Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023273
C. Ramsey
Abstract: The rise in religious extremism is highly documented, but not well understood. The most frequently cited explanations are economic and sociological. However, the specific role of religion has received far less attention and is often glossed within social-scientific analysis. The aim of this paper is to elucidate the rise of religious ideology in pre-modern Indian Muslim thought and to draw attention to the importance of religious narratives in causing and possibly resolving violent religious extremism in Southwest Asia. This historic setting, more than any other, informs the trajectory of competing religious expressions of Islam. Two positions are considered because of their polar responses to similar phenomenon. These proceed from the same school of thought, and overlap considerably in the use of interpretative methodologies, yet they articulate radically different visions for fidelity to Islam. One has been used to legitimize and mobilize extremist violence in order to establish a righteous society, the other to advocate for a pluralistic participation with the secular state. Their shared roots allow for a juxtaposition that allows for a cursory description of the challenges faced within the Muslim community to retain fidelity to some most cherished values. It is argued that within the Muslim religious intellectual tradition there are ample resources to support a dynamic and pluralistic society. The identification and promotion of these values is essential to halting the spread of violent extremism. Interventions need to promote proponents of this narrative and avoid practices that further alienate and limit the natural outworking of this dialogue within Muslim communities.
{"title":"Confronting Religious Extremism in the New Silk Web","authors":"C. Ramsey","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023273","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The rise in religious extremism is highly documented, but not well understood. The most frequently cited explanations are economic and sociological. However, the specific role of religion has received far less attention and is often glossed within social-scientific analysis. The aim of this paper is to elucidate the rise of religious ideology in pre-modern Indian Muslim thought and to draw attention to the importance of religious narratives in causing and possibly resolving violent religious extremism in Southwest Asia. This historic setting, more than any other, informs the trajectory of competing religious expressions of Islam. Two positions are considered because of their polar responses to similar phenomenon. These proceed from the same school of thought, and overlap considerably in the use of interpretative methodologies, yet they articulate radically different visions for fidelity to Islam. One has been used to legitimize and mobilize extremist violence in order to establish a righteous society, the other to advocate for a pluralistic participation with the secular state. Their shared roots allow for a juxtaposition that allows for a cursory description of the challenges faced within the Muslim community to retain fidelity to some most cherished values. It is argued that within the Muslim religious intellectual tradition there are ample resources to support a dynamic and pluralistic society. The identification and promotion of these values is essential to halting the spread of violent extremism. Interventions need to promote proponents of this narrative and avoid practices that further alienate and limit the natural outworking of this dialogue within Muslim communities.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"12 1","pages":"59 - 84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023273","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59949872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023271
Yihua Xu
Abstract: Since the end of the cold war, especially since the 9/11, religion’s importance has risen sharply in international relations. It has already become an inevitable and important factor in the strategic considerations of national security and foreign policy in various countries. Therefore, in their considerations for foreign and strategic relations, public diplomacy associated with national religious image, or the so-called religious public diplomacy (faith diplomacy), which depends on their own religions and religious groups as the chief carrier, connecting foreign religious organizations and believers as the main object, and largely concerning about religion and relevant issues, is also gradually rising. This article argues that currently religious groups, academia and the government together constitute the main framework of China’s religious public diplomacy, and gradually form a pattern of divisions in which religious groups can implement programs, academia offer recommendations and suggestions, and governments coordinate; and, that the three sectors share resources, work together and have positive interaction to significantly promote religious public diplomacy of the country.
{"title":"Religion and China’s Public Diplomacy in the Era of Globalization","authors":"Yihua Xu","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023271","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Since the end of the cold war, especially since the 9/11, religion’s importance has risen sharply in international relations. It has already become an inevitable and important factor in the strategic considerations of national security and foreign policy in various countries. Therefore, in their considerations for foreign and strategic relations, public diplomacy associated with national religious image, or the so-called religious public diplomacy (faith diplomacy), which depends on their own religions and religious groups as the chief carrier, connecting foreign religious organizations and believers as the main object, and largely concerning about religion and relevant issues, is also gradually rising. This article argues that currently religious groups, academia and the government together constitute the main framework of China’s religious public diplomacy, and gradually form a pattern of divisions in which religious groups can implement programs, academia offer recommendations and suggestions, and governments coordinate; and, that the three sectors share resources, work together and have positive interaction to significantly promote religious public diplomacy of the country.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"9 1","pages":"14 - 35"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023271","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59950154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023272
Zhaohui Yu
Abstract: In the information and digital era, the international situation is becoming increasingly complicated. The construction of international relations and national image depends more on people-to-people diplomacy. During the Obama Administration, the Administration recognized the central role of public diplomacy as a tool and an essential element of the 21st century statecraft. US public diplomacy and public affairs faces the five strategic tasks: to pro-actively shape global narratives, expand and strengthen people-to-people relationships, counter violent extremism and better inform policy-making as well as redeploy resources in strategic alignment with shifting priorities. It presents new features under the guidance of the perfect mechanism, such as using digital methods and social media as the core to communicate, adjusting information transmission and message control, emphasizing the inter-departmental coordination, attaching great importance to the youth and women’s groups and optimizing the evaluation mechanism. This article summarizes and analyzes the striking features of public diplomacy under Obama’s administration, focusing on citizen diplomacy operations in the Middle East, thus putting forth a worthy reference for the further study of China’s public diplomacy.
