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A Preliminary Study on the “Islamic State” Thought in Modern Islamism 现代伊斯兰主义中的“伊斯兰国”思想初探
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023291
Ruiheng Li
Abstract: As a significant idea in the ideology of modern Islamism, the terminology of “Islamic State” has strict political meanings beyond its cultural meanings. The formation and development of the “Islamic State” thought are closely linked to the reality of the environment and situation changes in the Muslim world, which gives it the characteristics of stability and change. As an important political role in the Middle East, modern Islamist forces. ambition and efforts to establish an “Islamic State” has a major effect on regional and even global situations over a long period of time. Thus, understanding the “Islamic State” thought and its theoretical and realistic dilemmas will be an indispensable step to understand conditions in the Middle East.
摘要:作为现代伊斯兰主义意识形态中的一个重要概念,“伊斯兰国”一词在其文化意义之外具有严格的政治意义。“伊斯兰国”思想的形成和发展与穆斯林世界的环境和形势变化的现实密切相关,这使其具有稳定和变化的特点。作为中东地区重要的政治角色,现代伊斯兰势力。建立“伊斯兰国”的野心和努力在很长一段时间内对地区乃至全球局势产生重大影响。因此,了解“伊斯兰国”思想及其理论和现实困境将是了解中东局势不可或缺的一步。
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引用次数: 2
“Islamic State” and the Transformation of Islamic Discourse in the Middle East “伊斯兰国”与中东地区伊斯兰话语的转型
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023290
H. Hassan
Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to highlight the origin and evolution of the “Islamic State” (IS) with special focus on the root causes that helped construct its Islamic narrative, such as the idea of the Islamic caliphate. It argues that IS has not concealed all other jihadist groups, and it is just a new face of the same idea associated with political Islam: Salafi-Jihadism. This paper also tries to analyze the changing face of global jihadism through a comparative approach of Al-Qaeda and IS. It has been shown that while both groups have common ideological beliefs, they are in many ways different. By studying and analyzing the Islamic discourse of many Jihadist groups in the Middle East, the paper has showed a case of acute obscurantism which is reflected on the statements and behavior of these groups. However, they are open to communicate between their organizations. For the counter extremism initiatives, the threat of IS and its affiliated groups is not decreasing, but it is changing. What is needed in the region in order to fight this monster is a moment of reflection and reckoning by all Muslims. It requires a revolution in the dominant religious discourse.
摘要:本文旨在强调“伊斯兰国”(is)的起源和演变,并特别关注有助于构建其伊斯兰叙事的根本原因,例如伊斯兰哈里发的想法。它认为,IS并没有隐藏所有其他圣战组织,它只是与政治伊斯兰有关的同一思想的新面貌:萨拉菲圣战主义。本文还试图通过基地组织和伊斯兰国的比较方法来分析全球圣战主义的变化。研究表明,虽然这两个群体有共同的意识形态信仰,但他们在许多方面不同。通过研究和分析中东许多圣战组织的伊斯兰话语,本文展示了一个反映在这些组织的言论和行为上的严重蒙昧主义的案例。然而,他们对组织之间的交流持开放态度。在反极端主义方面,“伊斯兰国”及其附属组织的威胁不仅没有减少,而且正在发生变化。为了打击这个怪物,该地区需要的是所有穆斯林反思和清算的时刻。它需要主导宗教话语的革命。
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引用次数: 3
Assessing the Effectiveness of the Carrot and Stick Counter-terrorist Measure: A Comparison of Algeria and Yemen 评估胡萝卜加大棒反恐措施的有效性:阿尔及利亚和也门的比较
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023293
Chuchu Zhang
Abstract: This article seeks to explain the differing counter-terrorist effects in Algeria and Yemen over the past two decades. While terrorism peaked in both countries in the late 1990s and incumbents in both countries responded with “carrot and stick” strategies, the results have been entirely different, with Yemen mired in deeper violence, whereas domestic terrorist forces were almost wiped out in Algeria in the late 2000s. To account for this variance and to measure the effects of the “carrot and stick” approach, the article adopts the state capacity model by analyzing how Bouteflika centralized Algeria’s bureaucracy and administration since 1999 which facilitated the communication between the intelligence, military and judiciary, thus strengthening military operations and law enforcement, and how Saleh’s Yemen filled with separatism and sectarianism aggravated the regime’s deficiencies of information collection and revenue concentration, leading to the continuation of terrorism. Evidence from my framework and cases suggest that coping with terrorist violence requires much more thoroughgoing measures than military blows; legislative efforts and national dialogues. The study is not limited to the cases of Algeria and Yemen, but aims at shedding light on more countries confronted with terrorist threat.
