India Review最新文献

英文中文

Locusts vs. the gigantic octopus: the Hindutva international and “Akhand Bharat” in V.D. Savarkar’s history of India 蝗虫与巨型章鱼：印度国际电视台和V.D.Savarkar印度历史上的“Akhand Bharat”

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2131121

A. Mishra

ABSTRACT This paper reads V.D. Savarkar’s last work, Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History, and advances two arguments concerning Hindutva international thought. Firstly, it foregrounds and theorizes an organicist conception of the international that is embedded in the text. Savarkar’s narrative contains a social evolutionary account of India’s historical international relations. Drawing upon a history of over two thousand years of warfare, they are extremely violent, visceral and mediated by caste and race. These aspects have not been adequately discussed within existing expositions, which emphasize culture and geopolitics. Secondly, the paper examines the Savarkarite framing of the “Akhand Bharat” problematic and the strategy for its resolution. Savarkar situates this post-partition problematic within a long and glorious record of the Hindus in successfully resisting their homeland’s internationalization. The resolution – the establishment of a subcontinental polity of the Hindus – gains within Savarkarite thought the legitimacy and force of a millenialist, affectively-charged history.

本文对萨瓦卡的最后一部著作《印度历史的六个光荣时期》进行了解读，并对印度教国际思想提出了两个观点。首先，它突出并理论化了文本中嵌入的国际的有机概念。萨瓦卡的叙述包含了印度历史上国际关系的社会演变。借鉴了两千多年的战争历史，他们是极端暴力的，本能的，由种姓和种族调解。这些方面在现有的展览中没有得到充分的讨论，这些展览强调文化和地缘政治。其次，本文考察了“阿坎德巴拉特”问题的Savarkarite框架及其解决策略。萨瓦卡将这个分治后的问题置于印度教徒成功抵抗其祖国国际化的漫长而光荣的记录之中。决议——印度次大陆政体的建立——在萨瓦卡尔派思想中获得了一段千禧年的、充满感情的历史的合法性和力量。

引用次数: 0

Internationalizing the Kashmir dispute: an analysis of India and Pakistan’s statements at the United Nations General Assembly 克什米尔争端国际化：印度和巴基斯坦在联合国大会上的发言分析

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2131124

Mohammad Waqas Jan, Z. Ahmed

ABSTRACT No other issue has influenced the India–Pakistan relationship more adversely than the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. To understand the discourse surrounding the dispute, and how it has evolved within the foreign policies of both countries, this research undertakes a critical discourse analysis of both countries’ official statements at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 1948 and 2020. The findings of this study are crucial to not only understanding how the two states have been internationalizing the Kashmir dispute but also what lessons can be learned from the past as both countries attempt to slowly reengage with one another. Our analysis points to the fact that both India and Pakistan’s stances on the Kashmir dispute, despite their varying phases throughout the conflict, have essentially remained the same. We argue that, despite seeming to have converged toward some form of resolution during the first decade of the twenty-first century, the current context of India–Pakistan relations presents a worsening trajectory that has not been witnessed since their last major war in 1971. In highlighting the cyclical, almost scripted nature of this debate, this paper attempts to suggest ways to break free from age-old tropes and help pave the way toward more meaningful ways to redefine the issue in light of a radically altered geo-political context.

没有其他问题比查谟和克什米尔争端对印巴关系的影响更大。为了理解围绕这一争端的话语，以及它是如何在两国的外交政策中演变的，本研究对1948年至2020年两国在联合国大会(UNGA)上的官方声明进行了批判性话语分析。这项研究的结果不仅对了解两国如何将克什米尔争端国际化至关重要，而且对于了解在两国试图慢慢重新接触的过程中可以从过去吸取什么教训至关重要。我们的分析指出，印度和巴基斯坦在克什米尔争端上的立场，尽管在整个冲突中处于不同的阶段，但基本上保持不变。我们认为，尽管在21世纪的第一个十年，印巴关系似乎趋向于某种形式的解决方案，但目前的印巴关系呈现出自1971年两国上一次重大战争以来从未出现过的恶化轨迹。在强调这场辩论的周期性、几乎照本宣本的本质时，本文试图提出摆脱古老比喻的方法，并在地缘政治背景急剧变化的情况下，为更有意义地重新定义这一问题铺平道路。

