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Access to Justice as a Social Determinant of Health: The Basis 获得司法救助是健康的社会决定因素:基础
Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7283
Sunam Jassar
Health disparity in Canada is continuing to grow with marginalized communities being disproportionately affected. Policies and actions implemented by the federal government have been ineffective in addressing underlying causes of poor health. Framing access to justice as a social determinant of health is a necessary first step to establish a comprehensive and interdisciplinary approach to address poor health outcomes.  Through an analysis of the limitations of access to justice as a legal term and the application of access to justice in health outcomes, this article hopes to foster further collaboration between the medical and legal communities in this area. art I of this paper argues the need to expand the scope of access to justice beyond the legal realm. Part II highlights the increasing health disparity within Canada and critiques the current approach. Part III outlines the ways in which health disparity can be improved if access to justice is recognized as a social determinant of health.  The paper concludes with discussing progress that can be made in both the legal and medical community as a result of widening the scope of access to justice. Through an analysis of the limitations of access to justice as a legal term and the application of access to justice in health outcomes, this paper hopes to foster further collaboration between the medical and legal communities in this area.   
加拿大的健康差距继续扩大,边缘化社区受到的影响尤为严重。联邦政府实施的政策和行动在解决健康状况不佳的根本原因方面效果不佳。将获得司法救助视为健康的社会决定因素,是建立一种全面和跨学科的方法来解决不良健康结果的必要第一步。通过分析诉诸司法作为一个法律术语的局限性以及诉诸司法在健康结果中的应用,本文希望促进医学界和法律界在这一领域的进一步合作。本文第一部分认为,有必要将诉诸司法的范围扩大到法律领域之外。第二部分强调了加拿大国内日益扩大的健康差距,并批评了目前的做法。第三部分概述了如果承认诉诸司法是健康的一个社会决定因素,可以如何改善健康差距。论文最后讨论了由于扩大诉诸司法的范围,法律界和医学界都可以取得的进展。通过分析诉诸司法作为一个法律术语的局限性以及诉诸司法在健康结果中的应用,本文希望促进医学界和法律界在这一领域的进一步合作。
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引用次数: 1
Practising an Anti-Colonial Citizenship Education Through a Blended Learning Course on Aboriginal Law 通过原住民法律混合学习课程进行反殖民公民教育
Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7284
Sean Robertson
In the wake of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Indigenous peoples and non-Indigenous Canadians find themselves aspiring towards transitional justice. Yet they do so with a democracy in need of some repair. One prime site for fostering democratic renewal – the post-secondary sector – is under pressure from corporatization and political forces working to narrow freedom of expression and academic freedom. This sector, however, continues to offer some hope through liberal, anti-oppressive, anti-colonial, and Indigenous pedagogies that promote a public ethical responsibility beyond the self. Yet encouraging these pedagogies is not straightforward, including for those teaching courses such as Aboriginal law in a blended learning format. In the context of the spread of online education and the dearth of scholarship on anti-oppressive pedagogies therein, on the one hand, and the reluctance of legal educators to adopt anti-colonial pedagogies, on the other, there is an urgency to build knowledge about how to develop citizenship education. Anti-colonial citizenship education includes content about the establishment of settler society and the status of Indigenous nations. Furthermore, it is operationalized through active learning practices. Based on Indigenous and non-Indigenous pedagogical theories, these practices are argued to support a tripartite “intellectual framework” comprised of critical thinking, collaboration, and self-directed learning. Through a case study of an undergraduate course, the argument is made for the efficacy of a number of active learning practices to produce this intellectual framework. It is suggested that, in addition to better learning outcomes, an anti-colonial citizenship education is materialized insofar as the intellectual framework inspires a sensibility for complexity and independent thinking, “civic culture,” and autonomous inquiry and openness to alternative epistemologies.
