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Land means the world: narratives of place and colonial ecological violence in the media framing of the Bears Ears National Monument 土地意味着世界:熊耳国家纪念碑的媒体框架中关于地方和殖民生态暴力的叙述
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2267832
Amanda Ricketts
ABSTRACTSettler colonialism shapes the governance of public land in what is now called the United States, contributing to eco-social disruptions for Indigenous populations. The Bears Ears National Monument was established in December 2016 in an unprecedented collaboration between the federal government and an inter-tribal coalition. Less than a year later, in December 2017, the Trump administration issued a presidential proclamation removing and bisecting 85% of the protected land for energy exploration. I analyze media coverage of Bears Ears National Monument from December 2016 to December 2017 to observe the effects of this framing on elimination projects of the settler state in public land conflicts. I find through the repeated erasure and redirection of Indigenous narratives, local media coverage centralizes the interests of the settler state by classifying land as an asset, making settler political concerns the central contentious issue. To understand how colonial ecological violence shapes the governance of public land, like the case of the Bears Ears National Monument under the Trump administration, scholars should attend to how the media advances narratives of place and contributes to cultural elimination.KEYWORDS: Colonial ecological violencesettler colonialismBears Ears National Monumentpublic landmedia AcknowledgmentsI would like to extend thanks to Raoul Lievanos, Kari Norgaard, Ryan Light, Claire Herbert, and the members of the Janet Smith Cooperative, whose comments and support made the writing of this article possible.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsAmanda RickettsAmanda Ricketts, MS, is a PhD student at the University of Oregon. Their research focuses on social movements, space and environment, and narratives of place and colonial ecological violence in public land management.
移民殖民主义塑造了美国公共土地的治理,对土著居民造成了生态社会的破坏。熊耳国家纪念碑于2016年12月在联邦政府和跨部落联盟之间前所未有的合作下建立。不到一年后,即2017年12月,特朗普政府发布了一项总统公告,将85%的受保护土地拆除并一分为二,用于能源勘探。我分析了2016年12月至2017年12月熊耳国家纪念碑的媒体报道,以观察这一框架对公共土地冲突中定居者国家消除项目的影响。我发现,通过对土著叙事的反复抹除和重定向,当地媒体的报道通过将土地归类为资产来集中定居者国家的利益,使定居者的政治关切成为核心争议问题。为了理解殖民生态暴力如何塑造公共土地的治理,比如特朗普政府时期的熊耳国家纪念碑(Bears Ears National Monument),学者们应该关注媒体如何推进地方叙事,并促进文化消除。关键词:殖民生态暴力定居者殖民主义熊耳国家纪念碑公共土地媒体致谢我要感谢Raoul Lievanos, Kari Norgaard, Ryan Light, Claire Herbert和Janet Smith合作社的成员,他们的评论和支持使本文的写作成为可能。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。关于撰稿人samanda Ricketts的说明samanda Ricketts,硕士,俄勒冈大学的博士生。他们的研究重点是社会运动,空间和环境,以及公共土地管理中的地方和殖民生态暴力的叙述。
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引用次数: 0
Performing zero waste: lifestyle movement, consumer culture, and promotion strategies of social media influencers 践行零浪费:生活方式运动、消费文化、社交媒体网红推广策略
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-08 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2267829
Danning Lu
ABSTRACTZero waste movement has been gaining popularity in the recent decade and social media influencers’ promotion is central to movement growth. How do influencers popularize zero waste lifestyle practices that counter the dominant consumption norms? Are their strategies successful? This article examines influencers’ lifestyle advocacy as social performance, focusing on their scripts and visual presentations to social media audience. Based on content analysis of 250 Instagram posts, this article uses a cultural sociology lens to analyze zero waste influencers’ strategies and the audience responses. Problematization of wasteful consumption norms and legitimization of zero waste alternatives through demonstrating its feasibility, attractiveness, and