Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2236466
Ryan Mitra
ABSTRACT In the post-COVID19 global order, rising geopolitical tensions in Eastern Europe and East Asia reflect the boiling tensions States face on multiple fronts. Within this, the United States is on two fronts as a major player and supporter of its allies that are directly facing hostility. Since the start of 2020, China’s hard, military power maneuvering in the South China Sea, deteriorating political relations with Japan and Australia, and the Himalayan standoff against India have seemingly further substantiated the need for the formulation of The Quad, a proposed quadrilateral arrangement with a varying mandate of operations. The proposed structure would constitute India, Japan, Australia, and the United States.The grouping has repeatedly been touted as not as “anti-China.” However Chinese interpretation of the mutual intent has equated them to being an “Asian NATO.” Keeping this in mind, I draw upon Duncan Snidal and Felicity Vabulas’ works on Informal Intergovernmental Organizations (IIGOs) and considers the inherent pitfalls that states may incur while negotiating through the contours of such a structure. Particularly in regards to strategic autonomy, asymmetry in resource contribution and control, and agreeing on a set of fundamental driving philosophies that are certain enough to tie the parties together for the foreseeable future. I focus on contemporary international relations theory, secondary research in the subject countries’ Indo-Pacific policies, and the more significant geopolitical trends of securitization in Asia.
{"title":"Why the Quad is not NATO: the indo-American impediments to its intergovernmental structure","authors":"Ryan Mitra","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2236466","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2236466","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the post-COVID19 global order, rising geopolitical tensions in Eastern Europe and East Asia reflect the boiling tensions States face on multiple fronts. Within this, the United States is on two fronts as a major player and supporter of its allies that are directly facing hostility. Since the start of 2020, China’s hard, military power maneuvering in the South China Sea, deteriorating political relations with Japan and Australia, and the Himalayan standoff against India have seemingly further substantiated the need for the formulation of The Quad, a proposed quadrilateral arrangement with a varying mandate of operations. The proposed structure would constitute India, Japan, Australia, and the United States.The grouping has repeatedly been touted as not as “anti-China.” However Chinese interpretation of the mutual intent has equated them to being an “Asian NATO.” Keeping this in mind, I draw upon Duncan Snidal and Felicity Vabulas’ works on Informal Intergovernmental Organizations (IIGOs) and considers the inherent pitfalls that states may incur while negotiating through the contours of such a structure. Particularly in regards to strategic autonomy, asymmetry in resource contribution and control, and agreeing on a set of fundamental driving philosophies that are certain enough to tie the parties together for the foreseeable future. I focus on contemporary international relations theory, secondary research in the subject countries’ Indo-Pacific policies, and the more significant geopolitical trends of securitization in Asia.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"463 - 484"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42377422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2208454
A. A. Wani
ABSTRACT Scholarly writings on the politics of economic reforms in India have neglected the exponential spike in private wealth and plutonomic tendencies in the post-reform period. This article maps the political economy of the staggering rise and growth of superrich in India. It traces the roots of the state-capital relationship in the colonial period and provides the main contrast between the political economy of the pre-reform and post-reform periods. It does so by analyzing key variables that have facilitated, or continue to facilitate, the flow of private wealth in India. It also examines three major drivers of superrich wealth in India–rent-seeking, entrepreneurship, and inheritance. The article makes two arguments. Firstly, the state’s dramatic turn in support of private capital/wealth accumulation began quite earlier but assumed formal and dynamic forms only after the implementation of economic reforms in 1991. Secondly, the rise of India’s superrich has not simply been a function of merit and entrepreneurial skills as is popularly believed. It is a peculiar combination of other factors that are leading to enormous resources and capacity concentrated in the hands of the superrich and their ability to exert considerable influence on India’s domestic and global policies. Above all, the indispensability of the state’s support has been one of the key factors explaining why some people become and continue to grow rich in India.
