Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2021.1875700
Jacobo Silva Parada
ABSTRACT Financial liberalization has been a gradual, calibrated and uneven process in India. Since the early 90s, Indian financial system has been transformed in accordance with a market-led economic strategy aiming to attract foreign investments and prepare its integration into the international financial circuits, through institutional changes, regulatory easing, public monopolies ending, etc. A few years after the 2008 global financial crisis, during the Modi government, the financial liberalization process has been significantly renovated and reinforced. In addition, old and new challenges have been (re)emerged, and domestic and external factors also have had considerable impacts by unveiling and aggravating systemic fragilities. In this context, the objective of this article is to analyze the financial deregulation process and its political and economic implications for India in the course of Modi’s first government, in view of the foreign investments, the banking system, the insurance sector and the monetary policy.
{"title":"Financial liberalization during the Modi government: Political and economic implications","authors":"Jacobo Silva Parada","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2021.1875700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2021.1875700","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Financial liberalization has been a gradual, calibrated and uneven process in India. Since the early 90s, Indian financial system has been transformed in accordance with a market-led economic strategy aiming to attract foreign investments and prepare its integration into the international financial circuits, through institutional changes, regulatory easing, public monopolies ending, etc. A few years after the 2008 global financial crisis, during the Modi government, the financial liberalization process has been significantly renovated and reinforced. In addition, old and new challenges have been (re)emerged, and domestic and external factors also have had considerable impacts by unveiling and aggravating systemic fragilities. In this context, the objective of this article is to analyze the financial deregulation process and its political and economic implications for India in the course of Modi’s first government, in view of the foreign investments, the banking system, the insurance sector and the monetary policy.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"20 1","pages":"29 - 67"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14736489.2021.1875700","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48881430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-19DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2020.1855011
A. Ranjan
ABSTRACT Political relationships and not the economic benefits of cooperation, guides India and Pakistan to take their respective stands on the hydroelectricity projects on the Indus River System. Therefore, almost all hydroelectricity projects on their shared river system have been strongly contested by one or the other riparian states. In recent years, the two countries have engaged in disputes on the Kishanganga Hydroelectricity Project on the Indian side of Jammu and Kashmir. Despite clearance by the Court of Arbitration in 2013, Pakistan raised other technical objections with the project. This article looks at India-Pakistan hydroelectricity issues, examines politics over the water and hydroelectricity projects, and analyzes difficulties in moving to a non-state centric approach.
{"title":"India-Pakistan hydroelectricity issues: “questions” “differences” and “disputes”","authors":"A. Ranjan","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2020.1855011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2020.1855011","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political relationships and not the economic benefits of cooperation, guides India and Pakistan to take their respective stands on the hydroelectricity projects on the Indus River System. Therefore, almost all hydroelectricity projects on their shared river system have been strongly contested by one or the other riparian states. In recent years, the two countries have engaged in disputes on the Kishanganga Hydroelectricity Project on the Indian side of Jammu and Kashmir. Despite clearance by the Court of Arbitration in 2013, Pakistan raised other technical objections with the project. This article looks at India-Pakistan hydroelectricity issues, examines politics over the water and hydroelectricity projects, and analyzes difficulties in moving to a non-state centric approach.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"427 - 447"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14736489.2020.1855011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49405614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-19DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2020.1855014
Madhukar K. Shetty, A. Verma, Suvarna Cherukuri
ABSTRACT Modern states have to reckon with the problem of corruption because of its derailing influence on the functioning of government. This paper argues that state–society relations frame the context in which the incidence of corruption and the state’s response to corruption become mutually reinforcing processes. We define this as “structures of irresolution” wherein an idealized abstract image of the state is constructed and corruption is blamed upon individual aberrations rather than the deviant nature of the state itself. We apply this framework to examine the functions of Karnataka Lokayukta, an anticorruption institution in India. Our data comes from the Annual Reports of this Lokayukta between 1987 and 2015 and corruption cases from Crime in India statistics. Our analysis shows that Lokayukta targeted officials disproportionately from lower sections of the bureaucracy. We recommend decentralized accountability mechanisms that redefine the relations between the individual, institutions, and the state to combat corruption effectively.