integration with socio-political concerns are four prominent strategies. Zero waste influencers employ performance elements such as textual and visual scripts, means of symbolic production, and mise-en-scene to enhance authenticity and mobilize zero waste practices. Meanwhile, insufficient accountability of corporate waste culprits, limited representativeness of the privileged influencers, and contradictory embeddedness in consumer culture still threaten the legitimacy of their performance. This article centers the analysis of sustainable lifestyle movement leaders and their social media presentation, which have been little discussed but increasingly important. It also provides practical strategies for promoting sustainable lifestyle on social media.KEYWORDS: zero wastelifestyle movementsustainable lifestyleconsumer culturesocial performancesocial media influencerconsumption AcknowledgementI express deep gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their detailed and insightful comments. I want to thank Dr. Philip Smith, Dr. Jeffrey Alexander, and all cultural sociology colleagues at Yale who have given valuable advice and supported me greatly during the publishing of this article. I am grateful for the zero waste community and practitioners who inspire me.dgments.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Pictures from: trashisfortossers instagram page, book cover of zero waste: Simple Life Hacks to Drastically Reduce Your Trash, johnson.html’ title=“Ctrl+Click to follow link” element-type=“link” ref-type=“DOI” aid=“1s45y2i0x763v8a” icoretag=“uri” ia_version=’0”>https://zerowastemegan.weebly.com/bea-johnson.html, https://money.com/savings-eliminating-plastic-money-tips/2. Other terms including environmental/green/eco-friendly lifestyle refer to the same construct that I try to capture here, which is a lifestyle that intends to reduce environmental impact. Sustainable lifestyle entails subcategories including pro-environmental behaviors, sustainable consumption,anti-consumption, voluntary simplicity, vegetarianism, veganism etc.3. https://www.zerowaste.com/blog/the-top-ten-zero-waste-influencers-in-the-world-today/4. https://www.trvst.world/sustainable-liv
摘要近十年来,零废物运动越来越受欢迎,社交媒体网红的推广是运动发展的核心。有影响力的人如何推广零浪费的生活方式,以对抗主流的消费规范?他们的策略成功吗?本文将研究网红的生活方式倡导作为社会表现,重点关注他们在社交媒体上的脚本和视觉呈现。本文通过对250条Instagram帖子的内容分析,运用文化社会学的视角来分析零浪费网红的策略和受众的反应。通过证明其可行性、吸引力和与社会政治问题的结合,浪费消费规范的问题化和零废物替代方案的合法化是四个突出的战略。零废物影响者采用文本和视觉脚本、象征性生产手段和现场布置等表演元素来增强真实性并动员零废物实践。与此同时,企业浪费罪魁祸首的问责不足、特权影响者的代表性有限以及消费文化中相互矛盾的嵌入性仍然威胁着他们表现的合法性。这篇文章集中分析了可持续生活方式运动的领导者和他们在社交媒体上的表现,这一点很少被讨论,但越来越重要。它还提供了在社交媒体上推广可持续生活方式的实用策略。关键词:零浪费生活方式运动可持续生活方式消费文化社会绩效社交媒体影响力消费致谢感谢匿名评论者详细而深刻的评论我要感谢Philip Smith博士、Jeffrey Alexander博士以及所有耶鲁大学文化社会学的同事们,他们在我发表这篇文章的过程中给予了我宝贵的建议和极大的支持。我非常感谢零废物社区和给我启发的从业者。披露声明作者没有报告潜在的利益冲突。图片来自:trashisfortossers instagram页面,零浪费的书封面:简单的生活技巧,大幅减少你的垃圾,johnson.html ' title= " Ctrl+点击链接" element-type= " link " ref-type= " DOI " aid= " 1545y2i0x763v8a " icoretag= " uri " ia_version= " 0 " >https://zerowastemegan.weebly.com/bea-johnson.html, https://money.com/savings-eliminating-plastic-money-tips/2。其他术语包括环境/绿色/生态友好的生活方式,指的是我在这里试图捕捉的相同结构,这是一种旨在减少对环境影响的生活方式。可持续的生活方式包括亲环境行为、可持续消费、反消费、自愿简朴、素食主义、纯素食主义等子类。https://www.zerowaste.com/blog/the-top-ten-zero-waste-influencers-in-the-world-today/4。https://www.trvst.world/sustainable-living/eco-friendly/zero-waste-influencers/5。https://www.ecomasteryproject.com/zero-waste-influencers/6。零废物之家在2020年6月之后停止了发帖,因此此后的帖子无法用于分析。最近的帖子下的评论显示,比娅·约翰逊从那以后就中断了所有的社交媒体。我也将把这一现象包括在我的讨论中。谷歌的搜索结果显示,Anamarie Shreeves是Instagram账户zerowastehabesha的创始人,但在Instagram页面上,Freweyni Asress似乎是目前的账户运营者。作者在写作期间(2022年10月)出席了罗布·格林菲尔德在耶鲁大学农场发表的公开演讲。作者简介吕丹宁,中国环境社会科学研究员。她拥有耶鲁大学环境科学硕士学位,惠顿学院社会学学士学位和环境科学学士学位。她的研究主要集中在环境可持续性社会变革的原因和方式,尤其关注基层环保主义、公民消费者的可持续实践以及相应的制度变革。他的研究领域包括中国城市社区花园、零浪费生活方式运动、气候变化公众认知和政策支持。长期致力于减少消费废物、环境正义、气候传播和中国社会等方面的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Public perceptions of environmental degradation in the Arab World: evidence from surveys about water, air, and sanitation 阿拉伯世界公众对环境恶化的看法:来自水、空气和卫生设施调查的证据