{"title":"Mapping the “Indian plutonomy”: The political economy of rise and growth of the superrich in India","authors":"A. A. Wani","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2208454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2208454","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholarly writings on the politics of economic reforms in India have neglected the exponential spike in private wealth and plutonomic tendencies in the post-reform period. This article maps the political economy of the staggering rise and growth of superrich in India. It traces the roots of the state-capital relationship in the colonial period and provides the main contrast between the political economy of the pre-reform and post-reform periods. It does so by analyzing key variables that have facilitated, or continue to facilitate, the flow of private wealth in India. It also examines three major drivers of superrich wealth in India–rent-seeking, entrepreneurship, and inheritance. The article makes two arguments. Firstly, the state’s dramatic turn in support of private capital/wealth accumulation began quite earlier but assumed formal and dynamic forms only after the implementation of economic reforms in 1991. Secondly, the rise of India’s superrich has not simply been a function of merit and entrepreneurial skills as is popularly believed. It is a peculiar combination of other factors that are leading to enormous resources and capacity concentrated in the hands of the superrich and their ability to exert considerable influence on India’s domestic and global policies. Above all, the indispensability of the state’s support has been one of the key factors explaining why some people become and continue to grow rich in India.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"361 - 396"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43861113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2236465
Nadia Shaheen, Ren Mu
ABSTRACT The growing India-Japan engagements are not only focused on economic issues, but also cover a wide range of interests, including regional security, political, and maritime security concerns. Both countries are consolidating strategic partnerships to address the risks and vulnerabilities posed by the evolving regional balance of power. Through their embeddedness with China, both India and Japan form an intrinsic part of the Indo-Pacific geopolitical security architecture. The key transformation of relations between these two states in the region is in response to the geopolitical change brought about by China’s rapid ascension. In this regard, the article further explains how both countries are systematically strengthening a strategic partnership and gradually reinforcing economic, political, security, and strategic cooperation against China. This article seeks to address how both states would restrain rising China’s strategic maneuvering in the Indo-Pacific region through an analysis of the India-Japan alignment, with the main focus of this study being on analyzing how both India and Japan are now investing in a long-term strategy to balance China’s hegemonic policies.
{"title":"Elevated strategic partnership between India and Japan in the context of the rising power of China","authors":"Nadia Shaheen, Ren Mu","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2236465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2236465","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The growing India-Japan engagements are not only focused on economic issues, but also cover a wide range of interests, including regional security, political, and maritime security concerns. Both countries are consolidating strategic partnerships to address the risks and vulnerabilities posed by the evolving regional balance of power. Through their embeddedness with China, both India and Japan form an intrinsic part of the Indo-Pacific geopolitical security architecture. The key transformation of relations between these two states in the region is in response to the geopolitical change brought about by China’s rapid ascension. In this regard, the article further explains how both countries are systematically strengthening a strategic partnership and gradually reinforcing economic, political, security, and strategic cooperation against China. This article seeks to address how both states would restrain rising China’s strategic maneuvering in the Indo-Pacific region through an analysis of the India-Japan alignment, with the main focus of this study being on analyzing how both India and Japan are now investing in a long-term strategy to balance China’s hegemonic policies.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"433 - 462"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48420505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-26DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2201537
C. Colley
ABSTRACT The Sino-Indian rivalry traces its origins to the founding of each state in the late 1940s. Over the past decade Indian concerns over Chinese activities in South Asia have significantly increased. While New Delhi has sought to counter Beijing in South Asia, a key question is to what extent has China responded to India in the same region? Do we find evidence of a tit-for-tat rivalry escalation process in South Asia where both China and India are actively trying to counter each other? The central argument in this article is that China is not actively engaging in a direct form of rivalry reciprocity with India. While certain activities by Beijing in the region are designed to enhance Chinese influence and power, there is less evidence that these are a direct response to India. This is in contrast to New Delhi’s behavior in the region where we do find evidence of Indian leaders directly responding to China. This articles’ main contribution is to demonstrate that maintenance in asymmetrical positional rivalries does not require clearly identifiable points of escalation, or follow a linear path of a tit-for-tat action-reaction cycle.
