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Afrocentric beauty: The proliferation of ‘Texturist’ and ‘Colorist’ beliefs among young women in Kenya 以非洲为中心的美:“纺织主义者”和“色彩主义者”信仰在肯尼亚年轻女性中的扩散
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-02-13 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v36i12023.32-43
Karen Mwende Kinuthia, Emy Susanti, Stacy Pamba Kokonya
The beauty ideals of a Eurocentric nature have been promulgated among African communities for decades dating back to the colonial era. The beauty ideal posits lighter or brown skin tone as prettier and straight hair as attractive. The study aimed to identify ways in which families and peers have perpetuated this common beauty ideal within the home and school settings and how these have influenced how young women view themselves. There were 20 young women of different skin tones ranging from light, medium (brown) to dark participated in two focus group discussions. Thematic analysis was used whereby three main themes (familial influence, peer socialization and self-perceptions) and four sub-themes were identified (general opinion, teasing, family disassociation and preferential vs. unfair treatment). Findings revealed that family member and peers knowingly and unknowingly augmented ‘colorist’ and ‘texturist’ beliefs by ridiculing both dark-skinned and light-skinned women. Most of them treated dark skinned people unfairly. The research findings suggested that future research should investigate how body features represent attractiveness within the African communities.
从殖民时代开始,以欧洲为中心的美丽理念已经在非洲社区中传播了几十年。理想的美丽是浅色或棕色的皮肤更漂亮,直发更有吸引力。这项研究旨在确定家庭和同龄人是如何在家庭和学校环境中延续这种共同的美丽理想的,以及这些是如何影响年轻女性对自己的看法的。有20名不同肤色的年轻女性参加了两次焦点小组讨论,肤色从浅、中(棕色)到深。采用主题分析,确定了三个主要主题(家庭影响、同伴社会化和自我认知)和四个副主题(一般意见、戏弄、家庭解体和优待与不公平待遇)。研究结果显示,家庭成员和同龄人有意无意地通过嘲笑深肤色和浅肤色的女性来增强“色彩主义者”和“纹理主义者”的信念。他们中的大多数人对深肤色的人不公平。研究结果表明,未来的研究应该调查身体特征如何代表非洲社区的吸引力。
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引用次数: 1
Epistocracy vs constitutional democracy: A Hayekian response to Jason Brannan 圣公会与宪政民主:哈耶基对杰森·布兰南的回应
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-02-13 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v36i12023.44-57
Buğra Kalkan, Pınar Ebe Güzgü
Jason Brennan, who proposes assessing democratic decisions based on non-procedural expert knowledge from a pure utilitarian standpoint, holds a prominent position among libertarian critiques of democracy. Brennan contends that epistocratic regimes can outperform democracies since democracies perform badly due to the phenomena of rational ignorance and deliberative democratic methods cannot solve this problem. Brennan, who compares epistocratic institutions to constitutional institutions, wants to tame democracies using negative externality arguments. In this study, we demonstrate that constitutional democracies cannot be assessed by the Brennanian metrics and that epistocracy will erode the libertarian political successes of constitutional democracy. Two important arguments back up this conclusion. First, transforming libertarian ideals beyond constitutional rules into the standard for daily politics allows experts tremendous discretion. Even with good intentions, the unchecked discretion of experts would most likely undermine the general, abstract, and egalitarian rules required by a complex society. Second, taking the concept of rational choice out of its original context will make the distinction between constitutional and unconstitutional governments unclear. Therefore, the libertarian ideal of the limited government established by the separation of powers and the procedures of checks and balances would lose its significance, giving place to the unchecked discretion of expert rule.