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2251785
Nimah Mazaheri
ABSTRACTMany Arab countries are struggling to combat a range of environmental problems from air pollution to water salinization to overflowing garbage. Yet little is known about how people in this region perceive these environmental problems and the factors that influence their perceptions. This article analyzes surveys conducted by the Arab Barometer with 13,850 people across 12 Arab countries in 2018–19. The focus is on public perceptions about water pollution, air pollution, and trash. About 91% of respondents said that water pollution is a very serious or serious problem. About 89% and 73% feel the same way about trash and air pollution, respectively. Perceptions about environmental quality are mainly shaped by a person’s age, educational background, financial status, and how they view the current economic situation. Although perceptions about water and trash are directly connected to a national environmental quality measure, they are unconnected to specific measurements of clean water access and sanitation quality. Furthermore, perceptions about air quality are unconnected to any general or specific (national- or local-level) measurements. Instead, a person’s age, gender, educational background, financial status, and minority status are better predictors of how much they view air quality to be a problem. These findings shed light on the topic of environmental concern in a comparatively understudied area of the world, highlighting the ways that individual, local, and national factors shape how the average person evaluates environmental problems.KEYWORDS: EnvironmentpollutionArab worldpublicsurveys Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The term ‘Arab World’ refers to the 22 Arab countries located in the Greater Middle East and North African regions: Algeria, Bahrain, the Comoros Islands, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen.2. Studies of environmental attitudes in Middle Eastern countries that use qualitative, ethnographic, or case study approaches can be found in Croitoru et al. (Citation2010); Jones (Citation2010); Davis and Burke (Citation2011); and Sowers (Citation2013).3. Dunlap et al. (Citation1993), p. 10. Note that Turkey was the only Middle Eastern country surveyed in this study.4. For instance, refer to the survey by the AFED (Citation2017), which uses online convenience sampling methods.5. It is expected that online surveys with probability-based designs will soon be marshaled to generate insights into the environmental attitudes across the Middle East and North Africa. Online surveys are already widely employed in the study of political behavior in the United States (Ansolabehere and Schaffner Citation2018), and this choice of survey mode only increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Arab Barometer project, too, was affected by the p
许多阿拉伯国家正在与一系列环境问题作斗争,从空气污染到水盐碱化再到垃圾泛滥。然而,对于该地区的人们如何看待这些环境问题以及影响他们看法的因素,人们知之甚少。本文分析了阿拉伯晴雨表在2018 - 2019年对12个阿拉伯国家的13850人进行的调查。调查的重点是公众对水污染、空气污染和垃圾的看法。约91%的受访者认为水污染是一个非常严重或严重的问题。大约89%和73%的人分别对垃圾和空气污染有同样的看法。对环境质量的看法主要是由一个人的年龄、教育背景、经济状况以及他们对当前经济形势的看法所决定的。虽然对水和垃圾的看法与国家环境质量措施直接相关,但它们与清洁水获取和卫生质量的具体测量无关。此外,对空气质量的看法与任何一般或具体(国家或地方层面)的测量结果无关。相反,一个人的年龄、性别、教育背景、经济状况和少数民族身份可以更好地预测他们对空气质量问题的看法。这些发现揭示了世界上一个研究相对不足的地区的环境问题,突出了个人、地方和国家因素影响普通人如何评估环境问题的方式。关键词:环境污染阿拉伯世界公众调查披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。“阿拉伯世界”一词指的是位于大中东和北非地区的22个阿拉伯国家:阿尔及利亚、巴林、科摩罗群岛、吉布提、埃及、伊拉克、约旦、科威特、黎巴嫩、利比亚、摩洛哥、毛里塔尼亚、阿曼、巴勒斯坦、卡塔尔、沙特阿拉伯、索马里、苏丹、叙利亚、突尼斯、阿拉伯联合酋长国和也门。Croitoru等人使用定性、人种学或案例研究方法对中东国家的环境态度进行了研究(Citation2010);琼斯(Citation2010);Davis and Burke (citation);2 .