{"title":"Internationalizing the Kashmir dispute: an analysis of India and Pakistan’s statements at the United Nations General Assembly","authors":"Mohammad Waqas Jan, Z. Ahmed","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2022.2131124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2022.2131124","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT No other issue has influenced the India–Pakistan relationship more adversely than the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. To understand the discourse surrounding the dispute, and how it has evolved within the foreign policies of both countries, this research undertakes a critical discourse analysis of both countries’ official statements at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 1948 and 2020. The findings of this study are crucial to not only understanding how the two states have been internationalizing the Kashmir dispute but also what lessons can be learned from the past as both countries attempt to slowly reengage with one another. Our analysis points to the fact that both India and Pakistan’s stances on the Kashmir dispute, despite their varying phases throughout the conflict, have essentially remained the same. We argue that, despite seeming to have converged toward some form of resolution during the first decade of the twenty-first century, the current context of India–Pakistan relations presents a worsening trajectory that has not been witnessed since their last major war in 1971. In highlighting the cyclical, almost scripted nature of this debate, this paper attempts to suggest ways to break free from age-old tropes and help pave the way toward more meaningful ways to redefine the issue in light of a radically altered geo-political context.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"546 - 575"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42075514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Violence and insurgency in Kashmir: Understanding the Micropolitics 克什米尔的暴力和叛乱:微观政治的理解

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2131126

Iymon Majid

ABSTRACT One of the longest-surviving insurgent groups fighting the Indian state in the disputed region of Jammu and Kashmir is Hizb ul Mujahedeen. It has been linked with the Kashmiri offshoot of the Islamist organization Jama’at e Islami and has been called its armed wing. By looking at the degree of involvement of Jama’at e Islami in the Kashmir insurgency and its relationship with Hizb, the article focuses on existing organization structures. Existing structures affect the effectiveness of the insurgent group. More specifically, the paper inverts the focus from Jama’at e Islami as the political front of Hizb ul Mujahedeen and argues that the latter, in a clear understanding of the ‘micropolitics of rebellion,’ used the former to organize themselves. This article also investigates the militantization of Jama’at e Islami – a perception that its political program is inherently violent – because of its association with the insurgency.

摘要伊斯兰圣战者组织是在查谟和克什米尔争议地区与印度政府作战的时间最长的叛乱组织之一。它与伊斯兰组织Jama'at e Islami的克什米尔分支有联系，并被称为其武装派别。通过考察伊斯兰大会党在克什米尔叛乱中的参与程度及其与真主党的关系，本文重点关注现有的组织结构。现有结构影响叛乱集团的效力。更具体地说，该论文将焦点从伊斯兰大会党转变为伊斯兰圣战组织的政治阵线，并认为后者在清楚地理解“叛乱的微观政治”的情况下，利用前者来组织自己。这篇文章还调查了伊斯兰大会党的军事化——一种认为其政治计划本质上是暴力的——因为它与叛乱有关。

引用次数: 0

Political dynasties and electoral outcomes in India 印度的政治王朝与选举结果

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2131119

Sitakanta Panda

ABSTRACT Political dynasties, a salient feature of the electoral politics in many electoral democracies, have critical governance implications. However, careful empirical estimates of the dynasty premium in Indian elections and explanation of their constituency-level demand side (voters) and supply side (political parties) determinants are absent. To fill this gap, we analyze the candidate-level (N = 8251) data on the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and find that a dynastic candidate is a significant 13% more likely to win and has a significant 18%–20% higher vote share than a non-dynastic candidate. This result is robust to consideration of an alternative dynasty variable as outcome, usage of alternative indicators of candidate criminality as controls, and a procedure of deducing bias due to selection on unobservables from selection on observables. In the constituency-level analyses, having a dynastic incumbent legislator in fray and dynasts’ relative wealth increases the probability of a dynastic winner and a more competitive election given the dynastic incumbent reduces it. Voter dissatisfaction, dynasts’ relative wealth, reserved constituency, and given a dynastic incumbent, higher political competition reduce voter preference for dynasts, whereas dynastic entrenchment and dynastic incumbent reduce it. The dynastic incumbent, dynasts’ relative wealth, and voter dissatisfaction significantly increase political parties’ preferences for dynasts.