真相与和解委员会成立后,土著人民和非土著加拿大人发现自己渴望过渡时期司法。然而,他们这样做是因为民主需要一些修复。促进民主复兴的一个主要场所——中学后教育部门——正面临着公司化和政治力量的压力,这些力量致力于缩小言论自由和学术自由。然而,这一部门通过自由主义、反压迫、反殖民和土著教育法继续提供了一些希望,这些教育法促进了超越自我的公共道德责任。然而,鼓励这些教学法并不简单,包括那些以混合学习形式教授原住民法律等课程的教学法。一方面,在线教育的普及和缺乏反压迫教育的学术研究,另一方面,法律教育工作者不愿采用反殖民教育,因此迫切需要了解如何发展公民教育。反殖民公民教育包括关于建立定居者社会和土著民族地位的内容。此外,它是通过积极的学习实践来运作的。基于土著和非土著教育理论,这些实践被认为支持由批判性思维、合作和自主学习组成的三方“智力框架”。通过一个本科生课程的案例研究,论证了一些积极的学习实践对产生这种智力框架的有效性。有人建议,除了更好的学习成果外,只要知识框架激发了对复杂性和独立思考的敏感性、“公民文化”、自主探究和对替代认识论的开放性,反殖民的公民教育就会具体化。
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引用次数: 0
Civil Revolution: User Experiences with British Columbia’s Online Court 公民革命:不列颠哥伦比亚省在线法庭的用户体验
Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7192
Katie Sykes, Rebecca Dickson, Sarah Ewart, Candice Foulkes, Marina Landry
British Columbia’s new Civil Resolution Tribunal [CRT] is a primarily online dispute resolution system that has attracted international attention for its innovative approach.  But so far there has been little independent research on the effectiveness of the CRT and similar online dispute resolution initiatives in providing access to justice.  In a qualitative and exploratory study, we surveyed 49 British Columbians who had used the CRT about their experience with the process.  Overall, the results suggest that the CRT has improved access to justice, but the survey answers also identified problems and concerns, for which we suggest potential solutions. 
不列颠哥伦比亚省新的民事解决法庭(CRT)是一个主要的在线争议解决系统,因其创新的方法而吸引了国际关注。但到目前为止,几乎没有关于CRT和类似的在线争议解决方案在提供诉诸司法方面的有效性的独立研究。在一项定性和探索性研究中,我们调查了49名使用过CRT的不列颠哥伦比亚人,了解他们在这一过程中的经历。总体而言,结果表明,CRT改善了诉诸司法的机会,但调查的答案也发现了问题和关切,对此我们提出了潜在的解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
Sex Workers and the Best Interests of their Children: Issues Faced by Sex Workers Involved in Custody and Access Legal Proceedings 性工作者及其子女的最大利益:性工作者在监护权和探视权法律诉讼中面临的问题
Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7280
Julie E. DeWolf
Sex worker parents often lose custody of their children. The purpose of this research was to study theimpact of a parent’s status as a past or present sex worker on judicial decision-making in custody and access disputes. Through doctrinal legal research, I explored judicial treatment of sex workers involved in custody and access disputes in Child Protection and Family Law case law from Ontario. I reviewed every reference to parental involvement in sex work from Child Protection and Family Law decisions from January 2010-March 2020. Parental involvement in sex work was often presented as an unfavourable aspect of the parent, or otherwise had a negative influence on their claim. Sex work was treated as a negative quality in a parent rather than an aspect of their life warranting further factual exploration. I argue that stigma against sex workers appears to carry more weight in custody and access disputes than evidence concerning the impact that a parent’s sex work has on a child.
性工作者的父母经常失去孩子的监护权。本研究的目的是研究父母过去或现在的性工作者身份对监护权和探视权纠纷中司法决策的影响。通过理论法律研究,我探索了安大略省儿童保护和家庭法判例法中涉及监护权和探视权纠纷的性工作者的司法处理。我回顾了2010年1月至2020年3月期间《儿童保护和家庭法》中关于父母参与性工作的每一项决定。父母参与性工作往往被认为是父母的一个不利方面,或者对他们的索赔有负面影响。性工作被视为父母的负面品质,而不是他们生活的一个方面,值得进一步的事实探索。我认为,与父母的性工作对孩子的影响有关的证据相比,对性工作者的污名在监护权和探视权纠纷中似乎更有分量。
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引用次数: 0
Judicializing Foreign Affairs: The Canada-Saudi Arms Deal and the Implications of Transnational Tort Litigation 外交事务司法化:加拿大-沙特武器交易和跨国侵权诉讼的影响
Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7193
Hassan Ahmad
In the recent past, the ability to challenge Canadian government action with foreign relations elements has spilled over from administrative law into tort law. At the same time, tort actions against multinational corporations for human rights violations abroad have also seen a surge in Canadian courts, culminating in the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Nevsun Resources Ltd. v. Araya. This article addresses some doctrinal elements of a potential transnational tort claim against the Canadian government and a Canadian arms manufacturer pursuant to human rights violations arising from the 2014 Canada-Saudi Arms Deal [CSAD]. It also explores consequential effects that Canada’s burgeoning transnational tort laws can have on Canada-Saudi relations as well as the Canadian defence industry. Overall, this article uses the CSAD as one real-life scenario in which private law litigation can have broader effects on a country’s foreign relations and domestic economy. In this instance, the judiciary’s power to exact extra-judicial consequences illustrates how tort litigation can curtail the behaviour of governmental and commercial actors.  