中国农业大学学报(自然科学版)。Dunlap et al. (Citation1993),第10页。请注意,土耳其是本研究中唯一被调查的中东国家。例如,参考AFED的调查(Citation2017),它使用在线方便的抽样方法。预计基于概率设计的在线调查将很快被组织起来,以深入了解中东和北非的环境态度。在线调查已经广泛应用于美国的政治行为研究(Ansolabehere和Schaffner Citation2018),这种调查模式的选择在COVID-19大流行期间才有所增加。阿拉伯晴雨表项目也受到大流行的影响,并在其第六次浪潮中转向电话调查。不幸的是,关于环境的问题在这一波中被省略了,这使得第五波调查数据成为独一无二的有价值的来源。请注意,科威特只在有关空气质量的问题上出现在样本中。没有向科威特人询问水质或卫生情况。参见Dunlap and Emmet Jones (Citation2002),第515.8页关于测量的讨论。关于在环境背景下使用商品与非使用商品的问题,请参阅gok<e:1>等人(Citation2002);9.美国国家科学院、工程院和医学院(Citation2005)。其他可能的选项是“不知道”和“拒绝回答”。如果选择了其中一个选项,则在分析样本中省略被调查者。省是阿拉伯晴雨表在抽样过程中指定和使用的次国家级人口单位。省有时(但不总是)与一个国家的省或州一致,但并非所有国家都有同样的分权政治结构。每个国家的省数如下:阿尔及利亚(36个)、埃及(24个)、伊拉克(16个)、约旦(12个)、科威特(6个)、黎巴嫩(8个)、利比亚(21个)、摩洛哥(12个)、巴勒斯坦(17个)、苏丹(16个)、突尼斯(24个)和也门(21个)。受访者在以下选项中选择一个:(1)“我们的家庭净收入不足以支付我们的开支;我们面临重大困难’;(2)“我们的家庭净收入不足以支付我们的开支;我们面临一些困难。(3)“我们的家庭净收入足以支付我们的开支,没有明显困难”;“我们的家庭净收入足以支付我们的开支,我们有能力储蓄。”只有2020年的数据可用,利比亚、巴勒斯坦和也门的观测数据缺失。这是通过将比值比(1.067)的值提高到5的幂来计算的。5是将拥有大学学位的人与没有受过正规教育的人区分开来的教育变量的单位数。 请注意,这里使用的是第1列的结果,其中环境绩效包含在模型中,由于缺少数据而忽略了巴勒斯坦。第二列报告了去掉Environmental Performance后的结果,这允许在样本中包含巴勒斯坦。在这种情况下,教育的优势比略低,表明受过大学教育的阿拉伯人比没有受过正规教育的阿拉伯人的优势高出31%。这并不是说环境种族主义和相关的动态在阿拉伯世界没有发生。例如,参考Jones (Citation2010)关于沙特阿拉伯的文章。作者简介:尼玛·马扎赫里是塔夫茨大学政治学副教授。他目前的研究重点是中东地区能源和环境的政治经济。他最近的著作是《碳氢化合物公民:石油如何改变中东的人民和政治》(牛津大学出版社,2022年)。
{"title":"Public perceptions of environmental degradation in the Arab World: evidence from surveys about water, air, and sanitation","authors":"Nimah Mazaheri","doi":"10.1080/23251042.2023.2251785","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23251042.2023.2251785","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTMany Arab countries are struggling to combat a range of environmental problems from air pollution to water salinization to overflowing garbage. Yet little is known about how people in this region perceive these environmental problems and the factors that influence their perceptions. This article analyzes surveys conducted by the Arab Barometer with 13,850 people across 12 Arab countries in 2018–19. The focus is on public perceptions about water pollution, air pollution, and trash. About 91% of respondents said that water pollution is a very serious or serious problem. About 89% and 73% feel the same way about trash and air pollution, respectively. Perceptions about environmental quality are mainly shaped by a person’s age, educational background, financial status, and how they view the current economic situation. Although perceptions about water and trash are directly connected to a national environmental quality measure, they are unconnected to specific measurements of clean water access and sanitation quality. Furthermore, perceptions about air quality are unconnected to any general or specific (national- or local-level) measurements. Instead, a person’s age, gender, educational background, financial status, and minority status are better predictors of how much they view air quality to be a problem. These findings shed light on the topic of environmental concern in a comparatively understudied area of the world, highlighting the ways that individual, local, and national factors shape how the average person evaluates environmental problems.KEYWORDS: EnvironmentpollutionArab worldpublicsurveys Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The term ‘Arab World’ refers to the 22 Arab countries located in the Greater Middle East and North African regions: Algeria, Bahrain, the Comoros Islands, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen.2. Studies of environmental attitudes in Middle Eastern countries that use qualitative, ethnographic, or case study approaches can be found in Croitoru et al. (Citation2010); Jones (Citation2010); Davis and Burke (Citation2011); and Sowers (Citation2013).3. Dunlap et al. (Citation1993), p. 10. Note that Turkey was the only Middle Eastern country