杰森·布伦南(Jason Brennan)建议从纯粹的功利主义角度,基于非程序性专家知识来评估民主决策,他在自由主义者对民主的批评中占有突出地位。布伦南认为,由于理性无知现象导致民主国家表现不佳,而审慎的民主方法无法解决这一问题,因此上位政权可以超越民主国家。布伦南将贵族制度比作宪法制度,他希望利用负外部性论点驯服民主国家。在这项研究中,我们证明了宪政民主不能用布伦南指标来评估,而书信政治将侵蚀宪政民主的自由意志主义政治成功。有两个重要的论据支持这一结论。首先,将超越宪法规则的自由意志主义理想转变为日常政治的标准,让专家们有了极大的自由裁量权。即使是出于善意,专家们不受约束的自由裁量权也很可能破坏复杂社会所要求的一般、抽象和平等的规则。第二,将理性选择的概念从其原始语境中剥离,将使宪政和违宪政府之间的区别变得不明确。因此,通过分权和制衡程序建立的有限政府的自由意志主义理想将失去其意义,取而代之的是专家规则的不受约束的自由裁量权。
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引用次数: 0
The worth of Javanese conservative leadership in coping with COVID-19 爪哇保守领导在应对新冠肺炎中的价值
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-10-17 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v35i42022.527-539
Wawan Sobari
Current studies discover the difference of response of conservatism to the COVID-19 pandemic situation with, at least, six stigmas, namely practicing conservative politics, high risk public health behavior, lack of trust in science, neglecting mainstream media reports, less support for vaccination, and tendency to stockpile. This fieldwork-based qualitative study aims to explore the conservative political leadership of a village head in dealing with the pandemic situation. Unlike the previous studies, it reveals the village head’s conservative leadership which plays a vital role in coping with the outbreak. Under the influence of Javanese culture and tradition, the practices of leadership have positive impacts on controlling the situation, that are responsiveness, willingness to hear input, empathy, direct engagement, non-discrimination, ability to mobilize village apparatuses and to encourage participation of villagers, and consistent reminders to villagers to adhere to health protocols. The village head operationally practices the values of ngancani (accompanying) and njagongi (hanging out) in his leadership. The findings challenge previous academic works as the leadership adjusts to dominant Javanese conservatism in handling the pandemic. It negates the view of difference of conservatism’s response to the outbreak. Conservatism, particularly Javanese cultural and traditional values, actually minimizes the differences of social identity among villagers.
目前的研究发现,保守主义对新冠肺炎疫情的反应存在至少六种污名,即保守政治、高风险公共卫生行为、缺乏对科学的信任、忽视主流媒体报道、对疫苗接种的支持程度较低、倾向于囤积。这项以实地工作为基础的定性研究旨在探讨村长在处理大流行局势方面的保守政治领导。与以往的研究不同,它揭示了村长的保守领导在应对疫情中发挥了至关重要的作用。在爪哇文化和传统的影响下,领导的做法对控制局势有积极的影响,即反应迅速、愿意听取意见、感同身受、直接参与、不歧视、能够调动村庄设备和鼓励村民参与,以及不断提醒村民遵守卫生规程。村长在他的领导中践行着ngancani(陪伴)和njagongi(闲逛)的价值观。随着领导层适应爪哇人在应对疫情方面占主导地位的保守主义,这些发现对之前的学术研究提出了挑战。否定了保守主义应对疫情的差异观点。保守主义,特别是爪哇文化和传统价值观,实际上最小化了村民之间的社会身份差异。
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引用次数: 0
The local-wisdom-based social capital for strengthening social resilience during the COVID-19 pandemic 基于地方智慧的社会资本,在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间加强社会抵御力
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-10-17 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v35i42022.514-526
Armaidy Armawi, Samuel Asdianto Limbongan
Indonesia is renowned for its diversity and various local wisdom that live and flourish among the society. In preventing the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic especially when the Implementation of Restrictions on Community Activities (PPKM), the people of the Special Region of Yogyakarta employ an adaptive mechanism consisting of the manners and ways of behaving, acting, and serving in the social order. The local wisdom emerges from the knowledge of the local culture and establishes the wisdom of individuals, groups, and society. The objective is to describe the people’s condition, analyze the social capital and explain the social resilience of the people. The current study is a descriptive qualitative study and adopts a phenomenology to find meaning in society. The research location is in Sleman Regency, more precisely in Pogung Rejo, Sinduadi Village, Kapanewon Mlati. The process of collecting data by observation, interviews, and documentation. This study finds that society appears in social behavior and actions to strengthen social resilience during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study concludes that social resilience has been built in the people of the Special Region of Yogyakarta with its local wisdom has been embedded in the community.