最近,用外交关系要素挑战加拿大政府行为的能力已经从行政法扩展到侵权法。与此同时,针对跨国公司在国外侵犯人权行为的侵权诉讼也在加拿大法院激增,最高法院最近在Nevsun Resources有限公司诉Araya案中作出裁决。本文论述了根据2014年加拿大-沙特武器交易[CSAD]引起的侵犯人权行为,对加拿大政府和加拿大武器制造商提出的潜在跨国侵权索赔的一些理论要素。它还探讨了加拿大新兴的跨国侵权法可能对加拿大与沙特的关系以及加拿大国防工业产生的后果。总的来说,本文将CSAD作为一个现实场景,在这个场景中,私法诉讼可以对一个国家的外交关系和国内经济产生更广泛的影响。在这种情况下,司法机构有权追究法外后果,这说明了侵权诉讼如何限制政府和商业行为者的行为。
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引用次数: 0
As the Water Grinds the Stone: Comparison of Represented and Self-represented Appellant Populations in the Federal Court of Appeal 水磨石磨:联邦上诉法院代表与自我代表上诉人的比较
Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7195
D. Netolitzky, Richard Warman
This article reports a quantitative and statistically reliable population investigation of 552 Federal Court of Appeal proceedings that were appeals by represented and self-represented appellants who, in 2016 or 2017, appealed decisions of the Federal Court or Tax Court of Canada. Appeals by the Crown, non-Crown represented appellants, and self-represented appellants exhibited markedly different frequencies at which appeals were granted, and patterns for how appeals were terminated. Nearly half of Crown appeals were granted, but less than one in twenty self-represented appellants had any degree of success. While 70% of appeals conducted by lawyers completed the appeal process, less than 40% of self-represented appellant proceedings resulted in a full appeal panel hearing. Incomplete appeals by self-represented appellants usually terminated prior to the appeal record stage, and typically were either abandoned or discontinued. The time required to complete appeals for represented and self-represented appellants is similar. The high observed frequency of problematic litigation records for self-represented appellants supports the hypothesis that a “Distillation Effect” is concentrating abusive litigants in appellate forums. High resolution investigation of self-represented appellant subgroups revealed differences within the overall self-represented appellant population. Self-represented appellants emerging from the Federal Court and Tax Court of Canada are different populations. The former were much more likely to have an abusive litigation history, while the latter voluntarily discontinued appeals, and were never subject to Federal Court of Appeal vexatious litigant management steps. Self-represented appellant proceedings that terminated prematurely or that were conducted by persons who are subject to court access restrictions had significantly more filed documents and docket records. Litigation management steps did not reduce the Registry and Court workload resulting from self-represented appellants subject to court access restrictions. These observations challenge modelling self-represented litigants as a single population with uniform characteristics.
本文报告了对552起联邦上诉法院诉讼的定量和统计可靠的人口调查,这些诉讼是由代表和自我代表的上诉人提出的上诉,他们在2016年或2017年对加拿大联邦法院或税务法院的裁决提出上诉。由官方提出的上诉、非官方代表的上诉人和自行代表的上诉人均表现出明显不同的上诉频率和终止上诉的模式。近一半的王室上诉获得批准,但只有不到二十分之一的自我代表上诉人获得了任何程度的成功。虽然70%由律师进行的上诉完成了上诉程序,但只有不到40%的自我代表上诉程序导致了上诉小组的全面听证。自我代表的上诉人的不完整上诉通常在上诉记录阶段之前终止,通常要么被放弃,要么被中止。代理上诉人和自行代理上诉人完成上诉所需的时间相似。自我代表的上诉人的问题诉讼记录频率很高,这支持了“蒸馏效应”将滥用权力的诉讼当事人集中在上诉论坛的假设。对自我代表的上诉人亚组的高分辨率调查显示,自我代表的整体上诉人群体存在差异。加拿大联邦法院和税务法院的自我代表上诉人是不同的群体。前者更有可能有滥用诉讼史,而后者则自愿停止上诉,并且从未受到联邦上诉法院无理取闹的诉讼管理措施的约束。提前终止或由受法院访问限制的人进行的自我代表上诉程序,其提交的文件和诉讼记录要多得多。诉讼管理措施并没有减少书记官处和法院的工作量,因为自我代表的上诉人受到法院访问限制。这些观察结果对将自我代表的诉讼当事人建模为具有统一特征的单一群体提出了挑战。