surveyed in this study.4. For instance, refer to the survey by the AFED (Citation2017), which uses online convenience sampling methods.5. It is expected that online surveys with probability-based designs will soon be marshaled to generate insights into the environmental attitudes across the Middle East and North Africa. Online surveys are already widely employed in the study of political behavior in the United States (Ansolabehere and Schaffner Citation2018), and this choice of survey mode only increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Arab Barometer project, too, was affected by the p","PeriodicalId":54173,"journal":{"name":"Environmental Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135481038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Locking-in white-nose syndrome? The limits of the endangered species act & non-charismatic megafauna 白鼻闭锁综合症?《濒危物种法》的限制non-charismatic巨型动物
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2261684
Jordan Hadlock, Brent Z. Kaup
ABSTRACTWhite-nose syndrome is a deadly pathogenic fungus that has killed millions of bats. In this article, we ask why, despite a well-coordinated response and a relatively steady federal funding stream, WNS has continued to spread with lethal results? To answer this question, we bring together the tools of political ecologists studying health and diseases with social scientific observations on the impacts of lock-ins on social change. We argue that while federal legislation such as the Endangered Species Act (ESA) allowed researchers to quickly recognize the emergence of WNS, the ESA’s focus and directives to protect individual species constrained the ability of scientists to more rapidly understand both the fungus causing WNS and the broader ecosystem dynamics in which the disease can flourish. In addition, while the ESA was written to protect endangered species regardless of their public perception or perceived economic value, such dynamics influence what gets classified as endangered and how much funding a species receives for protection. We thus further argue that the anthropocentric nature of policy making has made it difficult to address WNS and other wildlife diseases with less obvious human impacts in a more holistic way.KEYWORDS: White-nose syndromeendangered species actpolitical ecologylock-ins AcknowledgmentsThe authors would like to thank Amy A. Quark and the studies’ participants who took the time out of their schedules to read over earlier drafts of the manuscript. All errors and claims are of course the responsibility of the authors.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. When first discovered, the fungus was scientifically referred to as Geomyces destructans.2. We recognize that justifying the focus of this manuscript on the economic importance and value of bats is a bit ironic. As many of our informants noted, bats have intrinsic value and are distinctly unique mammals. However, given the anthropocentric nature of the discipline of sociology, we highlight their value to human populations here.3. Bats in Europe are thought to have evolved a resistance to P. destructans and do not suffer from WNS even when the fungus is present on their bodies or in their caves (Blehert et al. Citation2009).Additional informationFundingThe research for this paper was funded by the William & Mary Environment & Sustainability Program Undergraduate Summer Research Fellowship.Notes on contributorsJordan HadlockJordan Hadlock is a student in Department of Sociology and the Environment & Sustainability Program at William & Mary. They have future career and research aspirations in conservation and social and environmental justice.Brent Z. KaupBrent Z. Kaup is a Professor of Sociology at William & Mary. His research focuses on the links between finance, landscape change, and infectious disease.
