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India-US-Russia dynamics in the Trump era 特朗普时代的印度-美俄动态
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2180920
R. Verma
ABSTRACT Out of more than thirty strategic partnerships signed by India, its ties with the US and Russia are crucial for achieving economic and strategic objectives in the Indo-Pacific and the Eurasian region respectively. There was a growing convergence on bilateral, regional, and global issues with the US during Trump years, but there was divergence between the two countries on Russia. While Washington perceived Russia as a competitor and interfering in the domestic affairs of the US, Moscow on the other hand perceived the US as attempting to not only expand its influence in Russia’s backyard but also undermining Russia’s leadership and its political system. The relationship was also adversarial because the Sino-American escalation coincided with an increasing Russia-China bonhomie. Russia remained a valuable partner for India and India hoped for improved US-Russia ties under Trump. However, adversarial US-Russia ties cast a dark shadow on India-Russia ties. The US complained and was even contemplating sanctions on India for its purchase of S400 air defense systems from Russia. India’s reliance on Russian defence equipment and its policy of multi-alignment further increased tensions between India and the US although India-US strategic alignment has increased under Trump.
摘要在印度签署的30多个战略伙伴关系中,印度与美国和俄罗斯的关系分别对实现印太和欧亚地区的经济和战略目标至关重要。在特朗普执政期间,两国在双边、地区和全球问题上日益趋同,但在俄罗斯问题上存在分歧。华盛顿将俄罗斯视为竞争对手并干涉美国内政,而莫斯科则认为美国不仅试图扩大其在俄罗斯后院的影响力,还试图破坏俄罗斯的领导地位及其政治制度。这种关系也是敌对的,因为中美关系的升级与俄中友好关系的加强不谋而合。俄罗斯仍然是印度的宝贵合作伙伴,印度希望在特朗普的领导下改善美俄关系。然而,敌对的美俄关系给印俄关系蒙上了阴影。美国抱怨印度从俄罗斯购买S400防空系统,甚至考虑对其实施制裁。印度对俄罗斯国防装备的依赖及其多重结盟政策进一步加剧了印度和美国之间的紧张关系,尽管在特朗普的领导下,印美战略结盟有所加强。
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引用次数: 2
Navigating “maximum pressure”: the India-Iran-US relationship under the Trump presidency 驾驭“最大压力”:特朗普总统任期内的印伊美关系
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2180916
Vinay Kaura
ABSTRACT The article highlights the convergence and divergence between US and India regarding Iran during the Trump administration and makes the following arguments. First, as Trump’s hard line on Iran was viewed negatively by India, New Delhi took measures to assert its longheld tradition of “strategic autonomy” in foreign policy which could not be ignored by the U.S. establishment despite Trump’s personal choices. Second, as Iran responded to the Trump’s hardening policies by gravitating toward China, the Trump administration became slightly more sensitive toward the complexities of IranChina bonhomie for Indian diplomacy. Third, although India was forced to cut back on importing Iranian oil due to sanctions in mid-2019, American officials began to view India-Iran-Afghanistan collaboration on the Chabahar port project as an opportunity to boost the Afghan economy, and exempted the project from sanctions. The article concludes that despite strong divergences on Iran, the Trump administration came to pursue a combination of pressure and engagement with India to reduce divergence on Iran.
摘要本文着重分析了特朗普政府时期美国和印度在伊朗问题上的趋同和分歧,并提出了以下论点。首先,由于印度对特朗普在伊朗问题上的强硬立场持负面看法,新德里采取措施维护其长期以来的外交政策“战略自主”传统,尽管特朗普有个人选择,但美国当权派不能忽视这一传统。其次,随着伊朗对特朗普强硬政策的回应,倾向于中国,特朗普政府对伊朗与中国友好关系对印度外交的复杂性变得稍微敏感一些。第三,尽管印度在2019年年中因制裁而被迫减少进口伊朗石油,但美国官员开始将印度-伊朗-阿富汗在恰巴哈尔港口项目上的合作视为提振阿富汗经济的机会,并免除了该项目的制裁。文章的结论是,尽管在伊朗问题上存在强烈分歧,但特朗普政府开始寻求与印度施压和接触的结合,以减少在伊朗问题的分歧。
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引用次数: 0
Separately together: Indian and American approaches to China during the Trump era 分开来看:特朗普时代印度和美国对中国的态度
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2180913
D. Ollapally, R. Verma
ABSTRACT This article highlights the convergence and divergence between India and the US pertaining to China under the Trump administration. Given Trump’s forceful personality and apparent chemistry with Modi, it is tempting to attribute bilateral relations to individual leaders. However, systemic pressures due to shared concerns over China’s rise and aggressive behavior played a significant role in keeping relations on track and ultimately deepening them. This led to increasing Indo-US cooperation in the Quad especially after the Galwan Valley cash in June 2020 although India initially feared entrapment. While there was convergence on the broad contours of the threat of a Sino-centric Asia, coming to agreement on specific strategies to prevent it faced its share of challenges with Trump wanting New Delhi to do more to counter China and do it faster. There was also divergence related to India’s continuing attachment to strategic autonomy underwritten by a multipolar world order, and Indian and American definitions of the boundaries of the Indo-Pacific and how the priority areas of each differed.
