fellow (2013) and Associate Professor of Law (with tenure), George Washington University Law School; J.D., Yale Law School (1999); M.Phil. Politics, Oxford (1997) (Rhodes Scholar). Former Schwartz Fellow, New America Foundation; Former Chairman of the Jamaica Trade Board; Former Reginald Lewis Fellow, Harvard Law School; Former Law Clerk to the Honorable Patricia Wald (ret.), U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit; Former Law Clerk to the Honorable Keith Ellison, U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Texas. I have benefited from the Property colloquium at George Mason Law School. Comments received at the Lutie Lytle Conference for Black Female Legal Scholars were particularly helpful. I have also benefited from conversations with or comments from Kendall Thomas, Olati Johnson, Dorothy Roberts, Bernadette Atuahene, Lee Fennell, Guido Calabresi, Frank Upham, Sonya Katyal, Dan Kelly, Paul Butler, Marcella David, Dan Sharfstein, Paulette Caldwell, Mary Dudziak, Nestor Davidson, Ruth Okediji, Jill Hasday, Scott Kieff, Hari Osofsky, Dan Sokol, Camille Gear, Karen Brown, Kevin Johnson, Charles Ogletree, Ken Mack, Steve Legomsky, Beverly Moran, Jim Coleman, Nicole Garnett, Kimani Paul-Emile, Brad Snyder, Devon Carbado, Aubrey Bonnett, Calvin Holder, Eduardo Penalver, Joe Singer, Henry Smith, Richard Brooks, David Martin, Peter Henry, Angela Banks, Angela OnwuachiWillig, Tomiko Brown-Nagin, Audrey McFarlane, Lant Pritchett, Dillon Alleyne, Neville Lewis, Tony Harriott, Richard Bernal, Eric Posner, Sylvia Lazos, Alison Tirres, Deep Gulasekaram, Naomi Cahn, David Fontana, Carol Rose, Robert Ellickson, Claire Priest, Rose Villazor, Wendy Greene, Ernesto Hernandez-Lopez, Renee Lerner, Jackie Ross, Maximo Langer, Kim Lane Scheppele, Eric Claeys, Jerry Davila, Daniel Hamilton, and Bob Cottrol. I am grateful to the librarians and/or archivists at the University of the West Indies. Finally, I am grateful for the aid of my research assistants, Jared Stipelman, Shanellah Verna and Jen
为什么哈莱姆区和布鲁克林的褐砂石黑人业主不成比例地来自西印度?地主,西印度裔美国人?租户是非裔美国人?这些都是棘手的问题。对于住房歧视的学生来说,西印度裔美国人长期以来一直处于两难境地。如果合理地假设种族排斥一直适用于深色皮肤的人,人们就会期望发现住房歧视对西印度裔美国人和非洲裔美国人有类似的影响。然而事实并非如此:西印度裔美国人通常比非洲裔美国人拥有和租用更高质量的住房。此外,这些优势很久以前就开始了。例如,当种族契约,即禁止种族和民族群体在特定社区拥有房地产的限制在纽约盛行时,它们并不总是适用于西印度群岛,他们有时能够*埃莉诺·玛丽·劳伦斯·布朗,GWIPP研究员(2013年)和乔治华盛顿大学法学院的法学副教授(终身教授);耶鲁大学法学院法学博士(1999);M.Phil。牛津大学政治学(1997)(罗德学者)。前新美国基金会施瓦茨研究员;牙买加贸易委员会前主席;哈佛大学法学院前雷金纳德·刘易斯研究员;前美国哥伦比亚特区巡回上诉法院帕特里夏·沃尔德法官(已故)法律助理;曾任德克萨斯州南区联邦地方法院凯斯·埃里森法官的法律助理。我从乔治梅森法学院的财产讨论会中获益良多。在卢蒂·利特尔黑人女性法律学者会议上收到的评论特别有帮助。我也从与Kendall Thomas、Olati Johnson、Dorothy Roberts、Bernadette Atuahene、Lee Fennell、Guido Calabresi、Frank Upham、Sonya Katyal、Dan Kelly、Paul Butler、Marcella David、Dan Sharfstein、Paulette Caldwell、Mary Dudziak、Nestor Davidson、Ruth Okediji、Jill Hasday、Scott Kieff、Hari Osofsky、Dan Sokol、Camille Gear、Karen Brown、Kevin Johnson、Charles Ogletree、Ken Mack、Steve Legomsky、Beverly Moran、Jim Coleman、Nicole Garnett、基马尼·保罗-埃米尔、布拉德·斯奈德、德文·卡巴多、奥布里·邦尼特、加尔文·霍尔德、爱德华多·佩纳沃尔、乔·辛格、亨利·史密斯、理查德·布鲁克斯、大卫·马丁、彼得·亨利、安吉拉·班克斯、安吉拉·翁武奇·威利、富美子·布朗-纳金、奥黛丽·麦克法兰、兰特·普里切特、狄龙·阿莱恩、内维尔·刘易斯、托尼·哈里奥特、理查德·伯纳尔、埃里克·波斯纳、西尔维娅·拉佐斯、艾莉森·泰尔斯、迪夫·古拉塞卡拉姆、娜奥米·卡恩、大卫·丰塔纳、卡罗尔·罗斯、罗伯特·埃里克森、克莱尔·普里斯特、罗斯·维拉佐尔、温迪·格林、埃内斯托·埃尔南德斯-洛佩兹、蕾妮·勒纳、杰基·罗斯、马克西莫·兰格、金·莱恩·舍普尔、埃里克·克莱伊斯、杰里·达维拉、丹尼尔·汉密尔顿和鲍勃·科特罗。我感谢西印度群岛大学的图书馆员和/或档案管理员。最后,我要感谢我的研究助理Jared Stipelman, Shanellah Verna和Jenna Brofsky的帮助。