印度尼西亚以其多样性和各种地方智慧而闻名,这些智慧在社会中生存和繁荣。为了防止COVID-19大流行的传播,特别是在实施社区活动限制(PPKM)时,日惹特区的人民采用了一种适应性机制,包括在社会秩序中行为、行动和服务的方式和方式。地方智慧来源于对地方文化的了解,形成了个人、群体和社会的智慧。目的是描述人们的状况,分析社会资本,解释人们的社会弹性。目前的研究是一种描述性质的研究,采用现象学的方法在社会中寻找意义。研究地点在Sleman Regency,更准确地说是在Pogung Rejo, Sinduadi Village, Kapanewon Mlati。通过观察、访谈和文件收集数据的过程。本研究发现,在COVID-19大流行期间,社会表现在社会行为和行动中,以增强社会复原力。该研究的结论是,日惹特别行政区的人民已经建立了社会复原力,其当地智慧已经融入社区。
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引用次数: 0
Adaptation of the political economy of the grassroots Tionghoa ethnic in Bangka Island, Indonesia 印度尼西亚邦加岛基层琼霍亚族政治经济的适应
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-10-17 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v35i42022.540-553
I. Ibrahim, Arief Hidayat, Herza Herza
Since the 17th century, various Tionghoa ethnic groups migrated from mainland China to Southeast Asia, including Indonesia. These ethnic groups migrated in accordance with the power in government. In Bangka Island, the Tionghoa had become part of the tin exploitation process hundreds of years before colonization. When new policies and changes are made on tin mining by the government, it negatively affects the socioeconomic life of this ethnic group, which was initially known as tin laborers. This study aims to determine the adaptation of the Tionghoa political economy in Bangka Island. The research method used is qualitative with literature review, interview, and observation as the data collecting technique conducted from January to December 2021. The result showed that the government largely determined the rule of tin by the Tionghoa ethnics. They became partners, administrators, illegal and main players during the Palembang Sultanate, colonial period, Old and New Orders, and the post-1998 reform period. This study discovered that Tionghoa at the elite and grassroots levels are actually different. In general, this study concludes that the Chinese at the grassroots tend to be distant from the advantages of tin due to limited capital and access.
自17世纪以来,各种琼霍亚族从中国大陆迁移到东南亚,包括印度尼西亚。这些民族是根据政府的权力迁移的。在Bangka岛,在殖民前数百年,Tionghoa已经成为锡开采过程的一部分。当政府对锡矿开采做出新的政策和改变时,会对这个最初被称为锡劳工的民族的社会经济生活产生负面影响。本研究旨在确定Bangka岛Tionghoa政治经济的适应性。所使用的研究方法是定性的,文献综述、访谈和观察是2021年1月至12月进行的数据收集技术。结果表明,政府在很大程度上决定了琼霍亚民族对锡的统治。在巴望苏丹国、殖民时期、新旧秩序以及1998年后的改革时期,他们成为了合作伙伴、管理者、非法分子和主要参与者。这项研究发现,Tionghoa在精英和基层实际上是不同的。总的来说,这项研究得出的结论是,由于资金和渠道有限,基层的中国人往往远离锡的优势。
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引用次数: 0
The discourse of COVID-19 vaccine in the Indonesian Ministry of Health Instagram @kemenkes_ri 新冠肺炎疫苗在印度尼西亚卫生部的讨论Instagram@kemenkes_ri
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-10-17 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v35i42022.496-513
Rio Satria Nugroho, Vizcardine Audinovic
The paper aims to examine how the Indonesian Ministry of Health utilizes Instagram for communicating the message regarding the COVID-19 vaccine. The widespread awareness, access, and acceptance in Indonesia of COVID-19 vaccines is a social and communication endeavor that is a highly essential consideration of spreading the messages to millions of people. The authors gathered data of Instagram posts from January 1 – May 31, 2021. The data were classified into three groups; risks and crisis information, self-efficiency and sense-making, campaign, events, and activities. The authors applied van Dijk’s critical discourse analysis concept of macrostructure, superstructure, and microstructure. The results show that the Instagram posts of the Indonesian Ministry of Health regarding the COVID-19 vaccine are classified into several sub-themes of each group. The Indonesian Ministry of Health's Instagram account uses a public information model to disseminate COVID-19 vaccination information, according to the message dissemination strategy. It applies one-way communication and indicates that the use of Instagram as a communication channel for promoting COVID-19 vaccinations has not been optimized. Another developing discourse on the Instagram account is that health workers have been prioritized and portrayed as the pandemic's hero. 