摘要白鼻综合征是一种致命的致病真菌,已经杀死了数百万只蝙蝠。在这篇文章中,我们要问的是,尽管有协调良好的应对措施和相对稳定的联邦资金流,WNS仍然继续传播并造成致命的后果。为了回答这个问题,我们将政治生态学家研究健康和疾病的工具与锁定对社会变革影响的社会科学观察结合起来。我们认为,尽管《濒危物种法》(ESA)等联邦立法允许研究人员迅速认识到WNS的出现,但ESA对保护单个物种的关注和指令限制了科学家更快地了解引起WNS的真菌和疾病可能蓬勃发展的更广泛的生态系统动态的能力。此外,尽管ESA是为了保护濒危物种而编写的,不管它们的公众看法或感知的经济价值如何,但这种动态影响了哪些物种被列为濒危物种,以及一个物种获得多少保护资金。因此,我们进一步认为,政策制定的人类中心主义性质使得难以以更全面的方式解决WNS和其他人类影响不太明显的野生动物疾病。关键词:白鼻综合征;濒危物种;政治生态锁定;致谢作者要感谢Amy A. Quark和研究参与者在他们的时间表之外花时间阅读了手稿的早期草稿。所有的错误和主张当然是作者的责任。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。当这种真菌第一次被发现时,科学上称其为破坏地菌。我们认识到,将这份手稿的重点放在蝙蝠的经济重要性和价值上是有点讽刺的。正如我们的许多线人所指出的那样,蝙蝠具有内在价值,是一种独特的哺乳动物。然而,鉴于社会学学科的人类中心主义性质,我们在这里强调它们对人类人口的价值。欧洲的蝙蝠被认为已经进化出了对破坏假单胞菌的抵抗力,即使真菌存在于它们的身体或洞穴中,也不会患WNS (Blehert等人)。Citation2009)。本论文的研究由William & Mary环境与可持续发展项目本科生暑期研究奖学金资助。作者jordan Hadlock是威廉玛丽学院社会学系和环境与可持续发展项目的学生。他们未来的职业和研究目标是保护和社会与环境正义。布伦特·z·考普是威廉玛丽大学的社会学教授。他的研究重点是金融、景观变化和传染病之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
Politics in the energy-security nexus: an epistemic governance approach to the zero-carbon energy transition in Finland, Estonia, and Norway 能源安全关系中的政治:芬兰、爱沙尼亚和挪威零碳能源转型的认知治理方法
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2251873
Marja Helena Sivonen, Paula Kivimaa
To reduce the energy sector’s CO2 emissions, sustainability transitions are essential but may have unexpected national security consequences. We investigate policymaking around energy transitions and national security, combining sociology with sustainability transitions thinking to analyse 73 policy documents issued between 2006 and 2023 in Estonia, Finland, and Norway and investigate how zero-carbon energy and security issues have co-evolved with, strengthened, or undermined one another by analysing the rhetoric in official national strategy documents. With an epistemic governance framework, we identify the discourses that contextualise, justify, and explain policymaking in the energy–security nexus. We find that sustainable energy transitions are strengthened by connections to national security when alternative energy niches have matured but undermined for the same reason when fossil fuels are viewed as more robust sources of security. We detect policy intervention points aiming to indicate how transitions are enabled. Estonia and Finland evince strategic directions to destabilise the regime while supporting niches, whereas Norway focuses on continued oil and gas production. Whereas all are in principle in favour of sustainability transitions, they define transitions differently: Estonia values national sovereignty, Finland preparedness and the economy, and Norway sustainable development and economic security tied to hydrocarbons.
为了减少能源部门的二氧化碳排放,可持续转型是必不可少的,但可能会带来意想不到的国家安全后果。我们研究了围绕能源转型和国家安全的政策制定,将社会学与可持续性转型思维相结合,分析了爱沙尼亚、芬兰和挪威在2006年至2023年间发布的73份政策文件,并通过分析官方国家战略文件中的措辞,调查了零碳能源和安全问题是如何相互演变、加强或破坏的。通过认识论治理框架,我们确定了将能源安全关系中的政策制定置于背景下的话语,证明并解释了这些话语。我们发现,当替代能源利基成熟时,可持续能源转型会因与国家安全的联系而得到加强,但当化石燃料被视为更可靠的安全来源时,可持续能源转型也会因同样的原因而受到削弱。我们检测旨在指示如何启用转换的策略干预点。爱沙尼亚和芬兰的战略方向是动摇政权,同时支持利基市场,而挪威则专注于持续的石油和天然气生产。虽然原则上所有国家都支持可持续转型,但它们对转型的定义不同:爱沙尼亚重视国家主权,芬兰重视准备和经济,挪威重视与碳氢化合物相关的可持续发展和经济安全。
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引用次数: 0
Toxic freedom: how middle-class seasonal fruit pickers perceive and manage agrochemical exposures 有毒的自由:中产阶级季节性水果采摘者如何感知和管理农药暴露
IF 2.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-26 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2251748
Anelyse M. Weiler
ABSTRACT In a global agricultural context that is more chemically dependent than ever, occupational exposure to pesticides typically maps onto entrenched inequalities. Existing research has documented the health hazards of agrochemical exposure facing predominantly low-income, racialized farmworkers. Yet some young middle-class people in wealthy countries are intentionally pursuing informal seasonal farm jobs. How do workers in social positions that typically protect against workplace vulnerability manage the uncertainty of toxic exposures? This study draws on ethnographic observations and in-depth interviews with French, English and Spanish-speaking domestic and international farmworkers in British Columbia, Canada. I identify three pathways by which farmworkers perceive and manage agrochemical exposure: informal bodily evidence, individually managing risks and rationalizing exposure. This article introduces the concept of ‘toxic freedom’ to show how workers may downplay workplace risks by framing pesticide exposure as a reasonable trade-off for personal autonomy, countercultural idealism and temporary youthful adventure. This research underscores why individual-level agricultural health and safety interventions may be limited in protecting workers from harmful agrochemical exposures. Rather, it signals the opportunity for policy interventions such as stronger pesticide regulation, proactive spot inspections, higher penalties for non-compliance, and clearer channels for farmworkers to have a collective democratic voice in the workplace.