摘要:本文试图解释阿尔及利亚和也门在过去二十年中不同的反恐效果。虽然两国的恐怖主义在20世纪90年代末达到顶峰,两国的现任政府都采取了“胡萝卜加大棒”的策略,但结果却完全不同,也门陷入了更深层次的暴力,而阿尔及利亚的国内恐怖主义势力在21世纪头十年末几乎被消灭。为了解释这种差异并衡量“胡萝卜加大棒”方法的效果,本文采用国家能力模型,分析布特弗利卡自1999年以来如何将阿尔及利亚的官僚机构和行政机构集中起来,促进了情报、军事和司法之间的沟通,从而加强了军事行动和执法。以及萨利赫统治下的也门充斥着分裂主义和宗派主义,如何加剧了该政权在信息收集和收入集中方面的缺陷,导致恐怖主义的持续。来自我的框架和案例的证据表明,应对恐怖主义暴力需要比军事打击更彻底的措施;立法努力和国家对话。这项研究并不局限于阿尔及利亚和也门的案例,而是旨在揭示更多面临恐怖主义威胁的国家。
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引用次数: 2
Hajj and Its Impact on International Relations 朝觐及其对国际关系的影响
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023292
Song Niu, Gamil Metwally
Abstract: Hajj (Islamic pilgrimage) is not only the world’s largest transnational religious movement, but also the only one in the world explicitly listed as one of the religious pillars of the Islamic faith. Viewing hajj within the context of Islam’s continued global territorial expansion of the faith from the perspective of international relations is of great benefit to a better understanding of Islam and its participation in international relations. The total institution of hajj is composed of basic institutions and different countries’ management institutions. The two holy cities are the cornerstones in Saudi Arabia’s construction of an Islamic international system. Hajj also has impacts on many specific areas of international relations. In the long run, realizing the interaction of hajj and international relations is very important for China’s national security.
摘要:朝觐不仅是世界上规模最大的跨国宗教运动,也是世界上唯一一个被明确列为伊斯兰信仰的宗教支柱之一的运动。从国际关系的角度来看,在伊斯兰教不断在全球领土扩张的背景下看待朝觐,对于更好地理解伊斯兰教及其参与国际关系有很大的好处。朝觐总制度由基本制度和各国管理制度组成。这两座圣城是沙特阿拉伯构建伊斯兰国际体系的基石。朝觐也对国际关系的许多具体领域产生影响。从长远来看,实现朝觐与国际关系的互动,对中国的国家安全至关重要。
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引用次数: 4
Jihadi-Salafi Ideology: The Suspension of Dialectic and Radicalization of Thought 圣战-萨拉菲意识形态:思想辩证法和激进化的中止
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023295
Shou-jun Cui, Joshua Glinert
Abstract: The ideology of Jihadi-Salafism seeks to suspend the dialectic through the positing of an ahistorical state which exists under an unmediated divine sovereignty, through the full exclusion of the “other”. Thus the period of the salaf is understood as a golden age, which can be revived without regard to historical context. The “Islamic State” is considered as existing directly under the rule (hakimiyya) of God by way of the shari’ a code. There is an attempt to sever oneself from apostates by exercising al-walawa’ l-bara and the practice of takfir. The reaching of the perfect end state, however, necessarily entails an activist pursuit of violent change whereby all opposition elements are forcibly removed. Despite its ahistorical pretension, the Islamist ideology developed through distinct stages in Islamic history. The present essay depicts the historical formation of the Jihadi-Salafi ideological principles by tracing back the trajectory. Through attention to the deductive logic implied in the principles, the paper reveals an absolute standpoint precluding the possibility for any form of mediation that has come to be formed. With the delineation of the reasoning underlying Jihadi-Salafi concepts, the basis for the rejection of dialectical development is demonstrated, as well as the implications of the absolutist standpoint for the intensification of extremism culminating in the “Islamic State”.