该论文旨在研究印度尼西亚卫生部如何利用Instagram传播有关新冠肺炎疫苗的信息。印度尼西亚对新冠肺炎疫苗的广泛认识、获取和接受是一项社会和沟通努力,是向数百万人传播信息的一个非常重要的考虑因素。作者收集了2021年1月1日至5月31日期间Instagram帖子的数据。数据分为三组:;风险和危机信息、自我效率和决策、活动、事件和活动。作者运用了范迪克的批评语篇分析的宏观结构、上层结构和微观结构概念。结果显示,印度尼西亚卫生部在Instagram上发布的关于新冠肺炎疫苗的帖子被分为每组的几个子主题。根据消息传播策略,印度尼西亚卫生部的Instagram账户使用公共信息模型传播新冠肺炎疫苗接种信息。它采用单向传播,并表明Instagram作为宣传新冠肺炎疫苗接种的传播渠道的使用尚未优化。Instagram账户上另一个正在发展的话题是,卫生工作者被列为疫情的英雄。
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引用次数: 0
Communicating the move towards social entrepreneurship: The role of key partners for women empowerment initiative in East Java 宣传社会创业:东爪哇妇女赋权倡议的主要合作伙伴的作用
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-10-17 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v35i42022.478-495
Suko Widodo, Sulikah Asmorowati, Anita Dewi, Calvin Nathan Wijaya, Charisma Husniati
The empowerment as well as welfare impact of the implementation of the Feminisation of Poverty Alleviation Program (PFK Program) on its beneficiaries – the underprivileged Female Household Heads (KRTPs)- in East Java, can be considered as range from low to moderate. In this, there is a need for furthering the empowerment impact of the program, which can be done, amongst other, through the adoption a social business model, namely Business Model Canvas (BMC). This study aims to examine key partners’ role in supporting the adoption of Business Model Canvas (BMC) elements for a government-initiated entrepreneurship program at the grass-roots level. The study employs qualitative case study research using observation, document analysis and interviews with 98 key partners in four districts (Banyuwangi, Lamongan, Nganjuk, and Trenggalek). The key partners are divided into three categories, namely local governments, KRTPs, and local institutions/communities. The study finds that to further the empowerment impact of the PFK Program, Trenggalek is the readiest among the four districts, followed by Nganjuk, Lamongan, and Banyuwangi, to adopt Business Model Canvas (BMC). It is further argued that the application of Business Model Canvas (BMC) can contributed to an adequate description of key partners’ readiness to support the program by establishing the customer segments, value propositions, channels, revenue streams, customer relationships, key resources, and managing the cost structure that accelerate the role of key partners in moving towards social entrepreneurship.