摘要在一个比以往任何时候都更依赖化学物质的全球农业环境中,职业接触农药通常会导致根深蒂固的不平等。现有研究记录了主要面向低收入、种族化农场工人的农药暴露对健康的危害。然而,富裕国家的一些年轻中产阶级有意从事非正式的季节性农场工作。处于通常防止工作场所脆弱性的社会职位的员工如何管理有毒暴露的不确定性?这项研究借鉴了民族志观察和对加拿大不列颠哥伦比亚省讲法语、英语和西班牙语的国内外农场工人的深入采访。我确定了农场工人感知和管理农用化学品暴露的三种途径:非正式身体证据、单独管理风险和合理化暴露。这篇文章引入了“有毒自由”的概念,以展示工人如何通过将农药暴露视为个人自主、反文化理想主义和暂时的年轻冒险的合理权衡来淡化工作场所的风险。这项研究强调了为什么个人层面的农业健康和安全干预措施在保护工人免受有害农药接触方面可能受到限制。相反,它标志着政策干预的机会,如加强农药监管、积极的抽查、对违规行为的更高处罚,以及农场工人在工作场所拥有集体民主声音的更清晰渠道。
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引用次数: 0
Agricultural landowner perspectives on wind energy development in Alberta, Canada: insights from the lens of energy justice and democracy 加拿大阿尔伯塔省农业土地所有者对风能开发的看法:从能源正义和民主的角度看问题
IF 2.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2247627
Max Chewinski, S. Anders, J. Parkins
ABSTRACT The political and economic landscape of Alberta, Canada, is deeply affected by fossil fuel extraction, thus limiting progress toward energy transition. Although transition is slowed by resistance to renewable energy technologies, public perspectives on these projects are diverse, with localized sensitives that are often not well understood. To improve our understanding of support and opposition to wind energy development, we draw on concepts of energy democracy, distributive and procedural justice. Utilizing a factorial survey experiment, and latent class analysis to measure these concepts with a sample of 401 large-scale agricultural landowners, we identify three distinct groups of individuals with unique preferences that are grounded in how individuals view and support wind energy. Contrasting most respondents with moderate views on wind projects, we identify a distinct group of supportive landowners when community benefits are well defined. A third group is defined largely by opposition to wind energy whereby justice concerns are associated with distancing their land from the impacts of wind turbines. Our conclusions identify the value of careful and transparent project design in consultation with local communities and affected landowners to avoid opposition noted here and in previous studies.
摘要加拿大阿尔伯塔省的政治和经济形势深受化石燃料开采的影响,从而限制了能源转型的进展。尽管对可再生能源技术的抵制减缓了转型,但公众对这些项目的看法是多样的,本地化的敏感性往往不太清楚。为了提高我们对支持和反对风能开发的理解,我们借鉴了能源民主、分配和程序正义的概念。利用因子调查实验和潜在类别分析,以401名大型农业土地所有者为样本来衡量这些概念,我们确定了三组不同的个人,他们具有独特的偏好,这些偏好基于个人如何看待和支持风能。与大多数对风电项目持温和看法的受访者相比,当社区利益得到明确界定时,我们发现了一组独特的支持土地所有者。第三类主要是反对风能,即正义问题与使他们的土地远离风力涡轮机的影响有关。我们的结论确定了与当地社区和受影响的土地所有者协商进行谨慎透明的项目设计的价值,以避免这里和以前的研究中提到的反对意见。
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引用次数: 0
Regenerative sustainability. A relational model of possibilities for the emergence of positive tipping points 再生可持续性。正临界点出现可能性的关系模型
IF 2.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-30 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2239538
J. Tàbara
ABSTRACT Global environmental change problems are relational problems, so individual and collective actions aimed at dealing with them need to address fundamental changes about how we relate to social and biophysical systems. In this contribution, I suggest that current attempts to theorise and act on sustainability transformations would benefit from a relational perspective characterising individuals, organisations and societies as coupled social-ecological systems set in the context of accelerating global environmental change. Using a whole-life-systems’ non-exemptionalist worldview, a conceptual model is presented to help explore the theoretical possibilities for creating regenerative sustainability pathways. Learning to restore and improve the life-support conditions that ensure long-term sustainability will require enacting positive synergies between social and biophysical capitals as well as reframing anthropocentric conceptions of agency and of individual emancipation. In particular, regenerative sustainability pathways entail synergising different kinds and levels of agency in non-dualistic ways and tackle at the same time transformations in: social and institutional arrangements (S), energy and natural resources (E), information and knowledge systems (I) and accumulated environmental change (C) -the SEIC model.