摘要:圣战萨拉菲主义的意识形态试图通过建立一种非历史的国家来中止辩证法,这种国家存在于一个没有中介的神圣主权之下,通过完全排除“他者”。因此,萨拉夫时期被认为是一个黄金时代,可以在不考虑历史背景的情况下复兴。“伊斯兰国”被认为是通过伊斯兰教法直接在真主的统治下存在的。人们试图通过练习al-walawa ' l-bara和塔克菲尔(takfir)来与叛教者分离。然而,要达到完美的最终状态,必然需要积极地追求暴力变革,从而所有反对因素都被强行清除。尽管伊斯兰主义的意识形态是在伊斯兰历史的不同阶段发展起来的。本文通过追溯圣战-萨拉菲意识形态原则的轨迹,描绘了其历史形成。通过对这些原则所蕴涵的演绎逻辑的关注,本文揭示了一种绝对的立场,即排除任何形式的中介的可能性。通过描述圣战-萨拉菲概念背后的推理,论证了拒绝辩证发展的基础,以及绝对主义立场对极端主义加剧的影响,最终导致“伊斯兰国”。
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引用次数: 2
Root of Religious Extremist Thought and Sino-Arab Cooperation on Deradicalization 宗教极端思想根源与中阿去极端化合作
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023294
Lirong Ma, Siyu He
Abstract: Islam is a religion that advocates peace and abides by “the doctrine of balance”. However, religious extremism is a “tumor” for the development of Islam, and leads to an alienation of Islam. After the 9/11 attacks, Islamic extremism reappeared, mainly reflected in: 1) the teachings of Islam being distorted, and the civil movement of the Islamic revival leading to the mire of extremism; 2) Jihad ideology of Islam being misread, and the Islamic revival tending to be politicized and increasingly extreme; 3) Al-Qaeda, the “Islamic State” (IS) and other terrorist organizations were rapidly expanding, which drove Islamic extremism globally. The causes of the above circumstances are complex and have far-reaching impacts. The religious extremism has stolen the discourse right of the interpretation of scriptures, resulting in the formation of religious extremism discourse. This became the deep-rooted reason of trends of religious extremism, and also led to the necessity of launching de-radicalization policies. In global anti-terrorism activities, China showed its uniqueness in seeking to play a constructive role in coordinating efforts of three major international anti-terrorist groups. This paper holds that cooperation between China and the Middle East countries on de-radicalization activities could focus on measures such as creating shared consensus in anti-terrorism, advancing the interpretation of scriptures, improving religious dialogue mechanisms, and highlighting the unique role of patriotic religious leaders and other initiatives, in order to effectively prevent religious extremism from expanding.