{"title":"Citizen Diplomacy–New US Public Diplomacy Strategy in the Middle East under the Obama Administration","authors":"Zhaohui Yu","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023272","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: In the information and digital era, the international situation is becoming increasingly complicated. The construction of international relations and national image depends more on people-to-people diplomacy. During the Obama Administration, the Administration recognized the central role of public diplomacy as a tool and an essential element of the 21st century statecraft. US public diplomacy and public affairs faces the five strategic tasks: to pro-actively shape global narratives, expand and strengthen people-to-people relationships, counter violent extremism and better inform policy-making as well as redeploy resources in strategic alignment with shifting priorities. It presents new features under the guidance of the perfect mechanism, such as using digital methods and social media as the core to communicate, adjusting information transmission and message control, emphasizing the inter-departmental coordination, attaching great importance to the youth and women’s groups and optimizing the evaluation mechanism. This article summarizes and analyzes the striking features of public diplomacy under Obama’s administration, focusing on citizen diplomacy operations in the Middle East, thus putting forth a worthy reference for the further study of China’s public diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"9 1","pages":"36 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023272","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59950191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023274
Yee Lak Elliot Lee
Abstract: Many contemporary Islamic terrorist groups have been identified as forms of religious fundamentalism. Moreover, the narratives and representations constructed by many of these groups contain traces of religious fundamentalism. In this article, ETIM/TIP’s narratives and representations are examined as a case study. The group’s power discourses as they relate to religious fundamentalism are analyzed through examining the group’s rhetoric of its own origin, its current situation, and its reactions toward this situation. The power discourse of an unconventional “Orientalism” and the use of behaviorist logic are especially emphasized. Furthermore, the presence of behaviorism in religious fundamentalist narratives suggests the need for China to revise its official national counterterrorist discourse. Instead of continuing the current behaviorist rhetoric in the legal framework, this article suggests a deconstruction—ultimately, a discouragement—of religious behaviorism to prevent the radicalization of Muslims in the country.
{"title":"Behaviorist Fundamentalism Turns Radical: ETIM/TIP’s Islamic Fundamentalist Representations and Narratives","authors":"Yee Lak Elliot Lee","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023274","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Many contemporary Islamic terrorist groups have been identified as forms of religious fundamentalism. Moreover, the narratives and representations constructed by many of these groups contain traces of religious fundamentalism. In this article, ETIM/TIP’s narratives and representations are examined as a case study. The group’s power discourses as they relate to religious fundamentalism are analyzed through examining the group’s rhetoric of its own origin, its current situation, and its reactions toward this situation. The power discourse of an unconventional “Orientalism” and the use of behaviorist logic are especially emphasized. Furthermore, the presence of behaviorism in religious fundamentalist narratives suggests the need for China to revise its official national counterterrorist discourse. Instead of continuing the current behaviorist rhetoric in the legal framework, this article suggests a deconstruction—ultimately, a discouragement—of religious behaviorism to prevent the radicalization of Muslims in the country.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"116 1","pages":"85 - 99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023274","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59950411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023275
Vânia Carvalho Pinto
Abstract: Relations between the countries of Latin America and the Middle East have been an under researched topic within their respective fields. This can be attributed, at least partly, to the fact that both regions have a comparatively low level of diplomatic and economic interactions, when contrasted, for example, with relations between Latin America and the European Union, or between the Gulf Cooperation Council and Asia. In the specific case of Brazil, even though the latter has decades old relations with selected Arab countries, such as Iraq, very little has been written about its interactions with the Arab world in general. One of the reasons for this may be attributed to the dearth of issues of high politics underscoring this relationship, issues that if present could assist in capturing media and academic attention. This article seeks to contribute to the study of both regions by focusing on a particular moment of Brazilian foreign policy when relations with the Arab world were at their peak in terms of visibility.