摘要政治王朝是许多选举民主国家选举政治的一个显著特征，具有重要的治理意义。然而，对印度选举中王朝溢价的仔细实证估计，以及对其选区层面需求方（选民）和供给方（政党）决定因素的解释，都是缺失的。为了填补这一空白，我们分析了2014年人民院选举的候选人水平（N=8251）数据，发现王朝候选人获胜的可能性比非王朝候选人高出13%，得票率也比非王朝政党候选人高出18%-20%。考虑到另一个王朝变量作为结果，使用候选犯罪的替代指标作为控制，以及从对可观察物的选择中推断由于对不可观察物进行选择而产生的偏差的程序，这一结果是稳健的。在选区层面的分析中，王朝现任立法者的竞争和王朝的相对财富增加了王朝获胜的可能性，而在王朝现任的情况下，竞争更激烈的选举会减少这种可能性，更高的政治竞争降低了选民对王朝的偏好，而王朝巩固和王朝在位降低了这一偏好。王朝在位、王朝的相对财富和选民的不满显著增加了政党对王朝的喜好。

{"title":"Political dynasties and electoral outcomes in India","authors":"Sitakanta Panda","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2022.2131119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2022.2131119","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political dynasties, a salient feature of the electoral politics in many electoral democracies, have critical governance implications. However, careful empirical estimates of the dynasty premium in Indian elections and explanation of their constituency-level demand side (voters) and supply side (political parties) determinants are absent. To fill this gap, we analyze the candidate-level (N = 8251) data on the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and find that a dynastic candidate is a significant 13% more likely to win and has a significant 18%–20% higher vote share than a non-dynastic candidate. This result is robust to consideration of an alternative dynasty variable as outcome, usage of alternative indicators of candidate criminality as controls, and a procedure of deducing bias due to selection on unobservables from selection on observables. In the constituency-level analyses, having a dynastic incumbent legislator in fray and dynasts’ relative wealth increases the probability of a dynastic winner and a more competitive election given the dynastic incumbent reduces it. Voter dissatisfaction, dynasts’ relative wealth, reserved constituency, and given a dynastic incumbent, higher political competition reduce voter preference for dynasts, whereas dynastic entrenchment and dynastic incumbent reduce it. The dynastic incumbent, dynasts’ relative wealth, and voter dissatisfaction significantly increase political parties’ preferences for dynasts.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"465 - 492"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43566434","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The antinuclear power movement in India after the Fukushima disaster: the case of Koodankulam 福岛灾难后印度的反核电运动：以库丹库拉姆为例

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2131118

N. Prabu

ABSTRACT This article shows how the international nuclear disaster in Fukushima affected the antinuclear movement in Koodankulam by using the cross-national diffusion model proposed by Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak and Giugni (1995) . It examines the impact of the international disaster on the antinuclear movement and its subsequent expansion in terms of protest events and organizational trajectories. It also describes the new participants and actors in this antinuclear power issue. The research questions are addressed through archives, handbills, unpublished documents, and semi-structured interviews. I argue that diffusion of information and domestic opportunities helped the antinuclear groups erect a protest camp that offered manufactured vulnerability. This induced several meso and micro level social movement organizations and political parties to join the antinuclear movement, leading to expansion at the organizational level and the formation of coalitions. Further, the participation of newly joined social movement organizations and political parties in the mobilization helped the movement expand its protest events and led to an increase in the level of contention. The study contributes to the study of antinuclear movements and cross-national diffusion.

本文运用Kriesi、Koopmans、Duyvendak和Giugni(1995)提出的跨国扩散模型，分析了福岛国际核灾难对库丹库拉姆反核运动的影响。它考察了国际灾难对反核运动及其在抗议事件和组织轨迹方面的后续扩张的影响。它还描述了反核能问题的新参与者和行动者。研究问题通过档案、传单、未发表的文件和半结构化访谈来解决。我认为，信息的传播和国内机会帮助反核组织建立了一个抗议阵营，提供了人为制造的脆弱性。这促使一些中观和微观层面的社会运动组织和政党加入到反核运动中，导致组织层面的扩张和联盟的形成。此外，新加入的社会运动组织和政党参与动员有助于运动扩大其抗议活动，并导致争论的程度增加。该研究有助于反核运动和跨国扩散的研究。