摘要:伊斯兰教是一个崇尚和平、奉行“平衡主义”的宗教。然而,宗教极端主义是伊斯兰教发展的“毒瘤”,导致了伊斯兰教的异化。“9·11”恐怖袭击后,伊斯兰极端主义死灰复燃,主要表现在:1)伊斯兰教义被扭曲,伊斯兰复兴的民间运动导致极端主义的泥潭;2)伊斯兰圣战意识形态被误读,伊斯兰复兴趋向政治化、极端化;3)“基地”组织、“伊斯兰国”等恐怖组织迅速扩张,将伊斯兰极端主义推向全球。造成上述情况的原因复杂,影响深远。宗教极端主义窃取了释经的话语权,导致宗教极端主义话语的形成。这成为宗教极端主义倾向产生的深层次原因,也导致了实施去极端化政策的必要性。在全球反恐活动中,中国在协调三大国际反恐怖组织的努力中发挥了建设性作用,显示了其独特性。本文认为,中国与中东国家在去极端化活动方面的合作可以从形成反恐共识、推进释经、完善宗教对话机制、突出爱国宗教领袖的独特作用等方面入手,有效防止宗教极端主义的蔓延。
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引用次数: 0
Building an “Outer Space Silk Road”: China’s Beidou Navigation Satellite System in the Arab World 建设“外太空丝绸之路”:中国在阿拉伯世界的北斗卫星导航系统
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023286
Degang Sun, Yuyou Zhang
Abstract: Navigation satellite systems are the symbols of states’ hard power, and so are the assets of science and technology diplomacy. In the new era, the structure of great powers’ navigation satellite systems is characterized by “one superpower” (the US GPS), “multi-pillars” (EU’s Galileo, Russian GLONASS and Chinese Beidou), and “multi-centers” (Indian regional navigation satellite system and Japanese quasi zenith navigation satellite system). Beidou is of great significance to promoting “One Belt and One Road” Initiative in the Arab world, and the essential measures to deepen the strategic partnership between China and the Arab League in inter-connectivity; it will also be an essential step for Beidou’s “going global” strategy in the long run. The implementation of Beidou’s projects in the Arab world is confronted with four dimensions of challenges of political, security, judicial and socio-cultural risks. Its implementation follows an incremental principle, choose pivotal states, create a radiation effect, which will lay a foundation for Beidou to open the West Asian and African market in the years to come.
摘要:卫星导航系统是国家硬实力的象征,也是科技外交的资产。新时期,大国卫星导航系统结构呈现出“一个超级大国”(美国GPS)、“多支柱”(欧盟伽利略、俄罗斯格洛纳斯和中国北斗)、“多中心”(印度区域卫星导航系统和日本准天顶卫星导航系统)的特点。北斗系统对推进阿拉伯世界“一带一路”倡议具有重要意义,是深化中阿互联互通战略伙伴关系的重要举措;从长远来看,这也将是北斗“走出去”战略的重要一步。北斗项目在阿拉伯世界的实施面临着政治、安全、司法和社会文化风险四个维度的挑战。它的实施遵循增量原则,选择关键国家,创造辐射效应,这将为未来几年北斗打开西亚和非洲市场奠定基础。
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引用次数: 5
“Turkey Dream” and the China-Turkish Cooperation under“One Belt and One Road” Initiative “土耳其梦”和中土“一带一路”合作
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023287
Tao Zan
Abstract: Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP)’s coming to power in 2002, Turkey has experienced a decade of high-speed development under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s political group. After outstanding economic and social achievements of the past years, the ruling party of Turkey put forth ambitious visions, plans and objectives, including the centennial political vision of 2023, sexcentenary outlook of 2053 and millenarian objective of 2071, all of which could be summarized as “Turkey dream”. The proposing of “Turkey dream” is both an elaboration of Turkey’s politicians for increasing their popularity among people and a reflection of Turks’ self-confidence after a decade of development. In terms of cooperation under the framework of the “One Belt and One Road” initiative, it is important for China to understand Turkey’s social and economic development strategy. When studying Turkey’s advantages and problems, China needs to pay special attention to Turkey’s soft power in Eurasia. The proceeding of the “One Belt and One Road “initiative in Turkey and even in the Middle East will benefit from exploring the possibility of cooperation on improving both sides’ international influence and on the fight against terrorism.