在东爪哇,实施“女性化扶贫计划”(PFK计划)对其受益者——贫困的女性户主(KRTPs)——的赋权和福利影响可以被认为从低到中等不等。在这方面,有必要进一步扩大该计划的授权影响,这可以通过采用社会商业模式,即商业模式画布(BMC)来实现。本研究旨在考察关键合作伙伴在支持基层政府发起的创业项目采用商业模式画布(BMC)要素方面的作用。本研究采用定性案例研究方法,通过观察、文献分析和对四个地区(Banyuwangi、Lamongan、Nganjuk和Trenggalek)的98个主要合作伙伴的访谈进行研究。主要合作伙伴分为三类,即地方政府、krtp和地方机构/社区。研究发现,为了进一步发挥PFK计划的赋权影响,丁加莱克是四个地区中最愿意采用商业模式画布(BMC)的地区,其次是恩甘竹、拉蒙干和班育旺吉。进一步认为,商业模式画布(BMC)的应用可以通过建立客户细分、价值主张、渠道、收入流、客户关系、关键资源和管理成本结构来充分描述关键合作伙伴支持该计划的准备情况,从而加速关键合作伙伴在走向社会企业家精神方面的作用。
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引用次数: 0
The power of incumbent political capital of Suharsono-Halim in the 2020 Bantul Regional Head Election 现任政治首都苏哈索诺·哈利姆在2020年班图地区领导人选举中的权力
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v35i42022.466-477
H. Setiawan, Kelik Iswandi
The regional head election in Bantul in 2020 is an interesting political contestation event. This is because the previous incumbent regent and deputy regent in Bantul participated in this political contest, which broke up the joint venture. The struggle for power in Bantul is interestingly won by the previous deputy regent, Abdul Halim Muslih. This victory certainly raises a big question as to why Suharsono, who is actually an incumbent regent, is easily defeated. In fact, under the leadership of Suharsono, Bantul has always made various achievements both locally, nationally and internationally. Departing from this problem, it is necessary to examine how the strength of the political modalities between the two was so that in the end Abdul Halim Muslih won. The research conducted by qualitative approach by using descriptive method. The research materials were collected from library research. The author collects data through literature studies, both journals, media, news, KPU documents, or other literature that supports this paper. The researchers argue that the incumbent Abdul Halim Muslih’s victory in the 2020 Bantul Regional Head Election cannot be separated from the strength of social, cultural, and political modalities. The advantage of this modality is able to gain votes in the 2020 Bantul Regional Head Election. Although it must be admitted that Suharsono’s economic modality is better than Abdul Halim Muslih.
2020年班图地区领导人选举是一场有趣的政治角逐。这是因为班图的前任摄政王和副摄政王参与了这场政治竞争,导致合资企业破裂。有趣的是,前副摄政王阿卜杜勒·哈利姆·穆斯利赢得了班图的权力斗争。这场胜利无疑引发了一个大问题,即为什么现任摄政王苏哈索诺会轻易被击败。事实上,在苏哈索诺的领导下,班图尔在当地、国家和国际上一直取得了各种成就。从这个问题出发,有必要研究两者之间的政治模式的力量是如何使阿卜杜勒·哈利姆·穆斯利赫最终获胜的。本研究采用描述性方法,采用定性方法进行。研究材料是从图书馆的研究中收集的。作者通过文献研究收集数据,包括期刊、媒体、新闻、KPU文件或其他支持本文的文献。研究人员认为,现任总统阿卜杜勒·哈利姆·穆斯利在2020年班图尔地区领导人选举中的胜利离不开社会、文化和政治模式的力量。这种模式的优势是能够在2020年班图地区领导人选举中获得选票。尽管必须承认,苏哈索诺的经济模式比阿卜杜勒·哈利姆·穆斯利要好。
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引用次数: 0
Digital democracy and brokerage dynamics in regional head elections in Indonesia 印度尼西亚地区领导人选举中的数字民主和经纪动态
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v35i42022.433-449
Anyualatha Haridison
The progress of the digitalization era in democracy has led to changes in the current political contestation, especially the way candidates approach voters. This study explores broker schemes in the digital world regarding how candidates use social media to build a broker network. This study used qualitative research, by observing social media and interviewing several key informants. This study finds that in the era of digital democracy, candidates use social media to develop digital brokers, but as a pre-elaboration and intensively introduce the candidate's real work to voters. Some candidates believe that conventional brokers are still final in knowing and binding broker loyalty, but winning candidates experiment with digital brokers. On the other hand, digital democracy has provided space for candidates to focus on brokers on social media to code the brokers who will be targeted or nominated to become structured conventional brokers. This study expands the study of brokers in electoral political studies, especially insights related to digital brokerage schemes and adds focus to the study of regional elections in Indonesia. This study concludes that digital brokers are a strategy for expanding digital voter networks and persuading candidates' work to voters on social media in the long term.
