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From caretaking to transaction: Women politicians, motherhood, and political authority in Kenya 从照顾到交易:肯尼亚的女性政治家、母性和政治权威
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-11-08 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12153
Miriam Jerotich Kilimo

Feminist scholars have noted how motherhood opens avenues for women to access political authority. For African and Black women, scholars have noted how presenting themselves as mothers in the political sphere allows them to capitalize on an identity that traditionally allowed them access to power. However, these perspectives on motherhood and politics privilege a perspective on motherhood that deems the role as selfless and sacrificial. In this article, I propose moving beyond the caretaking dimensions of motherhood when analyzing how women politicians utilize motherhood. Drawing on evidence from research among Kenyan women politicians between 2017 and 2020, I argue that political motherhood often emerges as a transaction. Rather than interpreting the actions of women politicians as an extension of maternalistic impulses into the political realm, I illustrate how women politicians present the benefits of motherhood in exchange for citizens’ votes. By diversifying the meanings of political motherhood beyond caretaking and communal roles, this article counters perspectives that assume women politicians are less corrupt or are the victims of patriarchal politics. Instead, by foregrounding the transactional dimensions of political motherhood, this article illustrates how women politicians strategically use gendered identities to build political authority.

女权主义学者注意到,母性为女性获得政治权威开辟了途径。对于非洲和黑人女性,学者们注意到,在政治领域以母亲的身份出现,可以让她们利用传统上让她们获得权力的身份。然而,这些关于母性和政治的观点特权了一种认为母性角色是无私和牺牲的观点。在这篇文章中,我建议在分析女性政治家如何利用母性时,超越母性的照顾维度。根据对2017年至2020年肯尼亚女性政治家的研究得出的证据,我认为,政治母性往往是一种交易。我并没有将女性政治家的行为解释为母性冲动在政治领域的延伸,而是说明了女性政治家如何以母性的好处换取公民的选票。通过将政治母性的含义多样化,超越照顾和公共角色,本文反驳了认为女性政治家不那么腐败或是父权政治受害者的观点。相反,通过突出政治母性的交易维度,本文说明了女性政治家如何策略性地利用性别身份来建立政治权威。
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引用次数: 0
Place-based reproductive justice and resistance: Human rights and abortion mobilities in the Post-Dobbs era 基于地点的生殖正义和抵抗:后多布斯时代的人权和堕胎流动
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-11-07 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12152
Elizabeth Mills, Debra DeLaet

This article integrates human rights and abortion mobilities frameworks to demonstrate the ramifications of abortion restrictions and highlights historic and emergent forms reproductive justice and resistance. It engages with and critiques narrow conceptualizations of reproductive rights and biopolitics and considers the complex ways that abortion legislation becomes embodied in the post-Dobbs era. Mobility is explored across three frames—repression, privilege, and resistance—to highlight the interconnections between reproductive (in)justice and place-based resistance. Situating the analysis within human rights scholarship and reproductive justice and mobilities scholarship, the article outlines the continuities and current configurations of place-based reproductive (in)justice across three interconnected axes. The first axis traces the embodied ramifications of anti-abortion laws for marginalized individuals and communities; the second axis explores the complex personal, political, and economic costs of travelling to access abortion care; and the third axis reflects on historic and current forms of community-based resistance and care. Read together, these axes challenge binary assumptions of agency or subjugation and instead reveal how embodied experiences of abortion restrictions for marginalized individuals and groups also run alongside radical forms of community care to resist these restrictions and address broader forms of lived intersectional inequalities.