摘要本文着重分析了特朗普政府时期印度与美国在中国问题上的趋同与分歧。鉴于特朗普强势的个性和与莫迪明显的化学反应,人们很容易将双边关系归因于个别领导人。然而,由于对中国崛起和侵略行为的共同担忧而产生的系统性压力,在保持两国关系步入正轨并最终加深关系方面发挥了重要作用。这导致了印美在四方会谈中的合作增加,特别是在2020年6月加勒万河谷现金之后,尽管印度最初担心被诱捕。尽管在以中国为中心的亚洲威胁的大致轮廓上存在分歧,但就防止这种威胁的具体战略达成一致,面临着同样的挑战,特朗普希望新德里采取更多措施对抗中国,并加快行动。也存在分歧,这与印度继续坚持多极世界秩序所保障的战略自主、印度和美国对印太边界的定义以及各自优先领域的差异有关。
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引用次数: 1
Trump, Modi, and the illiberal consensus 特朗普、莫迪和非自由主义共识
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2023.2180915
Vibhav M., Irfan Nooruddin
ABSTRACT President Trump and Prime Minister Modi often invoked their two nation’s claims as “oldest and largest” democracies to trumpet the naturalness of the US-India alliance. Shared democratic values was the glue that supposedly bound the two countries together. This contribution argues that the cynical and opportunistic invocation of democratic values by both governments damaged the cause of democracy globally. Both have attacked the independence of the press, civil society, and judiciary; and democratic backsliding and religious intolerance has worsened in both countries. The legitimacy of America’s democratic credentials, already battered by Trump, is irreparably tainted by its embrace of Modi’s India. The victim of this illiberal consensus is democracy internationally.
摘要:特朗普总统和莫迪总理经常援引两国作为“最古老和最大”民主国家的说法来宣扬美印联盟的自然性。共同的民主价值观是将两国联系在一起的粘合剂。这篇文章认为,两国政府对民主价值观的玩世不恭和机会主义援引损害了全球民主事业。两者都攻击新闻界、民间社会和司法机构的独立性;民主倒退和宗教不容忍在两国都有所恶化。已经受到特朗普打击的美国民主资格的合法性,因其对莫迪领导的印度的支持而受到不可挽回的玷污。这种不自由共识的受害者是国际民主。
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引用次数: 0
Welfare discourses in India 印度的福利话语
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2142760
P. Sarangi
ABSTRACT This paper is an attempt to analyze the trajectories of welfare policy in India since independence. Four overlapping phases are outlined, keeping in mind the transformations in the political and economic contexts. The corresponding welfare discourses are: Paternalistic, Clientelistic, Basic Needs and Responsive. These concepts indicate broad strategies of policy and are not analytical categories. However, one can easily discern a general trend, perhaps a snapshot, of the ideas which shaped welfare policies in India. We assume that the changes are incremental and cumulative. The policy makers’ conceptualization of welfare during each time period, the interpretation of these policies in scholarly literature and a critical evaluation are presented. We have suggested that the responsive welfare policy in the recent times is a process of empowering citizens by converting their needs to demands. Democratic representation of the marginalized in the Indian state’s policy space is gradually getting recognized.