{"title":"As the Water Grinds the Stone: Comparison of Represented and Self-represented Appellant Populations in the Federal Court of Appeal","authors":"D. Netolitzky, Richard Warman","doi":"10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7195","url":null,"abstract":"This article reports a quantitative and statistically reliable population investigation of 552 Federal Court of Appeal proceedings that were appeals by represented and self-represented appellants who, in 2016 or 2017, appealed decisions of the Federal Court or Tax Court of Canada. Appeals by the Crown, non-Crown represented appellants, and self-represented appellants exhibited markedly different frequencies at which appeals were granted, and patterns for how appeals were terminated. Nearly half of Crown appeals were granted, but less than one in twenty self-represented appellants had any degree of success. While 70% of appeals conducted by lawyers completed the appeal process, less than 40% of self-represented appellant proceedings resulted in a full appeal panel hearing. Incomplete appeals by self-represented appellants usually terminated prior to the appeal record stage, and typically were either abandoned or discontinued. The time required to complete appeals for represented and self-represented appellants is similar. The high observed frequency of problematic litigation records for self-represented appellants supports the hypothesis that a “Distillation Effect” is concentrating abusive litigants in appellate forums. \u0000High resolution investigation of self-represented appellant subgroups revealed differences within the overall self-represented appellant population. Self-represented appellants emerging from the Federal Court and Tax Court of Canada are different populations. The former were much more likely to have an abusive litigation history, while the latter voluntarily discontinued appeals, and were never subject to Federal Court of Appeal vexatious litigant management steps. Self-represented appellant proceedings that terminated prematurely or that were conducted by persons who are subject to court access restrictions had significantly more filed documents and docket records. Litigation management steps did not reduce the Registry and Court workload resulting from self-represented appellants subject to court access restrictions. These observations challenge modelling self-represented litigants as a single population with uniform characteristics.","PeriodicalId":56232,"journal":{"name":"Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48960260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Measuring Improvements in Access to Justice: Utilizing an A2J Measurement Framework for Comparative Justice Data Collection and Program Evaluation Across Canada 衡量诉诸司法的改善:利用A2J衡量框架在加拿大各地进行比较司法数据收集和项目评估
Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7281
Brea Lowenberger, Heather D. Heavin, Jessica M. McCutcheon, Melissa Nelson
Improving access to justice in Canada’s justice system is often the impetus for introducing new innovations or changing existing systems. However, measuring the effectiveness of these initiatives to improve access to justice is challenging without a common language to help identify and define the elements of access to justice, and without a common framework to help guide the measurement and evaluation of whether improvements are being realized. This paper seeks to contribute to the access to justice measurement discourse by highlighting an access to justice evaluation framework that has been developed with the triple aim objectives of improving population access to justice, improving user experience of access to justice, and improving costs. We also demonstrate how this framework has been used as part of the planning and evaluation of the Listen Project in Saskatchewan, illustrating how this framework can be universally adapted to other projects and initiatives throughout the justice sector.