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引用次数: 0
Giancarlo Frosio, Reconciling Copyright with Cumulative Creativity: The Third Paradigm Katie Scott, Becoming Property: Art, Theory and Law in Early Modern France Will Slauter, Who Owns the News?: A History of Copyright Derek Miller, Copyright and the Value of Performance 1770-1911 Elena Cooper, Art and Modern Copyright: The Contested Image 凯蒂·斯科特:《成为财产:近代早期法国的艺术、理论与法律》威尔·斯劳特:谁拥有新闻?德里克·米勒,《版权与表演的价值》(1770-1911)埃琳娜·库珀,《艺术与现代版权:有争议的形象》
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa034
Hector L MacQueen
FrosioGiancarlo, Reconciling Copyright with Cumulative Creativity: The Third Paradigm (Cheltenham, United Kingdom, and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 2018) pp viii and 390. GBP 110.00 (hardback). ISBN 978-1-78811-417-2.
FrosioGiancarlo,调和版权与累积创造力:第三范式(切尔滕纳姆,英国和北安普顿,马萨诸塞州:爱德华·埃尔加,2018)第viii和390页。110.00英镑(精装本)。ISBN 978-1-78811-417-2。
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引用次数: 0
Erratum to: Radical Histories versus Liberal Histories in Work Injury Law. Nate Holdren, Injury Impoverished: Workplace Accidents, Capitalism, and Law in the Progressive Era 《工伤法中的激进历史与自由历史》的勘误。内特·霍尔德伦:《伤害贫困:进步时代的工作场所事故、资本主义和法律》
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njab004
Gabriel Winant
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引用次数: 1
Ariela J. Gross and Alejandro de la Fuente, Becoming Free, Becoming Black: Race, Freedom, and Law in Cuba, Virginia, and Louisiana 阿丽埃拉·j·格罗斯和亚历杭德罗·德拉富恩特,《走向自由,走向黑人:古巴、弗吉尼亚和路易斯安那州的种族、自由和法律》
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-04-16 DOI: 10.1093/AJLH/NJAA026
Kimberly M. Welch
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引用次数: 0
The Rise and Demise of Constitutional Duties in Israel 以色列宪法义务的兴起与消亡
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-03-10 DOI: 10.1093/ajlh/njaa029
Assaf Likhovski
In many constitutions, constitutional duties appear alongside constitutional rights. However, the history of constitutional duties, unlike the history of constitutional rights, is a neglected topic. This article is a case study of the history of constitutional duties in Israel. The article documents the appearance of duties in Israeli constitutional texts and debates in the 1950s and shows that the interest in duties was connected to the view that a major role of constitutions was to serve as educational, rather than legal, texts. The article then analyzes the decline of the duties discourse in Israel, pointing to the 1960s as the watershed decade in which duties disappeared. Finally, the article discusses a number of possible factors that led to the waning of the notion of constitutional duties, focusing specifically on the juridification of Israeli society. Fluctuations in interest in constitutional duties, the article concludes, are connected to changing understandings of the nature of constitutions, and, more broadly, to shifts in the relative importance of law and lawyers in society.