本文试图分析印度独立以来福利政策的发展轨迹。考虑到政治和经济环境的变化,概述了四个重叠的阶段。相应的福利话语有:家长主义、客户主义、基本需求和响应性。这些概念表明了广泛的政策战略,而不是分析范畴。然而,人们可以很容易地看出影响印度福利政策的思想的总体趋势,也许是一个缩影。我们假设这些变化是渐进的和累积的。介绍了决策者在每个时期对福利的概念化,学术文献中对这些政策的解释和批判性评价。我们认为,最近的响应性福利政策是一个通过将公民的需求转化为需求来赋予公民权力的过程。印度政府政策空间中边缘化群体的民主代表性正逐渐得到认可。
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引用次数: 0
Debating cow-slaughter: the making of Article 48 in the Constituent Assembly of India 屠牛辩论:印度制宪会议第48条的制定
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2142757
S. Gundimeda
ABSTRACT The present article examines the efforts of the Hindu conservatives at securing support for a law to ban cow-slaughter during the intervening years of India’s Independence. It also critically examines the debate on this question in the Constituent Assembly of India. Through this examination the article notes how the Hindu conservatives prepared the ground for a law against cow-slaughter even prior to the question being debated in the Constituent Assembly. Further, it argues that by an exclusive consideration of the views of the practitioners of conservative Hindu religion, whose ideology is based on a monolithic conception of Hinduism, over cow and conversely disregarding the others’ views, particularly of Islam on the same, the makers of the Constitution of India sought to impose a Hindu religious practice upon the non-believers of Hindu religion. The article also highlights the role of Ambedkar in the making of Article 48. The article is divided into three sections, wherein the first section looks at the Hindu conservatives’ attempts at securing support for a law against cow slaughter, the second and third sections analyze the debate over the question of cow-slaughter in the Constituent Assembly of India.
摘要本文考察了在印度独立期间,印度教保守派为争取对一项禁止屠宰奶牛的法律的支持所做的努力。它还批判性地审查了印度制宪会议关于这个问题的辩论。通过这篇文章,文章指出了印度教保守派是如何在制宪会议辩论这一问题之前就为反对屠宰奶牛的法律奠定基础的。此外,它认为,只考虑保守的印度教信徒的观点,他们的意识形态基于印度教的单一概念,而忽视了其他人的观点,特别是伊斯兰教的观点,《印度宪法》的制定者试图将印度教的宗教习俗强加给非印度教信徒。文章还强调了Ambedkar在制定第48条中的作用。这篇文章分为三节,其中第一节探讨了印度教保守派试图争取对反对屠宰奶牛的法律的支持,第二节和第三节分析了印度制宪会议关于屠宰奶牛问题的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Temple diplomacy and India’s soft power: a cultural approach to diplomacy in Southeast Asian States 寺庙外交与印度的软实力:东南亚国家外交的文化视角
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2142758
Harsh Mahaseth, Udipto Koushik Sarmah, Shifa Qureshi
ABSTRACT India’s pursuit of a position within the structure of Southeast Asian States has seen its most extensive ‘soft power’ campaign in all probability. One of the most effective forms of these soft power campaigns is its cultural diplomacy invoked through a shared cultural heritage with the Southeast Asian States. This cultural diplomacy takes the form of a multitude of instruments. However, the instrument of temple restoration as a form of cultural diplomacy is rarely analyzed irrespective of its steady presence in the last decades. This article is an attempt to fill in the gaps between the understanding of soft power and cultural diplomacy through temple restorations. The authors in this article examine India’s restoration of temples across the Southeast Asian States as a form of its cultural diplomacy and analyzes the effectiveness of the same as an instrument of soft power. In the first section, the authors examine the concept of ‘soft power’ and India’s efforts in the exercise of the same through the restoration of temples. In the second section, the author analyzes India’s exercise and development of ‘soft power’ with specific reference to how Buddhism enables India to develop its relations with Southeast Asian States. In the third section, the author examines whether India’s cultural diplomacy through its restoration of temples has actually had a positive impact in developing India’s relations with other Southeast Asian States. Finally, the authors analyze whether there is any merit to a continuation of such measures of its cultural diplomacy as an instrument of its soft power.
摘要:印度在东南亚国家结构中寻求地位的过程中,很可能出现了最广泛的“软实力”运动。这些软实力运动最有效的形式之一是通过与东南亚国家的共同文化遗产进行文化外交。这种文化外交采取多种手段的形式。然而,作为一种文化外交形式的寺庙修复工具很少被分析,尽管它在过去几十年中一直存在。本文试图通过寺庙修复来填补对软实力的理解与文化外交之间的空白。本文作者将印度在东南亚国家修复寺庙作为其文化外交的一种形式,并分析其作为软实力工具的有效性。在第一节中,作者考察了“软实力”的概念,以及印度通过修复寺庙来行使软实力的努力。在第二节中,作者分析了印度“软实力”的行使和发展,并具体参考了佛教如何使印度发展与东南亚国家的关系。在第三节中,作者考察了印度通过修复寺庙进行的文化外交是否真的对发展印度与其他东南亚国家的关系产生了积极影响。最后,作者分析了作为软实力工具的文化外交措施的延续是否有任何可取之处。
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引用次数: 0
In the interim: administering art in India, after independence, before institutions 在过渡时期:印度的管理艺术,独立后,在机构之前
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2142759
Malvika Maheshwari
ABSTRACT The article focuses on the Indian state’s relationship with art, and art institutions to gain insights into approaches to nation/state formation and administration. It asks two questions: How was art administered in India between 1947 and 1953, the period after India’s independence but before formal institutions for it came up? And what were the implications of decisions taken during this period on subsequent institutional choices? I argue that matters of art were addressed here–in the “interim”–not merely in a formal manner through political and administrative procedures, but as the very question of political and administrative matters, intricately intertwined with appeals of taste, rule, disinterest, gains, penny pinching, but most of all, of problem solving. From the commitment to solve problems were at hand, in a country ravaged by Partition, unemployment, and a poor economy, what emerges is not a pious approach to tradition; nor do decisions affecting art practice follow some predetermined path to modernity. Neither does the state’s approach simply correspond to the view generally taken in existing literature where the starting point tends to be the framework of secular nationalism. Rather, by being attentive to everyday problem-solving and decision-making processes of statesmen who led the project of institution-building–Nehru, Azad, Patel among others–we discover the priority they gave to building state capacity; everything else, including nation-building followed from this. In this regard, even though there was no specific programme yet in place for looking into the arts, the arts got looked after in almost all matters concerning politics.