{"title":"An action-reaction cycle in the Sino-Indian rivalry?","authors":"C. Colley","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2201537","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2201537","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Sino-Indian rivalry traces its origins to the founding of each state in the late 1940s. Over the past decade Indian concerns over Chinese activities in South Asia have significantly increased. While New Delhi has sought to counter Beijing in South Asia, a key question is to what extent has China responded to India in the same region? Do we find evidence of a tit-for-tat rivalry escalation process in South Asia where both China and India are actively trying to counter each other? The central argument in this article is that China is not actively engaging in a direct form of rivalry reciprocity with India. While certain activities by Beijing in the region are designed to enhance Chinese influence and power, there is less evidence that these are a direct response to India. This is in contrast to New Delhi’s behavior in the region where we do find evidence of Indian leaders directly responding to China. This articles’ main contribution is to demonstrate that maintenance in asymmetrical positional rivalries does not require clearly identifiable points of escalation, or follow a linear path of a tit-for-tat action-reaction cycle.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"249 - 281"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48254733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-26DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2201540
A. Kurian, C. Vinodan
ABSTRACT United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) strives to increase the number of natural World Heritage Sites to protect it from the onslaught of climate change and anthropogenic disturbances. The international community at the Paris Agreement on climate change in 2015 recognized reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation and the role of conservation, sustainable management of forests, and enhancement of forest carbon stocks in developing countries as one of the best low cost panacea for global environmental problems. India, in its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) promised to increase its forest cover as an effort toward the mitigation of climate change. All these efforts are directed toward saving our Earth from the worst impacts of global warming. In the midst of these efforts, the conservation of Western Ghats is one of the central hotspots of biodiversity and deserves special attention. Thus, this paper looks into the questions how the Heritage Tag and Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel (WGEEP) report causes intricacies in the conservation of Western Ghats? And why local inhabitants are so much apprehensive about the conservation of their region? This study proves that negligence in addressing the concerns and participation of affected stakeholders, from the framing of the conservation projects to its implementation, leads anti-conservation movements. Additonally, such conservation projects will never break ground and will remain on paper.
{"title":"World heritage tag and genealogy of WGEEP report: The intricacies in Western Ghats conservation","authors":"A. Kurian, C. Vinodan","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2201540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2201540","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) strives to increase the number of natural World Heritage Sites to protect it from the onslaught of climate change and anthropogenic disturbances. The international community at the Paris Agreement on climate change in 2015 recognized reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation and the role of conservation, sustainable management of forests, and enhancement of forest carbon stocks in developing countries as one of the best low cost panacea for global environmental problems. India, in its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) promised to increase its forest cover as an effort toward the mitigation of climate change. All these efforts are directed toward saving our Earth from the worst impacts of global warming. In the midst of these efforts, the conservation of Western Ghats is one of the central hotspots of biodiversity and deserves special attention. Thus, this paper looks into the questions how the Heritage Tag and Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel (WGEEP) report causes intricacies in the conservation of Western Ghats? And why local inhabitants are so much apprehensive about the conservation of their region? This study proves that negligence in addressing the concerns and participation of affected stakeholders, from the framing of the conservation projects to its implementation, leads anti-conservation movements. Additonally, such conservation projects will never break ground and will remain on paper.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"309 - 332"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43880764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-26DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2201538
Harshwardhani Sharma, Uttam Kumar Pegu
ABSTRACT This paper presents a study of Indian media. Utilizing the Propaganda Model formulated by Herman and Chomsky in the book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of Mass Media (1988), the paper aims to critically assess the news patterns and media performance of the mainstream Indian media. The contribution of the paper will be the application of the propaganda model in the context of Indian media. For this study, we have analyzed the media coverage of two events – India’s ban on Chinese apps and the Pulwama attack. We focus on how Indian Media has helped the Government to establish the propaganda of nationalism during both events, which is explained by Herman and Chomsky in the five filters of news production. We investigate how the anti-China sentiment and the Pulwama attack have been used by the Government to divert attention from their failure of governance, and mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic. The corporate media is playing its part in the machinations of the ruling BJP party. We conclude that the plurality of voices amongst journalists is in decline.