{"title":"The sociological conception of corruption: a case study of Karnataka Lokayukta","authors":"Madhukar K. Shetty, A. Verma, Suvarna Cherukuri","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2020.1855014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2020.1855014","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Modern states have to reckon with the problem of corruption because of its derailing influence on the functioning of government. This paper argues that state–society relations frame the context in which the incidence of corruption and the state’s response to corruption become mutually reinforcing processes. We define this as “structures of irresolution” wherein an idealized abstract image of the state is constructed and corruption is blamed upon individual aberrations rather than the deviant nature of the state itself. We apply this framework to examine the functions of Karnataka Lokayukta, an anticorruption institution in India. Our data comes from the Annual Reports of this Lokayukta between 1987 and 2015 and corruption cases from Crime in India statistics. Our analysis shows that Lokayukta targeted officials disproportionately from lower sections of the bureaucracy. We recommend decentralized accountability mechanisms that redefine the relations between the individual, institutions, and the state to combat corruption effectively.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"471 - 495"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14736489.2020.1855014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44149897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-19DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2020.1855012
Ashwani Kumar, Souradeep Banerjee, S. Dhar
ABSTRACT A paucity of understanding of the pathways through which money flows during elections renders all discussion on campaign finance conjectural and unpersuasive. Drawing on qualitative evidence from two assembly constituencies in Gujarat, the paper seeks to understand the “opaque” and “enigmatic” ways in which parties and candidates mobilize campaign finance and the mechanisms through which money and other goodies get channeled into the electoral process. Further, the paper also attempts to compute realistic estimates of campaign expenses under critical campaign heads and highlights the ways in which candidates bypass official spending limits set by the Election Commission. The paper’s findings speak to some of the core themes in the burgeoning scholarship on electoral integrity and political economy of campaign finance in the world’s emerging democracies.
{"title":"Pathways of money: insights from the 2017 Gujarat assembly election","authors":"Ashwani Kumar, Souradeep Banerjee, S. Dhar","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2020.1855012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2020.1855012","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT A paucity of understanding of the pathways through which money flows during elections renders all discussion on campaign finance conjectural and unpersuasive. Drawing on qualitative evidence from two assembly constituencies in Gujarat, the paper seeks to understand the “opaque” and “enigmatic” ways in which parties and candidates mobilize campaign finance and the mechanisms through which money and other goodies get channeled into the electoral process. Further, the paper also attempts to compute realistic estimates of campaign expenses under critical campaign heads and highlights the ways in which candidates bypass official spending limits set by the Election Commission. The paper’s findings speak to some of the core themes in the burgeoning scholarship on electoral integrity and political economy of campaign finance in the world’s emerging democracies.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"448 - 470"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14736489.2020.1855012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41606165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-14DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2021.1958582
John Echeverri-Gent, Aseema Sinha, A. Wyatt
ABSTRACT Narendra Modi came to power in 2014 promising robust economic management and more employment. The campaign promise of “maximum governance, minimum government,” created hope that Modi would transform India’s economy by removing obstacles to growth and job creation. We assess the Modi government’s economic policies from 2014–2019 focusing on salient initiatives like demonetization, bankruptcy law, GST reforms, and “Make in India.” We argue that Modi’s economic policies must be understood, first and foremost, as a political strategy to build political support and ensure the BJP’s hegemony through the next decade. In addition, we show that Modi’s success in building his personal image as a decisive leader perversely triggered institutional changes such as centralization of decision-making and political management of information that diminished India’s state capacity and led to policies that failed to address, and in many cases exacerbated, India’s economic problems.
{"title":"Economic distress amidst political success: India’s economic policy under Modi, 2014-2019","authors":"John Echeverri-Gent, Aseema Sinha, A. Wyatt","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2021.1958582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2021.1958582","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Narendra Modi came to power in 2014 promising robust economic management and more employment. The campaign promise of “maximum governance, minimum government,” created hope that Modi would transform India’s economy by removing obstacles to growth and job creation. We assess the Modi government’s economic policies from 2014–2019 focusing on salient initiatives like demonetization, bankruptcy law, GST reforms, and “Make in India.” We argue that Modi’s economic policies must be understood, first and foremost, as a political strategy to build political support and ensure the BJP’s hegemony through the next decade. In addition, we show that Modi’s success in building his personal image as a decisive leader perversely triggered institutional changes such as centralization of decision-making and political management of information that diminished India’s state capacity and led to policies that failed to address, and in many cases exacerbated, India’s economic problems.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"20 1","pages":"402 - 435"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46587732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-07DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2020.1797317
Hannes Ebert
ABSTRACT Why has India developed into one of the world’s top targets and sources of cyber attacks despite possessing a strategic edge in information and communications technology (ICT)? India has one of the most competitive ICT industries and workforces, largest global sourcing and fastest growing e-commerce markets, and second largest and fastest growing internet user base, and is a leader in using ICT to provide governance services, yet its economic and political information infrastructures have been disproportionality affected by cyber attacks. This article traces the evolution of cyber threats to India’s national security and identifies drivers of the national and international policies the Indian state has adopted to address these threats in the past two decades. It finds evidence for a growing gap between the ideation and implementation of cyber security legislation and policy, which is rooted in the political constraints inherent in India’s state capacity-building efforts, reluctance to engage in multistakeholder coordination, and struggles to yield gains from its hedging diplomacy in global cyber security negotiations. For the Security Studies scholarship on the sources of cyber insecurity, these findings highlight the need to further study the links between different types of cyber capacity, state structure and political systems as well as the specific conditions under which quickly digitizing democracies can effectively translate their ICT capacities and regulations into greater cyber resilience.