在许多宪法中,宪法义务与宪法权利并存。然而,与宪法权利的历史不同,宪法义务的历史是一个被忽视的话题。本文是对以色列宪法义务历史的一个案例研究。这篇文章记录了1950年代以色列宪法文本和辩论中义务的出现,并表明对义务的兴趣与宪法的主要作用是作为教育而不是法律文本的观点有关。文章随后分析了以色列关税话语的衰落,指出20世纪60年代是关税消失的分水岭。最后,本文讨论了一些可能导致宪法义务概念式微的因素,特别聚焦于以色列社会的正当化。文章的结论是,对宪法义务的兴趣的波动与对宪法本质的理解的变化有关,更广泛地说,与法律和律师在社会中的相对重要性的转变有关。
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引用次数: 0
The Paradox of Apolitical Professionalism: The Bar Association and Political Repression in Chile, 1920s-1950s 非政治专业主义的悖论:20世纪20年代至50年代智利的律师协会和政治镇压
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1093/AJLH/NJAA028
Marianne González Le Saux
This article studies how the organized Chilean legal profession responded to political repression between the 1920s and the 1950s. The research shows that, threatened by partisan politics, the Chilean Bar Association came to define itself as an “apolitical” and purely professional organization in order to ensure the cohesion of the guild. The elitist and mostly rightwing leadership of the Bar was reluctant to engage publicly in any politically-tainted action, including the defense of the victims of political persecution. Nevertheless, the pressure of its constituency to uphold the principle of professional solidarity forced the Bar to privately intercede in favor of politically persecuted lawyers, including Communist lawyers targeted during the early Cold War years. Still, in order to justify this intervention, both the Bar leadership and the Communist lawyers seeking the Bar’s protection framed their discourse in the narrow framework of the professional rights of lawyers, discarding a broader action in favor of the civil and political rights of the general citizenry. Therefore, in mid-twentieth-century Chile, the impossible project to transcend partisan politics through the discourse of apolitical legal professionalism curtailed rather buttressed the defense of rights and liberties. By exploring the complex relationship between lawyers and politics through the prism of the Chilean Bar Association, this piece contributes to the social and cultural history of lawyers in Latin America, to the broader sociological and historical debates on the relationship between lawyers and political liberalism, and to the history of human rights.