摘要全球环境变化问题是关系问题,因此旨在应对这些问题的个人和集体行动需要解决我们与社会和生物物理系统之间关系的根本变化。在这篇文章中,我认为,当前对可持续性转型进行理论化和行动的尝试将受益于将个人、组织和社会描述为在全球环境变化加速的背景下建立的耦合社会生态系统的关系视角。利用整个生命系统的非豁免主义世界观,提出了一个概念模型,以帮助探索创造再生可持续性途径的理论可能性。要学会恢复和改善确保长期可持续性的生命支持条件,就需要在社会资本和生物物理资本之间建立积极的协同作用,并重新构建以人类为中心的机构和个人解放概念。特别是,再生可持续性途径需要以非二元方式协同不同类型和级别的机构,同时应对以下方面的变革:社会和制度安排(S)、能源和自然资源(E)、信息和知识系统(I)以及累积的环境变化(C)-SEIC模型。
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引用次数: 1
Engaging in reuse, gleaning and zero waste in France: a civic ecology of matter 在法国从事再利用、收集和零浪费:物质的公民生态
IF 2.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2240080
Isabelle Hajek
ABSTRACT A wide array of practices of recycling, reuse and waste reduction has emerged both in America and in Western Europe. This article examines the ways in which they reveal a new form of environmental engagement, based on the findings of a sociological study commissioned by the French national agency for the ecological transition ADEME’s 1 programme. Having discussed the links between waste policy and environmental activism in the French context, it shows that, to appreciate the transformative reach of these initiatives, a theoretical framework is needed that combines literature on citizen participation, on the relationships between activist and economic worlds, and on sustainable materialism. This joint theoretical framework is used to analyse the civic ecology of matter that emerges from these anti-waste initiatives, transforming society’s relationship to waste.
摘要美国和西欧都出现了一系列回收、再利用和减少废物的做法。本文根据法国国家生态转型机构ADEME 1计划委托进行的一项社会学研究的结果,探讨了它们揭示一种新形式的环境参与的方式。在法国背景下讨论了废物政策和环境行动主义之间的联系,这表明,为了理解这些举措的变革影响,需要一个理论框架,结合公民参与、活动家与经济世界之间的关系以及可持续唯物主义的文献。这一联合理论框架用于分析这些反废物倡议中产生的物质的公民生态学,改变社会与废物的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Perceptions of local environment change and ecological habitus 对当地环境变化和生态习惯的认识
IF 2.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2023.2234644
Matthew Stackhouse, Howard Ramos, K. Foster, Mark C. J. Stoddart
ABSTRACT Research shows that people’s perceptions of environmental change are strong predictors of ecologically supportive behaviours and attitudes, but less is known about what causes some people to perceive environmental change more than others. This study considers whether participation in outdoor leisure activities accounts for different perceptions of the local environment. We consider how leisure activities form a broader ‘ecological habitus’ while also considering the role that education has in structuring perceptions and practice. We use survey data on perceptions of environmental change and use Principal Component Analysis and logistic regression to explore ecological habitus and the effect of leisure activities on environmental perceptions. Results show that outdoor leisure practices shape perceptions of local environment change and offer a continuum of ecological habitus ranging from appreciative to low resource outdoor leisure associated with varied perceptions of environment degradation. Education is a limited factor in predicting perceptions or explaining associations between leisure and environmental perceptions.
摘要研究表明,人们对环境变化的感知是生态支持行为和态度的有力预测因素,但人们对是什么导致一些人比其他人更能感知环境变化知之甚少。这项研究考虑了参与户外休闲活动是否会导致对当地环境的不同看法。我们考虑休闲活动如何形成更广泛的“生态习惯”,同时也考虑教育在构建观念和实践中的作用。我们使用环境变化感知的调查数据,并使用主成分分析和逻辑回归来探索生态习惯和休闲活动对环境感知的影响。结果表明,户外休闲实践塑造了对当地环境变化的感知,并提供了一个连续的生态习惯,从欣赏到低资源的户外休闲,与环境退化的各种感知相关。在预测休闲和环境感知之间的关系或解释休闲和环境认知之间的关联方面,教育是一个有限的因素。
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引用次数: 0
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Environmental Sociology
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