{"title":"The antinuclear power movement in India after the Fukushima disaster: the case of Koodankulam","authors":"N. Prabu","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2022.2131118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2022.2131118","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article shows how the international nuclear disaster in Fukushima affected the antinuclear movement in Koodankulam by using the cross-national diffusion model proposed by Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak and Giugni (1995) . It examines the impact of the international disaster on the antinuclear movement and its subsequent expansion in terms of protest events and organizational trajectories. It also describes the new participants and actors in this antinuclear power issue. The research questions are addressed through archives, handbills, unpublished documents, and semi-structured interviews. I argue that diffusion of information and domestic opportunities helped the antinuclear groups erect a protest camp that offered manufactured vulnerability. This induced several meso and micro level social movement organizations and political parties to join the antinuclear movement, leading to expansion at the organizational level and the formation of coalitions. Further, the participation of newly joined social movement organizations and political parties in the mobilization helped the movement expand its protest events and led to an increase in the level of contention. The study contributes to the study of antinuclear movements and cross-national diffusion.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"599 - 636"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48327994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Reimagining and reproducing the partitions (of 1947 and 1971) in textbooks in Pakistan: a comparative analysis of the Zia and Musharraf regimes 重新想象和再现巴基斯坦教科书中的(1947年和1971年)分治:齐亚和穆沙拉夫政权的比较分析

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-26 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2086408

Mazhar Abbas

ABSTRACT

This study attempts at analyzing the process of reimagining and reproducing the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 and Pakistan in 1971 in the textbooks at school level during the dictatorial regimes of Zia and Musharraf. What has appealed me to draw temporal, spatial, and thematic limitations for this research? To begin with, the dictatorial regimes, are believed to, have deeply relied on manipulating the Textbook Boards to further their agendas. Moreover, both the dictators are deemed to be opposing ideologues – e.g., Zia – a fanatic ruler – radicalized the textbooks while Musharraf – a champion of “Enlightened Moderation” – tried to deradicalize the curriculum. Additionally, partitions present two different scenarios for a fascinating comparison – e.g., in 1947, Pakistan was an emergent state while in 1971, a parent state. The content analysis of the textbooks reveals that both the regimes adopted Hegel’s “philosophical” approach of treating history – selecting the personalities, events, or periods of their choice while excluding or discarding the other – to reinforce the national narrative. It further suggests that the state-sponsored curriculum fosters religious nationalism, rather than secular nationalism, which, subsequently, nurtures majoritarian nationalism and bolsters the process of othering the minority groups in the country.

摘要本研究试图分析在齐亚和穆沙拉夫独裁政权时期，学校教科书对1947年印度次大陆和1971年巴基斯坦分治的重新想象和再现过程。是什么吸引我为这项研究绘制时间、空间和主题限制?首先，据信，独裁政权深深依赖于操纵教科书委员会来推进他们的议程。此外，这两个独裁者都被认为是对立的意识形态拥护者——例如，齐亚——一个狂热的统治者——激进化了教科书，而穆沙拉夫——一个“开明温和”的拥护者——试图去激进化课程。此外，分治提出了两种不同的情景，进行了有趣的比较——例如，在1947年，巴基斯坦是一个新兴国家，而在1971年，它是一个母国。对教科书的内容分析表明，这两个政权都采用了黑格尔对待历史的“哲学”方法——选择自己选择的人物、事件或时期，同时排除或抛弃对方——来强化民族叙事。报告进一步指出，国家资助的课程助长宗教民族主义，而不是世俗民族主义，后者随后助长了多数民族主义，并促进了该国其他少数群体的进程。