摘要:自2002年正义与发展党(AKP)执政以来,在雷杰普·塔伊普Erdoğan政治集团的领导下,土耳其经历了十年的高速发展。土耳其执政党在过去几年的经济社会成就之后,提出了雄心勃勃的愿景、计划和目标,包括2023年的百年政治愿景、2053年的六百周年展望和2071年的千年目标,这些都可以概括为“土耳其梦”。“土耳其梦”的提出,既是土耳其政治家为提高民众支持率而精心设计的,也是土耳其人经过十年发展后自信的体现。在“一带一路”框架下的合作中,中方有必要了解土耳其经济社会发展战略。在研究土耳其的优势和问题时,中国需要特别关注土耳其在欧亚大陆的软实力。探讨在提高双方国际影响力和打击恐怖主义方面开展合作的可能性,将有利于土耳其乃至中东地区“一带一路”倡议的推进。
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引用次数: 10
Is It Realistic/Realizable? The West Asian Union Project 它是否现实/可实现?西亚联盟项目
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023289
E. Akalin
Abstract: West Asia has been the bridge between Asia and Europe. The historical “Silk Road” beginning in China and ending in different ports and cities of West Asia formed the socioeconomic infrastructure of Eurasian commercial and cultural relations. West Asia lost its strategic location after the discovery of sea-routes in the 16th century but regained importance with the progress realised in transportation in the 20th century (highways, railways-airways, etc.) The discovery of rich petroleum reserves reinforced its importance. West Asian region, covering Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Azerbaijan and others can augment and fasten its economic-cultural progress by developing solidarity and forming regional unions. The regıonal, besides upgrading the well-being of neighbouring nations, can also contribute to the stability and security of the area which is actually the most problematic and chaotic area in the world.
摘要:西亚一直是连接亚洲和欧洲的桥梁。历史上的“丝绸之路”始于中国,止于西亚的不同港口和城市,形成了欧亚大陆商业和文化关系的社会经济基础设施。16世纪发现海上航线后,西亚失去了战略地位,但随着20世纪交通运输的进步(公路、铁路、航空等),西亚重新获得了重要地位。西亚地区,包括土耳其、伊朗、伊拉克、叙利亚、阿塞拜疆和其他国家,可以通过发展团结和建立地区联盟来促进和加快其经济文化进步。regıonal除了提高邻国的福祉外,还可以促进该地区的稳定和安全,而该地区实际上是世界上问题最严重和最混乱的地区。
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引用次数: 0
China and the Middle East Economic Governance in New Era 新时代的中国与中东经济治理
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2016.12023288
Zhiqiang Zou, Gafar Karar Ahmed
Abstract: The Middle East Region has been suffering serious economic difficulties and the governance deficit for a long time, which demands a global response. In this new era, China has become an important actor in the progression of the Middle East economic governance; the contents of China’s participation in the Middle East economic governance include energy, trade, investment, finance and developmental governance. Participation of China to the Middle East economic governance has improved economic climate and the terms of trade for the Middle Eastern countries, and enhanced their sustainable development ability, and also responded to the criticism from the Western countries accusing China of being a free rider with real actions. Compared to the Western countries, China’s participation to the Middle East economic governance exhibits its own characteristics in governance goals, ability, path, regime, contents and governance styles. “The Belt and Road” Initiative marks China’s participation in the Middle East economic governance enters new level. The depth and result of China’s participation in the Middle East economic governance are affected by various factors.
摘要:中东地区长期存在严重的经济困难和治理赤字,需要全球共同应对。在这个新时代,中国已经成为中东经济治理进程中的重要参与者;中国参与中东经济治理的内容包括能源、贸易、投资、金融和发展治理。中国参与中东经济治理,改善了中东国家的经济环境和贸易条件,增强了中东国家的可持续发展能力,也以实际行动回应了西方国家对中国“搭便车”的批评。与西方国家相比,中国参与中东经济治理在治理目标、治理能力、治理路径、治理机制、治理内容、治理方式等方面都呈现出自身的特点。“一带一路”倡议标志着中国参与中东经济治理迈上新台阶。中国参与中东经济治理的深度和效果受到多种因素的影响。
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引用次数: 2
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中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)
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