在加拿大司法系统中改善诉诸司法的机会往往是引进新的创新或改变现有制度的动力。然而,如果没有一种共同的语言来帮助确定和界定司法求助的要素,并且没有一个共同的框架来帮助指导衡量和评价是否正在实现改善,那么衡量这些改善司法求助的举措的有效性是具有挑战性的。本文旨在通过强调司法公正评估框架,为司法公正衡量话语做出贡献,该框架具有三重目标,即改善人口司法公正,改善司法公正的用户体验,并降低成本。我们还展示了如何将该框架用作萨斯喀彻温省“倾听项目”规划和评估的一部分,说明如何将该框架普遍适用于整个司法部门的其他项目和倡议。
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引用次数: 0
Getting to Proportionality: The Trouble with Sentencing for Possession of Child Pornography in Ontario 走向相称性:安大略省儿童色情制品持有罪的量刑问题
Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i1.7198
C. Dauda, Danielle McNabb
In this article we examine sentencing in 14 Ontario cases of possession of child pornography between 2007 and 2017 with the purpose of understanding the sentencing process in relation to the fundamental principle of proportionality and other principles employed to arrive at a fair, individualizing process as set out in Canadian sentencing law. In all cases the offenders are charged with possession only and have no prior offences. We situate these cases within the context of sentencing reform in general and child pornography law specifically, including the evolution of mandatory minimums, as they have evolved in both legislation and case law. Our cases cover two periods of mandatory minimums, 45 days and six months. Although we consider numerical sentences, probation and ancillary conditions awarded when examining our cases, we are interested in the process of determining the sentencing components.  We analyse this process in two ways: by observing the judicial reasoning in calculating the seriousness of the crime and the blameworthiness of the offender and the balancing of other purposes and principles, particularly rehabilitation and parity; and, by considering three pairings of cases, each with similar quantity and quality of images, to compare the calculation of risk and its effect on determining the blameworthiness of the particular offender. Our findings reveal a polarization in judicial reasoning between a punitive process in which overemphasis of denunciation and deterrence and extreme versions of the reasoned apprehension of harm add weight to the seriousness of the crime on a par with contact abuse, and a more tempered and restrained one in which possession is considered on its own and other purposes and principles are weighed, such as rehabilitation and parity, to arrive at a more individualizing process. Mandatory minimums are no constraint as sentencing is much lengthier, especially under the 45-day mandatory minimum. In pairing like cases in terms of collections of images and videos we find a very subjective process in the calculating of risk in which like offenders are treated differently in terms of assessments of blameworthiness, based on questionable forensic methods and assumptions. Finally, we note the resources involved in investigative time, incarceration and the supervising of probation as well as lengthy ancillary conditions that may last decades after sentencing.
在本文中,我们研究了2007年至2017年间安大略省14起拥有儿童色情制品案件的量刑,目的是了解量刑过程与基本比例原则和其他原则的关系,这些原则是为了实现加拿大量刑法中规定的公平、个性化的程序。在所有案件中,违法者只被控持有毒品,没有前科。我们将这些案件置于量刑改革的背景下,特别是儿童色情法,包括强制性最低量刑的演变,因为它们在立法和判例法中都有演变。我们的案件涵盖两个强制性的最低期限,45天和6个月。虽然我们在审查案件时考虑量刑、缓刑和辅助条件,但我们对确定量刑组成部分的过程感兴趣。我们从两个方面分析这一过程:通过观察在计算犯罪的严重性和罪犯的应受谴责时的司法推理,以及其他目的和原则的平衡,特别是康复和平等;并且,通过考虑三组案例,每组都有相似数量和质量的图像,比较风险的计算及其对确定特定罪犯应受谴责的影响。我们的研究结果揭示了司法推理中的两极分化:一种是惩罚性的过程,过度强调谴责和威慑,以及对伤害的合理理解的极端版本,与接触性虐待一样,增加了犯罪的严重性;另一种是更温和和克制的过程,在这种过程中,占有本身被考虑,其他目的和原则被权衡,如康复和平等,以达到更个性化的过程。强制性最低刑期没有限制,因为判刑时间要长得多,特别是在45天的强制性最低刑期下。在根据图像和视频集合对类似案件进行配对时,我们发现在计算风险时存在一个非常主观的过程,基于可疑的法医方法和假设,在对应受谴责的评估方面,对类似罪犯的对待是不同的。最后,我们注意到调查时间、监禁和缓刑监督所涉及的资源,以及判刑后可能持续数十年的漫长辅助条件。
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引用次数: 0
Litigating in the Time of Coronavirus: Mental Health Tribunals’ Response to COVID-19 冠状病毒时代的诉讼:精神卫生法庭对新冠肺炎的回应
Pub Date : 2020-12-15 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i0.6565
R. Dhand, A. Szigeti, Maya Kotob, Michael Kennedy, Rebecca Ye
People with mental health and addiction issues are disproportionately affected by COVID-19 given the elevated risk of contracting COVID-19 within psychiatric facilities. The impact of the pandemic on this extraordinarily vulnerable population includes the potential for large outbreaks and multiple deaths. There is also the increased risk of serious psychological harm, exacerbating pre-existing mental health and substance use issues and in turn elevating their risk to themselves and/or others. In Part I of this paper, we analyze the procedural barriers to access to justice that arose as a result of the initial responses to COVID-19 by the Consent and Capacity Board [CCB] and the Ontario Review Board [ORB]. In Part V, we include a brief report on how appeals taken from both tribunals have been handled throughout COVID-19 to date. In Part VI, we analyze the discretionary and systemic barriers experienced by people with mental health and addiction issues appearing before the CCB and ORB during COVID-19. We critique recent mental health law cases during COVID-19 where deprivations of liberty interests and substantive equality have occurred, and access to justice for people with mental health and addictions issues has been denied, suspended or impaired. Through a legal analysis of how the pandemic has impacted this vulnerable community of litigants, we hope this research will result in further advocacy and education to prevent outbreaks and death, improve health care practices, and increase access to justice.