{"title":"Is the liberal media dead?: A critical analysis of Modi’s Government and the performance of Indian Media","authors":"Harshwardhani Sharma, Uttam Kumar Pegu","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2201538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2201538","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper presents a study of Indian media. Utilizing the Propaganda Model formulated by Herman and Chomsky in the book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of Mass Media (1988), the paper aims to critically assess the news patterns and media performance of the mainstream Indian media. The contribution of the paper will be the application of the propaganda model in the context of Indian media. For this study, we have analyzed the media coverage of two events – India’s ban on Chinese apps and the Pulwama attack. We focus on how Indian Media has helped the Government to establish the propaganda of nationalism during both events, which is explained by Herman and Chomsky in the five filters of news production. We investigate how the anti-China sentiment and the Pulwama attack have been used by the Government to divert attention from their failure of governance, and mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic. The corporate media is playing its part in the machinations of the ruling BJP party. We conclude that the plurality of voices amongst journalists is in decline.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"219 - 248"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48314589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-26DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2201541
Rakesh Ankit
ABSTRACT
S.K. Patil, quintessential Congressman of Bombay city and cabinet minister in three central governments from 1957 to 1963 and 1964 to 1967, was the kind of figure in Indian politics, who personified Rajni Kothari’s Congress “system” of clients-patrons and chains-links. A Patelite, Patil was a thorn in Nehru’s side. A leader of the business community, he identified with a network politics involving capital. He was an indifferent administrator, but an influential party apparatchik and his career peaked in 1964–1967, when he was a part of the all-important Congress “syndicate.” Afterward, however, he struggled for relevance in the turbulent decade of the 1970s. In this research article based on Patil’s personal papers, I offer these fragments from his political life as interesting prisms through which to view (a) aspects of intra-party and inter-ministerial conflictual culture, (b) issues concerning the top-down character of governance with implications for public policy and (c) the complex opposition to it, both inside and outside, thereby repaying this visit to an individual’s trajectory in contemporary history with parallels for current politics.
{"title":"Bombay “city boss,” Congress party treasurer, and union cabinet minister from Nehru to Indira: Sadashiv Kanoji Patil (1898–1981)","authors":"Rakesh Ankit","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2201541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2201541","url":null,"abstract":"<p><b>ABSTRACT</b></p><p>S.K. Patil, quintessential Congressman of Bombay city and cabinet minister in three central governments from 1957 to 1963 and 1964 to 1967, was the kind of figure in Indian politics, who personified Rajni Kothari’s Congress “system” of clients-patrons and chains-links. A Patelite, Patil was a thorn in Nehru’s side. A leader of the business community, he identified with a network politics involving capital. He was an indifferent administrator, but an influential party apparatchik and his career peaked in 1964–1967, when he was a part of the all-important Congress “syndicate.” Afterward, however, he struggled for relevance in the turbulent decade of the 1970s. In this research article based on Patil’s personal papers, I offer these fragments from his political life as interesting prisms through which to view (a) aspects of intra-party and inter-ministerial conflictual culture, (b) issues concerning the top-down character of governance with implications for public policy and (c) the complex opposition to it, both inside and outside, thereby repaying this visit to an individual’s trajectory in contemporary history with parallels for current politics.</p>","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"60 44","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-26DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2201539
K. Varigonda
ABSTRACT This paper studies the impact of social movements on the Indian state’s developmental paradigm. Adopting from Varigonda’s (2020) framework, the paper argues that the impact of social movements on state policy and its implementation is primarily determined by three key factors: the collective action repertoires of social movements; the politicization of the Indian state’s developmental paradigm; and the openness of state input structures. This framework is tested through a comparative study of two movements that have emerged against two examples of the Indian state’s developmental paradigm: a proposed nuclear plant at Kovvada and a proposed thermal plant at Sompeta, both in Andhra Pradesh. The Sompeta agitation was successful in impeding the thermal plant’s inception while the movement in Kovvada eventually petered out. The paper demonstrates how the variation in the impact of the two movements can be attributed to the social movement in Sompeta benefitting from stronger collective action repertoires; greater politicization of the state’s developmental paradigm; and more open state input structures, vis-à-vis the movement in Kovvada.