{"title":"The Ideational Elements of Brazil’s Arab Strategy: An Assessment (2002-2010)","authors":"Vânia Carvalho Pinto","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023275","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Relations between the countries of Latin America and the Middle East have been an under researched topic within their respective fields. This can be attributed, at least partly, to the fact that both regions have a comparatively low level of diplomatic and economic interactions, when contrasted, for example, with relations between Latin America and the European Union, or between the Gulf Cooperation Council and Asia. In the specific case of Brazil, even though the latter has decades old relations with selected Arab countries, such as Iraq, very little has been written about its interactions with the Arab world in general. One of the reasons for this may be attributed to the dearth of issues of high politics underscoring this relationship, issues that if present could assist in capturing media and academic attention. This article seeks to contribute to the study of both regions by focusing on a particular moment of Brazilian foreign policy when relations with the Arab world were at their peak in terms of visibility.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"9 1","pages":"100 - 120"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023275","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59950273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023270
Sike Wu
Abstract: The Middle East is the region bringing together the land and maritime Silk Road, coupled with its unique geographical location and diverse and complex humanitarian, religious and ethnic factors, notably with an increasingly significant role of the energy sector. As an energy-rich zone, it plays a decisive role in the position of international political and economic arena. In the process of building the “Belt and Road”, Chinese government should pay close attention to the role of the Middle East region. This region will also play its rightful role in security coordination, economic cooperation, and cultural exchanges under the “Belt and Road” framework, thus, achieving the strategic docking and win-win cooperation between China and Middle Eastern countries.
{"title":"The Strategic Docking between China and Middle East Countries under the “Belt and Road” Framework","authors":"Sike Wu","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023270","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The Middle East is the region bringing together the land and maritime Silk Road, coupled with its unique geographical location and diverse and complex humanitarian, religious and ethnic factors, notably with an increasingly significant role of the energy sector. As an energy-rich zone, it plays a decisive role in the position of international political and economic arena. In the process of building the “Belt and Road”, Chinese government should pay close attention to the role of the Middle East region. This region will also play its rightful role in security coordination, economic cooperation, and cultural exchanges under the “Belt and Road” framework, thus, achieving the strategic docking and win-win cooperation between China and Middle Eastern countries.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"9 1","pages":"1 - 13"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023270","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59950060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023267
Bo Wang, B. Fan
Abstract: The Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL, is the most extreme manifestation of a Muslim response to the history of the past few centuries. The mystery of ISIS attracts both academic scholars and political decision-makers to debate drastically. This essay attempts to illuminate three issues of ISIS: the nature of ISIS, the relationship between ISIS and European Muslims, and US strategy towards ISIS. Firstly, ISIS is much more a terrorist organization than a functioning terrorist political entity. Secondly, the phenomenon of many European Muslims joining and fighting for ISIS has numerous reasons: not only because of the failure of the top-down integration policies of European countries, but also the bottom-up maladjustment of European Muslims; not only on account of the internal structural problems on the identity, but also the external stimulating factors, such as “anti-Islamism” or “Islamophobia”. Thirdly, in the guidance of its “ambiguous” strategy towards ISIS, US implements “multilateral” policies and “limited” measures against ISIS. In conclusion, this essay analyzes the impacts of ISIS on the regional and international order as well as its security.
{"title":"Reflections on the Issue of ISIS","authors":"Bo Wang, B. Fan","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023267","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL, is the most extreme manifestation of a Muslim response to the history of the past few centuries. The mystery of ISIS attracts both academic scholars and political decision-makers to debate drastically. This essay attempts to illuminate three issues of ISIS: the nature of ISIS, the relationship between ISIS and European Muslims, and US strategy towards ISIS. Firstly, ISIS is much more a terrorist organization than a functioning terrorist political entity. Secondly, the phenomenon of many European Muslims joining and fighting for ISIS has numerous reasons: not only because of the failure of the top-down integration policies of European countries, but also the bottom-up maladjustment of European Muslims; not only on account of the internal structural problems on the identity, but also the external stimulating factors, such as “anti-Islamism” or “Islamophobia”. Thirdly, in the guidance of its “ambiguous” strategy towards ISIS, US implements “multilateral” policies and “limited” measures against ISIS. In conclusion, this essay analyzes the impacts of ISIS on the regional and international order as well as its security.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"9 1","pages":"49 - 68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023267","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59949973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023268
Robert R. Bianchi
Abstract: Islamic Globalization is a combination of religious, economic, political, and diplomatic advances that are transforming the Muslim world. Its building blocks are the hajj and religious travel, capitalism and Islamic finance, democracy and Islamic Modernism, as well as new international regimes tailored to the varied needs and tastes of Muslims in diverse cultures. Islamic Globalization allows modern Muslims to join the mainstream of international life and to reform it at the same time. These are also China’s goals, particularly as Chinese leaders express greater interest in soft power; eager to identify with visions of civilizational exchange and global governance.