有心理健康和成瘾问题的人受到新冠肺炎的影响尤为严重,因为在精神病院感染新冠肺炎的风险更高。疫情对这一极其脆弱的人群的影响包括大规模疫情爆发和多人死亡的可能性。严重心理伤害的风险也在增加,加剧了先前存在的心理健康和药物使用问题,进而增加了他们自己和/或他人的风险。在本文的第一部分中,我们分析了由于同意和能力委员会[CBC]和安大略审查委员会[ORB]对新冠肺炎的初步反应而产生的诉诸司法的程序障碍。在第五部分中,我们简要报告了迄今为止新冠肺炎期间两个法庭的上诉处理情况。在第六部分中,我们分析了新冠肺炎期间出现在CCB和ORB之前的精神健康和成瘾问题患者所经历的自由裁量和系统性障碍。我们批评了新冠肺炎期间最近发生的精神健康法案件,在这些案件中,自由利益和实质性平等被剥夺,有精神健康和成瘾问题的人诉诸司法的机会被剥夺、暂停或削弱。通过对疫情如何影响这一弱势诉讼群体的法律分析,我们希望这项研究将导致进一步的宣传和教育,以防止疫情爆发和死亡,改善医疗保健实践,并增加诉诸司法的机会。
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引用次数: 0
A Former Crown’s Vision for Empowering Survivors of Sexual Violence 前王室赋予性暴力幸存者权力的愿景
Pub Date : 2020-12-15 DOI: 10.22329/wyaj.v37i0.6560
Karen Bellehumeur
Our method for combatting sexual violence in Canada is failing. Survivors of sexual violence have lost confidence in the criminal justice system as evidenced by the extremely low reporting rate to the police.  While victims generally wish to hold perpetrators accountable, their reluctance to engage the criminal justice system is a clear indication that the cost (psychologically and emotionally) is too high. Survivors need more protection from re-traumatization and something must change in order to hold perpetrators accountable and deter sexual violence. In this article I propose a fully funded confidential trauma-informed model of victim representation for survivors of sexual violence to better protect their rights and facilitate equal access to justice. I find support for my proposed model by looking to systems of victim representation internationally, in the U.S. Military and in the International Criminal Court.  Studies of these models demonstrate that they more meaningfully engage victims with the justice system and mitigate harm in various ways.  I also demonstrate why the criticisms of these models are unwarranted.  Finally I provide an analysis regarding equality rights under the Canadian Charter and outline why our current process is discriminatory and undermines the equality of women. I conclude that allowing legal representation offers overwhelming value and empowerment to survivors of sexual violence by improving their protection from harm and increasing their access to justice.  I further postulate that providing this support to survivors could increase the reporting rate for sexual violence and thereby contribute to reducing the rate of sexually offending with impunity.
我们在加拿大打击性暴力的方法正在失败。性暴力幸存者对刑事司法系统失去了信心,向警方报案率极低就是明证。虽然受害者通常希望追究肇事者的责任,但他们不愿参与刑事司法系统,这清楚地表明(心理和情感上)代价太高。幸存者需要更多的保护,以免再次受到创伤,必须做出改变,以追究肇事者的责任并阻止性暴力。在这篇文章中,我为性暴力幸存者提出了一个资金充足的保密创伤知情受害者代表模型,以更好地保护他们的权利,促进平等诉诸司法。我通过在国际上、美国军方和国际刑事法院寻求受害者代表制度,找到了对我提出的模式的支持。对这些模式的研究表明,它们更有意义地让受害者参与司法系统,并以各种方式减轻伤害。我也证明了为什么对这些模式的批评是没有根据的。最后,我对《加拿大宪章》规定的平等权利进行了分析,并概述了为什么我们目前的进程是歧视性的,破坏了妇女的平等。我的结论是,允许法律代表通过改善对性暴力幸存者的保护,使他们免受伤害,并增加诉诸司法的机会,为他们提供了压倒性的价值和赋权。我进一步假设,向幸存者提供这种支持可以提高性暴力的报告率,从而有助于降低性犯罪率而不受惩罚。
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引用次数: 0
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Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice
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