{"title":"Reimagining and reproducing the partitions (of 1947 and 1971) in textbooks in Pakistan: a comparative analysis of the Zia and Musharraf regimes","authors":"Mazhar Abbas","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2022.2086408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2022.2086408","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis study attempts at analyzing the process of reimagining and reproducing the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 and Pakistan in 1971 in the textbooks at school level during the dictatorial regimes of Zia and Musharraf. What has appealed me to draw temporal, spatial, and thematic limitations for this research? To begin with, the dictatorial regimes, are believed to, have deeply relied on manipulating the Textbook Boards to further their agendas. Moreover, both the dictators are deemed to be opposing ideologues – e.g., Zia – a fanatic ruler – radicalized the textbooks while Musharraf – a champion of “Enlightened Moderation” – tried to deradicalize the curriculum. Additionally, partitions present two different scenarios for a fascinating comparison – e.g., in 1947, Pakistan was an emergent state while in 1971, a parent state. The content analysis of the textbooks reveals that both the regimes adopted Hegel’s “philosophical” approach of treating history – selecting the personalities, events, or periods of their choice while excluding or discarding the other – to reinforce the national narrative. It further suggests that the state-sponsored curriculum fosters religious nationalism, rather than secular nationalism, which, subsequently, nurtures majoritarian nationalism and bolsters the process of othering the minority groups in the country.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"62 18","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Building an ideological nation-state: migrancy and patriarchy in Khadija Mastoor’s Novel, Zameen 建立一个意识形态的民族国家:哈蒂嘉·马斯托小说《扎米恩》中的移民和父权制

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-08-09 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2110013

Qaisar Abbas

ABSTRACT

The subcontinental divide in 1947 left deep scars on South Asians, especially the generation that went through the bloody transition during the immigration process. Its impacts can still be seen in literary and political discourses on both sides of the border. This study examines the text of Khadija Mastoor’s Urdu novel, Zameen with the uncertainties, and mendacities the process of migrancy created. It also analyses the deeply rooted patriarchal structures, reinforced by state ideological thrust, that impacts millions of Pakistani women, as delineated in the novel. First, it establishes conceptual underpinnings within the context of feminist struggles against the subjugation of women in the new state. Secondly, it appraises the ubiquitous nature of mendacities triggered by migrancy along with its related bearings on Pakistani society. The study analyses the novel’s text as a research methodology for comprehending the trauma of partition conveyed through its plot and characters.

1947年的次大陆分裂给南亚人留下了深深的伤痕，尤其是在移民过程中经历了血腥过渡的一代人。它的影响仍然可以在两国的文学和政治话语中看到。本研究考察了哈蒂嘉·马斯托尔乌尔都语小说《扎米恩》的文本，以及移民过程中产生的不确定性和虚假。它还分析了根深蒂固的父权结构，在国家意识形态的推动下得到加强，影响着数百万巴基斯坦妇女，正如小说中所描述的那样。首先，它在女权主义斗争的背景下建立了概念基础，反对在新国家中对妇女的征服。其次，它评估了移民引发的谎言无处不在的性质及其对巴基斯坦社会的相关影响。本研究通过对小说文本的分析，作为一种研究方法来理解小说情节和人物所传达的割裂创伤。

引用次数: 0

Ideological positioning in the representation of borders: an analysis of recent Hindi films 边界表征中的意识形态定位——对近期印地语电影的分析

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2086405

Ritika Verma, A. Roy

ABSTRACT Ideology and cinematic representation are crucially linked even though a film’s positioning of itself with respect to dominant state ideology may differ thus contesting the idea that films always serve as ideological state apparatus. In this context, the paper reflects on the complex ways in which the ideological positioning – advertently or inadvertently – of cinematic representations of Partition in Hindi films of the 2000s interacts with dominant state ideology to frame the relationship between self and other with the terms denoting India/Hindu and Pakistan/Muslim, respectively. Through an analysis of the representation of the India–Pakistan border in four films – Pinjar (2003), Veer-Zaara (2004), Uri: The Surgical Strike (2019) and Kya Dilli Kya Lahore (2014) – the paper argues that mainstream Hindi films are largely reflective of the state ideology, although to varying degrees and at times in spite of themselves. In contrast, a low-budget film as Kya Dilli Kya Lahore completely subverts the dominant ideology through its sensitive but incisive critique of the border.