本文关注印度国家与艺术的关系,以及艺术机构,以深入了解民族/国家形成和管理的方法。它提出了两个问题:1947年至1953年,即印度独立后、正式机构出现之前,印度是如何管理艺术的?在此期间所做的决定对随后的制度选择有什么影响?我认为,艺术问题在这里——在“过渡时期”——不仅仅是通过政治和行政程序以正式的方式处理,而是作为政治和行政问题本身的问题,与品味、规则、无私、利益、精打细算的诉求错综复杂地交织在一起,但最重要的是,解决问题。在一个饱受分裂、失业和经济低迷蹂躏的国家,从解决手头问题的承诺中,出现的不是对传统的虔诚态度;影响艺术实践的决定也不遵循某种预定的现代性路径。国家的做法也不是简单地与现有文献中普遍采用的观点相一致,这些文献的起点往往是世俗民族主义的框架。相反,通过关注领导制度建设项目的政治家——尼赫鲁、阿扎德、帕特尔等人——的日常解决问题和决策过程,我们发现他们把建设国家能力放在首位;其他一切,包括国家建设,都是从这里开始的。在这方面,尽管当时还没有专门研究艺术的方案,但艺术在几乎所有涉及政治的事务中都得到了照顾。
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引用次数: 0
Dysphagia Aortica: An Uncommon and Potentially Life-Threatening Condition. 大动脉吞咽困难:一种不常见且可能危及生命的疾病。
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-13 eCollection Date: 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1159/000528108
Francisco Vara-Luiz, Eduardo Fernandes, Fábio Pé D'Arca Barbosa, Ana Albuquerque, Ana Valada Marques, Jorge Fonseca
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引用次数: 0
Evolving rationales of boundary making in India: beyond states 印度边界划分的演变原理:超越国家
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2131125
Sayak Dutta
ABSTRACT Academic scholarship on boundary making in India is disproportionately concentrated on state boundaries. Isolated attention given to other areas fails to adopt a holistic framework. The present paper traces the evolving rationales of delimiting district boundary, scheduled area boundary, and parliamentary constituency boundary. It further attempts to find a common thread to organize the boundary making principles in different arenas. Since its inception, India has embarked on a path of steady decentralization. Initially, the State reorganization commission and several constituency delimitation commissions tried to implement a pan-Indian objective. Ethnic diversity was gradually recognized in boundary making from 1970 onward, most notably in the Northeast. A drive toward ever smaller states and districts is observed under the “small is better” paradigm since 1990s. Overall, boundary making in India is intricately intertwined with political agenda and is increasingly being used for electoral expedience over achieving cardinal visions.
摘要:在印度,关于边界划定的学术研究不成比例地集中在国家边界上。对其他领域的孤立关注未能采用一个整体框架。本文追溯了划分地区边界、预定地区边界和议会选区边界的演变原理。它进一步试图找到一个共同的线索来组织不同领域的边界制定原则。自成立以来,印度走上了一条稳定的权力下放道路。最初,国家重组委员会和几个选区划界委员会试图实现泛印度的目标。从1970年起,种族多样性在边界划定中逐渐得到承认,尤其是在东北部。自20世纪90年代以来,在“小即更好”的范式下,人们观察到了向越来越小的州和地区发展的趋势。总的来说,印度的边界划分与政治议程错综复杂,越来越多地被用于实现基本愿景的选举权宜之计。
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引用次数: 0
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