{"title":"Islamic Globalization and Its Role in China’s Future","authors":"Robert R. Bianchi","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023268","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Islamic Globalization is a combination of religious, economic, political, and diplomatic advances that are transforming the Muslim world. Its building blocks are the hajj and religious travel, capitalism and Islamic finance, democracy and Islamic Modernism, as well as new international regimes tailored to the varied needs and tastes of Muslims in diverse cultures. Islamic Globalization allows modern Muslims to join the mainstream of international life and to reform it at the same time. These are also China’s goals, particularly as Chinese leaders express greater interest in soft power; eager to identify with visions of civilizational exchange and global governance.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"9 1","pages":"29 - 48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023268","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59950011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023266
Degang Sun, S. He
Abstract: In the 21st century, Middle East conflicts can generally be classified into four types, namely, conflicts between outside powers and Middle East countries, between Middle East countries themselves, between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country, as well as transnational and cross-bordering conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle East security governance includes the political, security and social conflicts. There are three categories of domestic mechanisms in Chinese practice, specifically, the special envoy mechanism by Chinese Foreign Ministry, the procession and peace-keeping mechanisms by Chinese Defense Ministry and the foreign aid mechanism by Chinese Ministry of Commerce. The China-Arab States Cooperation Forum, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, the UN and other international organizations constitute the major international regimes for China’s security governance. China’s Middle East security governance creates not only “public goods” for the region, but also a means for China to build constructive great power relations with the US, EU and Russia, among others. The styles of Chinese and Western security governance in the Middle East vary, and the Chinese side places more emphasis on improving the Middle East people’s well-being at the top of the agenda, following “up-bottom” roadmap, and seeking an incremental, consultative, inclusive, and selective governance in the Middle East conflict resolution.
{"title":"From A By-stander to A Constructor: China and the Middle East Security Governance","authors":"Degang Sun, S. He","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023266","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023266","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: In the 21st century, Middle East conflicts can generally be classified into four types, namely, conflicts between outside powers and Middle East countries, between Middle East countries themselves, between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country, as well as transnational and cross-bordering conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle East security governance includes the political, security and social conflicts. There are three categories of domestic mechanisms in Chinese practice, specifically, the special envoy mechanism by Chinese Foreign Ministry, the procession and peace-keeping mechanisms by Chinese Defense Ministry and the foreign aid mechanism by Chinese Ministry of Commerce. The China-Arab States Cooperation Forum, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, the UN and other international organizations constitute the major international regimes for China’s security governance. China’s Middle East security governance creates not only “public goods” for the region, but also a means for China to build constructive great power relations with the US, EU and Russia, among others. The styles of Chinese and Western security governance in the Middle East vary, and the Chinese side places more emphasis on improving the Middle East people’s well-being at the top of the agenda, following “up-bottom” roadmap, and seeking an incremental, consultative, inclusive, and selective governance in the Middle East conflict resolution.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"9 1","pages":"69 - 99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023266","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59949919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-09-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2015.12023269
Chen Yang, Changgang Guo
Abstract: The Turkish “National Outlook Movement”, defined as a continuous Islamic Political Parties’ movement since the 1970s was led by Turkish former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan. Apart from factors of economy, society, psychology, culture and ideology, the rise of Islamic Political parties was due to the inclusion-coaptation strategy initiated by the state. As a 40 years’ lasting movement, the development, climax, crisis and continuity of “National Outlook Movement” will be of great help in understanding the relationship between modernization and secularization, religion and democracy, as well as the complex reasons of religious revival.
{"title":"“National Outlook Movement” in Turkey: A Study on the Rise and Development of Islamic Political Parties","authors":"Chen Yang, Changgang Guo","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2015.12023269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023269","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The Turkish “National Outlook Movement”, defined as a continuous Islamic Political Parties’ movement since the 1970s was led by Turkish former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan. Apart from factors of economy, society, psychology, culture and ideology, the rise of Islamic Political parties was due to the inclusion-coaptation strategy initiated by the state. As a 40 years’ lasting movement, the development, climax, crisis and continuity of “National Outlook Movement” will be of great help in understanding the relationship between modernization and secularization, religion and democracy, as well as the complex reasons of religious revival.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"2676 1","pages":"1 - 28"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2015.12023269","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59950024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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