{"title":"Hacked IT superpower: how India secures its cyberspace as a rising digital democracy","authors":"Hannes Ebert","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2020.1797317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2020.1797317","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why has India developed into one of the world’s top targets and sources of cyber attacks despite possessing a strategic edge in information and communications technology (ICT)? India has one of the most competitive ICT industries and workforces, largest global sourcing and fastest growing e-commerce markets, and second largest and fastest growing internet user base, and is a leader in using ICT to provide governance services, yet its economic and political information infrastructures have been disproportionality affected by cyber attacks. This article traces the evolution of cyber threats to India’s national security and identifies drivers of the national and international policies the Indian state has adopted to address these threats in the past two decades. It finds evidence for a growing gap between the ideation and implementation of cyber security legislation and policy, which is rooted in the political constraints inherent in India’s state capacity-building efforts, reluctance to engage in multistakeholder coordination, and struggles to yield gains from its hedging diplomacy in global cyber security negotiations. For the Security Studies scholarship on the sources of cyber insecurity, these findings highlight the need to further study the links between different types of cyber capacity, state structure and political systems as well as the specific conditions under which quickly digitizing democracies can effectively translate their ICT capacities and regulations into greater cyber resilience.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"376 - 413"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14736489.2020.1797317","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44325077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-07DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2020.1797318
M. Ayoob
ABSTRACT The article traces the rise of Hindu nationalism and its rise to power. It identifies three major variables responsible for Hindu nationalism’s rise and success. First, British historiography that made the Hindu-Muslim animosity the centerpiece for historical analysis in order to justify British rule coupled with a deliberate policy of divide and rule that widened the chasm between the two communities. Second, the writings of Savarkar and other ideologues such as Golwalkar that presented this dichotomy starkly and painted the Indian Muslim as the quintessential “other” thus arguing that Hindus alone were the real owners of the land and Muslims were interlopers. Third, and possibly the most important, the partition of the country in 1947 that hived away the Muslim majority areas from India thus rendering Indian Muslims demographically and politically marginal if not irrelevant in independent India thus paving the way for the eventual capture of power by Hindu nationalists.
{"title":"The rise of Hindu nationalism in historical perspective","authors":"M. Ayoob","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2020.1797318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2020.1797318","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article traces the rise of Hindu nationalism and its rise to power. It identifies three major variables responsible for Hindu nationalism’s rise and success. First, British historiography that made the Hindu-Muslim animosity the centerpiece for historical analysis in order to justify British rule coupled with a deliberate policy of divide and rule that widened the chasm between the two communities. Second, the writings of Savarkar and other ideologues such as Golwalkar that presented this dichotomy starkly and painted the Indian Muslim as the quintessential “other” thus arguing that Hindus alone were the real owners of the land and Muslims were interlopers. Third, and possibly the most important, the partition of the country in 1947 that hived away the Muslim majority areas from India thus rendering Indian Muslims demographically and politically marginal if not irrelevant in independent India thus paving the way for the eventual capture of power by Hindu nationalists.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"414 - 425"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14736489.2020.1797318","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46157698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-07DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2020.1797315
J. Macdonald
ABSTRACT Indian Prime Ministers occupy the pinnacle of India’s government, national security hierarchy, and nuclear command and control infrastructure, which allows them to make decisions that transform Indian nuclear strategy. However, within India’s nuclear decision-making bureaucracy, other actors including India’s nuclear scientists and engineers, the military, and democratic processes can also adjust Indian nuclear strategy which creates rivalry. This article argues that the Indian Prime Minister’s position gives them the ability to influence and direct these various domestic political actors to make a nuclear strategy that suits the Prime Minister’s interests. But as bureaucratic actors actually translate the Prime Minister’s directions into policy, it results in influence often falling short of control in setting nuclear strategy. Applying a bureaucratic model to the making of nuclear strategy, the article’s findings suggest that Prime Ministers have purposefully guided and overseen India’s post-Pokhran-II nuclear strategy beyond a “minimal” credible deterrent outlined in its 1999 official nuclear doctrine.