{"title":"Theorizing social movements against the Indian state’s developmental paradigm: A comparative study of the Kovvada and Sompeta movements","authors":"K. Varigonda","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2201539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2201539","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper studies the impact of social movements on the Indian state’s developmental paradigm. Adopting from Varigonda’s (2020) framework, the paper argues that the impact of social movements on state policy and its implementation is primarily determined by three key factors: the collective action repertoires of social movements; the politicization of the Indian state’s developmental paradigm; and the openness of state input structures. This framework is tested through a comparative study of two movements that have emerged against two examples of the Indian state’s developmental paradigm: a proposed nuclear plant at Kovvada and a proposed thermal plant at Sompeta, both in Andhra Pradesh. The Sompeta agitation was successful in impeding the thermal plant’s inception while the movement in Kovvada eventually petered out. The paper demonstrates how the variation in the impact of the two movements can be attributed to the social movement in Sompeta benefitting from stronger collective action repertoires; greater politicization of the state’s developmental paradigm; and more open state input structures, vis-à-vis the movement in Kovvada.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"282 - 308"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47138781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2180919
A. Mukherjee
Abstract This article examines the reasons underlying the re-emergence of the Quad in 2017 and the areas of convergence and divergence between U.S. and Indian views of it especially during the Trump administration. While doing so, it makes the following arguments. First, the current iteration of the Quad emerged because of changing threat perception regarding China among all four Quad countries. Second, President Trump’s hard line, bordering on adversarial, position vis-à-vis China was positively received by other members of the Quad and encouraged them to shed their inhibitions. In addition, Trump’s delegative style of leadership on the Quad allowed senior and mid-level officials to creatively engage with the other powers. Third, all this notwithstanding, there were still significant divergences, stemming from strategic and diplomatic worldviews, between the perspectives of the Quad countries on the future direction and purpose of the grouping. Put another way, the Quad will always be a work in progress because of the divergences between its member states and its inherently flexible design. The article concludes by analysing the prospects for the Quad.
{"title":"With a little help from China: the Trump administration and the reinvigoration of the Quad","authors":"A. Mukherjee","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2180919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2180919","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the reasons underlying the re-emergence of the Quad in 2017 and the areas of convergence and divergence between U.S. and Indian views of it especially during the Trump administration. While doing so, it makes the following arguments. First, the current iteration of the Quad emerged because of changing threat perception regarding China among all four Quad countries. Second, President Trump’s hard line, bordering on adversarial, position vis-à-vis China was positively received by other members of the Quad and encouraged them to shed their inhibitions. In addition, Trump’s delegative style of leadership on the Quad allowed senior and mid-level officials to creatively engage with the other powers. Third, all this notwithstanding, there were still significant divergences, stemming from strategic and diplomatic worldviews, between the perspectives of the Quad countries on the future direction and purpose of the grouping. Put another way, the Quad will always be a work in progress because of the divergences between its member states and its inherently flexible design. The article concludes by analysing the prospects for the Quad.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"207 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44871918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2180921
S. Bhatnagar
ABSTRACT The gradual elevation of India-US relations over the past few decades highlights a significant convergence of interests, a similarity in dominant political discourse and a converging geopolitical environment that has aided this elevation. This article explores engagements between India and the US within the Af-Pak arena, reflected in policy discourse and public pronouncements in both countries. It does so through a critical discourse analysis and examination of personal, national interest, and broader structural calculations that have driven Indian and American policy engagement reflected in their policy positions with regards to Afghanistan and Pakistan.
{"title":"Navigating the Af-Pak arena: India-US relations under the Trump administration","authors":"S. Bhatnagar","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2023.2180921","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2023.2180921","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The gradual elevation of India-US relations over the past few decades highlights a significant convergence of interests, a similarity in dominant political discourse and a converging geopolitical environment that has aided this elevation. This article explores engagements between India and the US within the Af-Pak arena, reflected in policy discourse and public pronouncements in both countries. It does so through a critical discourse analysis and examination of personal, national interest, and broader structural calculations that have driven Indian and American policy engagement reflected in their policy positions with regards to Afghanistan and Pakistan.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"184 - 195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46837327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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