摘要意识形态和电影表现是至关重要的联系，尽管一部电影相对于占主导地位的国家意识形态的定位可能有所不同，因此对电影始终充当意识形态国家机器的观点提出了质疑。在这种背景下，本文反思了2000年代印地语电影中分治的意识形态定位——有意或无意——与占主导地位的国家意识形态相互作用的复杂方式，以分别用表示印度/印度教和巴基斯坦/穆斯林的术语来界定自我与他人之间的关系。通过分析四部电影——《平贾尔》（2003）、《维尔·扎拉》（2004）、《乌里：外科手术》（2019）和《凯亚·迪利·凯亚·拉合尔》（2014）——中对印度-巴基斯坦边境的表现，论文认为，主流印地语电影在很大程度上反映了国家意识形态，尽管在不同程度上，有时也会有所不同。相比之下，一部由凯娅·迪利·凯娅·拉哈尔（Kya Dilli Kya Lahore）主演的低成本电影通过其对边境的敏感但深刻的批判，彻底颠覆了主流意识形态。

引用次数: 0

Building an ideological nation-state: migrancy and patriarchy in Khadija Mastoor’s novel, Zameen 建立一个意识形态的民族国家:Khadija Mastoor小说《扎米恩》中的移民和父权制

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2108990

Qaisar Abbas

Here, Mastur takes on the promises made and broken within the state of Pakistan after its creation and offers a scathing feminist critique of the neo-feudalism that takes hold of the society post-Partition. What does the thirst for ownership of land and counting one’s acres mean for women in this new country? How does the promise of Pakistan as a place of safety for all Indian Muslims maintain that egalitarian ideal in the face of greed for territory? And what provisions are there for the safety and independence of women in a patriarchal system that views women as possessions less valuable than parcels of land? 65

在这本书中，马斯图尔讲述了巴基斯坦建国后许下和违背的承诺，并对分治后占据社会主导地位的新封建主义提出了尖锐的女权主义批评。在这个新国家，对土地所有权和计算土地面积的渴望对女性来说意味着什么?面对对领土的贪婪，巴基斯坦作为所有印度穆斯林的安全之地的承诺如何维持平等主义的理想?在一个视女性为比土地还没值钱的财产的父权制度下，有什么规定可以保障女性的安全和独立?65

引用次数: 0

Narrativizing partition and producing stigmatized identities: an analysis of the representation of Muslims in two Indian history textbooks 叙述分裂与产生污名化身份:两部印度历史教科书中穆斯林的表现分析

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES

India Review

Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2086406

Devika Mittal

ABSTRACT The independence from the British rule was accompanied with partition of the Indian subcontinent on religious lines. Since partition in 1947, the two nation-states India and Pakistan have been hostile toward each other. Communalism has also been a major challenge in both these countries. The current study locates this continued hostility or the “enemy” narrative that the countries harbor not just of each other, but which also shapes the experience of a religious community within their territory. Limiting the inquiry to the Indian side, this paper explores the production of the “enemy” narrative through the discursive knowledge around partition and how it locates Muslims. The paper analyzes textbooks of two education boards in India and argues that the narrative excludes the contribution of Muslims in the nationalist movement, charts out an uncritical history of the demand for partition, and stigmatizes the Muslim community as “communal” and “unpatriotic.”

脱离英国统治的独立伴随着印度次大陆的宗教分裂。自1947年印巴分治以来，两个民族国家印度和巴基斯坦一直敌对。在这两个国家，社群主义也是一个重大挑战。目前的研究定位于这种持续的敌意或“敌人”叙述，这些国家不仅彼此怀有敌意，而且还塑造了其领土内宗教社区的经历。本文将调查限制在印度方面，通过围绕分割的话语知识探索“敌人”叙事的产生，以及它如何定位穆斯林。本文分析了印度两个教育委员会的教科书，认为这种叙述排除了穆斯林在民族主义运动中的贡献，描绘了一段要求分治的不加批判的历史，并将穆斯林社区污名化为“社区”和“不爱国”。

引用次数: 0

首页上一页

下一页尾页

类型

全部化学•材料生命科学医学物理工程技术环境•农林材料科学地球科学法学管理学化学环境科学与生态学计算机科学教育学经济学农林科学人文科学生物学数学物理与天体物理心理学综合性期刊其他工业工程理学历史学农学文学信息工程

数据库

全部 ACS Publications Elsevier ieeexplore Springer The Royal Society of Chemistry Wiley

期刊

India Review

全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.

﹀