民主主义数字化时代的进步导致了当前政治竞争的变化,特别是候选人接近选民的方式。本研究探讨了数字世界中关于候选人如何使用社交媒体建立经纪人网络的经纪人方案。这项研究采用了定性研究,通过观察社交媒体和采访几个关键线人。本研究发现,在数字民主时代,候选人利用社交媒体发展数字经纪人,但作为预先阐述和密集地向选民介绍候选人的真实工作。一些候选人认为,传统经纪人在了解和约束经纪人忠诚度方面仍然是最后的选择,但获胜的候选人会尝试数字经纪人。另一方面,数字民主为候选人提供了空间,让他们专注于社交媒体上的经纪人,对那些将成为目标或被提名为结构化传统经纪人的经纪人进行编码。本研究扩展了选举政治研究中经纪人的研究,特别是与数字经纪计划相关的见解,并将重点放在印度尼西亚区域选举的研究上。这项研究的结论是,数字经纪人是一种扩大数字选民网络的策略,从长远来看,可以在社交媒体上说服候选人的工作。
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引用次数: 2
What If It Was You (#WIIWY) digital activism on TikTok to fight gender-based violence online and cyberbullying What If It Was You(#WIIWY)TikTok上的数字行动主义,旨在打击基于性别的网络暴力和网络欺凌
IF 0.3 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.20473/mkp.v35i42022.450-465
Fatimatuzzahro Fatimatuzzahro, Z. Achmad
FISIP 21 created #WIIWY activism in response to the increase in cases of online gender-based violence (KBGO) and cyberbullying during the COVID-19 pandemic. To be able to participate in activism, the public can upload content on the social media TikTok. The #WIIWY movement is gaining traction among the general public. This study explored the motivations of #WIIWY digital activism makers, obtained information about the dissemination of #WIIWY digital activism on TikTok, and the role of TikTok in the process of making digital activism media. This study uses a virtual ethnographic method to explain the cultural behavior of digital activism that is used by users on TikTok. The results of this study indicate that there are several individual motivations involved in #WIIWY activism, namely the suitability with feelings, want to spread awareness about cyberbullying and KBGO, voice the experiences as victims of crime on social media and create a safer and more positive social media environment. The spread of this activism is quite high but its virality is limited at the beginning and is not evenly distributed throughout Indonesia. This study concludes that TikTok plays a role in the media-making process of producing and disseminating #WIIWY activism.
FISIP 21发起#WIIWY行动,以应对2019冠状病毒病大流行期间网络性别暴力和网络欺凌案件的增加。为了能够参与行动,公众可以在社交媒体TikTok上上传内容。#WIIWY运动在公众中越来越受欢迎。本研究探讨了#WIIWY数字行动主义制造者的动机,获得了#WIIWY数字行动主义在TikTok上的传播信息,以及TikTok在数字行动主义媒体制作过程中的作用。本研究使用虚拟人种学方法来解释TikTok用户使用的数字激进主义的文化行为。本研究的结果表明,#WIIWY行动主义涉及几个个人动机,即与情感的适应,希望传播对网络欺凌和KBGO的认识,在社交媒体上表达犯罪受害者的经历,创造一个更安全和更积极的社交媒体环境。这种行动主义的传播程度相当高,但一开始病毒式传播有限,在印尼各地分布不均。这项研究的结论是,TikTok在生产和传播#WIIWY行动主义的媒体制作过程中发挥了作用。
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引用次数: 4
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