{"title":"Vajpayee, Singh, and Modi: the Prime Minister’s influence on Indian nuclear strategy","authors":"J. Macdonald","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2020.1797315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2020.1797315","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Indian Prime Ministers occupy the pinnacle of India’s government, national security hierarchy, and nuclear command and control infrastructure, which allows them to make decisions that transform Indian nuclear strategy. However, within India’s nuclear decision-making bureaucracy, other actors including India’s nuclear scientists and engineers, the military, and democratic processes can also adjust Indian nuclear strategy which creates rivalry. This article argues that the Indian Prime Minister’s position gives them the ability to influence and direct these various domestic political actors to make a nuclear strategy that suits the Prime Minister’s interests. But as bureaucratic actors actually translate the Prime Minister’s directions into policy, it results in influence often falling short of control in setting nuclear strategy. Applying a bureaucratic model to the making of nuclear strategy, the article’s findings suggest that Prime Ministers have purposefully guided and overseen India’s post-Pokhran-II nuclear strategy beyond a “minimal” credible deterrent outlined in its 1999 official nuclear doctrine.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"307 - 350"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14736489.2020.1797315","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49570296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-07DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2020.1797316
Mohammed Sinan Siyech
ABSTRACT This paper explores an under-researched area of India’s security relations with nations in West Asia. Counter Terrorism (CT) Cooperation between India and the Gulf nations has strengthened remarkably over the past five years after a prolonged period of limited cooperation on this critical issue. This paper explores why this has occurred. It argues that geopolitical factors associated with India’s rise, associated shifts in economic interests, and the changing security landscape in the Middle East and Afghanistan account for this new cooperation. It also discusses the impact of the Modi administration in altering the dynamics of India’s relationship with the two Gulf nations.
{"title":"Understanding India’s increased counter terrorism relations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE","authors":"Mohammed Sinan Siyech","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2020.1797316","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2020.1797316","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper explores an under-researched area of India’s security relations with nations in West Asia. Counter Terrorism (CT) Cooperation between India and the Gulf nations has strengthened remarkably over the past five years after a prolonged period of limited cooperation on this critical issue. This paper explores why this has occurred. It argues that geopolitical factors associated with India’s rise, associated shifts in economic interests, and the changing security landscape in the Middle East and Afghanistan account for this new cooperation. It also discusses the impact of the Modi administration in altering the dynamics of India’s relationship with the two Gulf nations.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"351 - 375"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14736489.2020.1797316","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44132162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-26DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2020.1754012
N. Kipgen
ABSTRACT In 2017, India celebrated its 25 years of dialogue partnership, 15 years of summit level interaction and 5 years of strategic partnership with ASEAN. The article examines India–ASEAN relations by focusing on four important issues—politics, economy, security, and social and culture. The South China Sea dispute is also analyzed to understand the security concerns both India and ASEAN have on the issue. It argues that India–ASEAN relationship will continue to grow in the future. For India, however, the relationship is geared more toward economic cooperation than any other issues. Therefore, it is unlikely that New Delhi will take confrontational measures that could escalate tensions with Beijing, at least in the near future. So long as India is hesitant or reluctant to speak out on the aggressive activities of China or take a more counterbalancing role in the SCS, ASEAN, especially the claimant states, will continue to view India as an unreliable security partner.
{"title":"India–ASEAN relations: the initiatives, successes, and challenges","authors":"N. Kipgen","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2020.1754012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2020.1754012","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 2017, India celebrated its 25 years of dialogue partnership, 15 years of summit level interaction and 5 years of strategic partnership with ASEAN. The article examines India–ASEAN relations by focusing on four important issues—politics, economy, security, and social and culture. The South China Sea dispute is also analyzed to understand the security concerns both India and ASEAN have on the issue. It argues that India–ASEAN relationship will continue to grow in the future. For India, however, the relationship is geared more toward economic cooperation than any other issues. Therefore, it is unlikely that New Delhi will take confrontational measures that could escalate tensions with Beijing, at least in the near future. So long as India is hesitant or reluctant to speak out on the aggressive activities of China or take a more counterbalancing role in the SCS, ASEAN, especially the claimant states, will continue to view India as an unreliable security partner.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"207 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14736489.2020.1754012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42966496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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