本文研究了20世纪20年代至50年代,有组织的智利法律界如何应对政治压迫。研究表明,在党派政治的威胁下,智利律师协会为了确保公会的凝聚力,将自己定义为一个“非政治”和纯粹的专业组织。律师协会的精英和多数右翼领导人不愿公开参与任何带有政治色彩的行动,包括为政治迫害的受害者辩护。尽管如此,其支持者要求维护专业团结原则的压力迫使律师公会私下为受政治迫害的律师进行调解,包括在冷战初期成为攻击目标的共产主义律师。尽管如此,为了证明这种干预的合理性,律师协会的领导层和寻求律师协会保护的共产主义律师都将他们的言论局限在律师职业权利的狭隘框架内,放弃了支持普通公民的公民权利和政治权利的更广泛的行动。因此,在二十世纪中期的智利,通过非政治法律专业主义的话语来超越党派政治的不可能的项目削弱了而不是加强了对权利和自由的捍卫。通过智利律师协会的视角探索律师与政治之间的复杂关系,这篇文章对拉丁美洲律师的社会和文化史,对律师与政治自由主义之间关系的更广泛的社会学和历史辩论,以及人权的历史做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 1
Mary Ziegler, Abortion and the Law in America: Roe v. Wade to the Present 玛丽·齐格勒:《美国的堕胎与法律:罗伊诉韦德案至今》
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-26 DOI: 10.1093/AJLH/NJAA018
Karissa Haugeberg
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引用次数: 0
Leandra Ruth Zarnow, Battling Bella: The Protest Politics of Bella Abzug Leandra Ruth Zarnow,《与贝拉抗争:贝拉·艾布扎格的抗议政治》
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-26 DOI: 10.1093/AJLH/NJAA017
Alison Lefkovitz
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引用次数: 0
Emily Whewell, Law Across Imperial Borders: British Consuls and Colonial Connections on China’s Western Frontiers, 1880–1943 《跨越帝国边界的法律:1880-1943年中国西部边疆的英国执政官和殖民地关系》
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-26 DOI: 10.1093/AJLH/NJAA019
E. Schluessel
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引用次数: 0
Where Did ‘Human Dignity’ Come from? Drafting the Preamble to the Irish Constitution “人的尊严”从何而来?起草爱尔兰宪法的序言
IF 0.3 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-26 DOI: 10.1093/AJLH/NJAA023
C. McCrudden
This article addresses the correctness of Samuel Moyn’s contention that the inclusion of ‘dignity’ in the Irish Constitution of 1937 reflects a particularistic, sectarian and conservative Catholic viewpoint, rather than (as some other scholars do) seeing the inclusion of ‘dignity’ as the first tentative step towards the instantiation of a universalistic, liberal human rights ethic into the Irish Constitution. For Moyn, ‘dignity’s’ sectarian, political origins in Ireland add weight to his sceptical approach to human rights more generally, given the extent to which human dignity is now seen as underpinning the justification of human rights. In arguing against Moyn’s conclusions, the article provides a detailed re-examination, based on archival research, of the drafting of the Preamble to the Irish Constitution in which the term ‘dignity’ is located, situating it in the intellectual changes in political Catholicism and Irish nationalism at that time. In particular, the article examines for the first time to what extent insights can be gleaned from the contemporaneous translation of ‘dignity’ into the Irish language version of the Constitution, and the significance of the choice of ‘uaisleacht’ in the Irish text. Drawing from this, the article identifies the various different influences that appear to have contributed to the use and meaning of dignity in the Preamble, before returning to consider how far Moyn’s assessments are correct in light of the re-examination of the drafting history.
本文论述了塞缪尔·莫恩(Samuel Moyn)的论点的正确性,即1937年爱尔兰宪法中包含的“尊严”反映了一种特殊的、宗派的和保守的天主教观点,而不是(像其他一些学者所做的那样)将“尊严”的包含视为向爱尔兰宪法中普遍的、自由的人权伦理实例化迈出的第一步。对莫恩来说,“尊严”在爱尔兰的宗派和政治起源,更普遍地增加了他对人权的怀疑态度,因为人类尊严现在被视为人权正当性的基础。为了反驳莫恩的结论,本文在档案研究的基础上,对“尊严”一词所在的爱尔兰宪法序言的起草进行了详细的重新审视,将其置于当时政治天主教和爱尔兰民族主义的思想变化中。特别是,本文首次考察了在爱尔兰语版本的宪法中,“尊严”一词的当代翻译可以在多大程度上获得见解,以及在爱尔兰文本中选择“尊严”一词的意义。以此为基础,本文确定了似乎对序言中尊严的使用和意义有所贡献的各种不同影响,然后根据对起草历史的重新审查,重新考虑Moyn的评估在多大程度上是正确的。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
AMERICAN JOURNAL OF LEGAL HISTORY
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