本文整合了人权和堕胎流动框架,以展示堕胎限制的后果,并强调了历史和新兴形式的生殖正义和抵抗。它涉及并批评了生殖权利和生物政治的狭隘概念,并考虑了堕胎立法在后多布斯时代体现的复杂方式。流动性在三个框架中进行探索——压抑、特权和抵抗——以突出生殖正义和基于地点的抵抗之间的相互联系。本文将分析置于人权学术、生殖正义和流动性学术的框架内,概述了基于地点的生殖正义在三个相互关联的轴上的连续性和当前配置。第一个轴追溯反堕胎法对边缘化个人和社区的具体影响;第二个轴探讨了前往堕胎护理的复杂的个人、政治和经济成本;第三个轴反映了历史上和当前以社区为基础的抵抗和护理形式。综上所述,这些坐标轴挑战了代理或征服的二元假设,而是揭示了边缘化个人和群体的堕胎限制的具体经历如何与激进形式的社区护理一起运行,以抵制这些限制,并解决更广泛形式的生活交叉不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Care as survival and resistance for precarious lives 关怀是对不稳定生命的生存和抵抗
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-10-29 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12149
Michelle K. Roberts

Widespread economic and social precarity has made care essential to sustain life while simultaneously unremarkable due to its ubiquity. Failure to attend to care inadvertently accepts associated inequalities and ignores the potential for resistance. I explore in this paper the potential for anthropological investigations of care to overturn assumptions of care as ordinary amid precarity. Drawing on transdisciplinary anthropological, feminist, and disability studies scholarship on care and my own ethnographic work with people with disabilities and their family caregivers in Appalachian Kentucky, I argue care is best characterized as an expansive conceptual frame to understand and contest conditions of protracted precarity. Moving beyond assumptions of care and caregiving as ordinary, I theorize care as a relational, moral, and practical act; situate care within the context of neoliberalism, inequality, and repression; and recognize the persistence of resistance enacted through care practices to center efforts for justice. Care as a focus of feminist scholarship and practice must move beyond oppression. Care is an everyday means for interdependent resistance amid the conditions of precarity, offering vital recognition of personhood and worth for precarious lives. Caring labor sustains life when industrial capitalism cannot. Care persists as a way to survive and thrive amid injustice.

普遍存在的经济和社会不稳定使得护理对维持生命至关重要,但同时又因其无处不在而不引人注目。不提供护理无意中接受了相关的不平等,并忽视了潜在的抵抗。我在这篇论文中探讨了护理的人类学调查的潜力,以推翻在不稳定中护理是普通的假设。借鉴跨学科的人类学、女权主义和残疾研究,以及我自己在肯塔基州阿巴拉契亚地区对残疾人及其家庭照顾者进行的人种学研究,我认为,护理的最佳特征是一个广泛的概念框架,可以理解和争论长期不稳定的条件。超越了对关怀和照顾的假设,我将关怀理论化为一种关系的、道德的和实际的行为;将护理置于新自由主义、不平等和压迫的背景下;并认识到通过护理实践来实现正义的持续抵抗。关怀作为女权主义学术和实践的焦点,必须超越压迫。关怀是在不稳定的条件下相互抵抗的日常手段,为不稳定的生活提供对人格和价值的重要认可。当工业资本主义无法维持生命时,关爱劳动维持了生命。关怀是在不公正中生存和发展的一种方式。
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引用次数: 0
Converting the unconverted: Narrative and affect in a South African non-governmental organization 使未皈依者皈依:南非非政府组织的叙述和影响
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-10-22 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12151
Amber R. Reed

The Sonke Gender Justice Network, a South African non-governmental organization that strives for gender equity and strengthening democratic institutions, was founded in 2006 and has a long history of diverse community programming and advocacy. In this paper, I draw on ethnographic work conducted within the organization's walls to show the ways in which employees’ narratives of becoming part of Sonke mirror the structure and language of religious conversion narratives. Within these narratives, I use the theoretical framework of “economies of affect” to show how affective experiences and displays serve as valuable tools that employees use to reach community participants. I propose that this analysis allows us a unique lens into NGO work around gender equality, as it considers the importance of affect and conversion in the creation of liberal masculine subjects.

Sonke 性别公正网络(Sonke Gender Justice Network)是南非的一个非政府组织,致力于性别平等和加强民主制度,该组织成立于 2006 年,长期以来一直开展各种社区计划和宣传活动。在本文中,我借鉴了在该组织内部进行的人种学研究,以展示员工关于成为 Sonke 成员的叙述如何反映了宗教皈依叙述的结构和语言。在这些叙事中,我使用了 "情感经济 "的理论框架来说明情感体验和展示如何成为员工用来接触社区参与者的宝贵工具。我认为,这种分析为我们提供了一个独特的视角,来审视非政府组织在性别平等方面的工作,因为它考虑到了情感和皈依在创建自由男性主体方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Credentialing care: COVID-19 and the bureaucratization of doulas 认证护理:COVID-19和助产师的官僚化
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-10-21 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12150
Ellen Block, Julie Johnson Searcy, Angela N. Castañeda

Doulas in the United States offer embodied, informational, and continuous one-on-one care to birthing people. Doulas have historically sought certification to gain knowledge through training and to gain legitimacy for healthcare providers and clients. During the COVID-19 pandemic, hospitals required doulas to provide proof of certification. The COVID-19 pandemic, and the proliferation of state-sponsored doula programs, has sparked a shift in how doulas are viewed and regulated, enabling new forms of bureaucratic oversight and control. Based on participant observation, surveys, and semi-structured interviews, we examine the connection between certification and care including motivations doulas have for certification, the perceived value of certification, certification as a form of gatekeeping, and increased bureaucratization of doulas. Using a critical feminist approach, we argue that increased bureaucratization and surveillance of doulas has not improved standards of care or led to more equitable access. Indeed, doulas provide a window into the negative impact of bureaucratization on care. While some of these negative impacts are byproducts of policies intended to increase oversight and access to doula care, we argue that increased bureaucratization and surveillance of doulas is also intended to act as a gatekeeping mechanism demonstrating how policies contribute to uneven reproduction.

美国的助产师为产妇提供具体的、信息丰富的、持续的一对一护理。从历史上看,助产师一直在寻求认证,以通过培训获得知识,并为医疗保健提供者和客户获得合法性。在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间,医院要求助产师提供认证证明。2019冠状病毒病大流行以及国家赞助的助产师项目的激增,引发了对助产师的看法和监管方式的转变,催生了新的官僚监督和控制形式。基于参与者观察、调查和半结构化访谈,我们研究了认证与护理之间的联系,包括导乐获得认证的动机、认证的感知价值、认证作为一种守门人的形式,以及导乐日益增加的官僚化。使用批判的女权主义方法,我们认为增加的官僚化和对助产师的监督并没有提高护理标准或导致更公平的机会。事实上,助产师提供了一个窗口,让我们了解到官僚化对护理的负面影响。虽然这些负面影响中的一些是旨在加强对助产师护理的监督和获取的政策的副产品,但我们认为,对助产师的日益官僚化和监督也旨在作为一种把关机制,表明政策如何导致生育不平衡。
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引用次数: 0
Finding Wang Tonghui: The life and after-life of a pioneer female Chinese anthropologist 寻找王同惠中国人类学女先驱的生平与身后事
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-05-08 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12139
Mengzhu An, Jing Wang, Jing Xu, Wei Ye

Our article recovers the obscured intellectual trajectories and contributions of Wang Tonghui (1912–1935AD), a pioneering female Chinese anthropologist, introducing her story for the first time to the Anglophone anthropological audience. By tracing her life, death, and after-life, we critically examined how Wang's image as an ambitious and talented anthropologist was gradually erased and replaced by that of a supportive wife and a muse of a prominent male scholar. This shift highlights the challenges faced by female scholars within the entanglement of anthropology and China's political process since the early 20th century. Through interrogating the gendered power dynamics in the historical process of knowledge production in anthropology, we further seek to better understand our own condition as female anthropologists from the perspective of a non-Anglophone context.

王同惠(公元1912-1935年)是中国女性人类学家的先驱,我们的文章还原了她被掩盖的思想轨迹和贡献,首次向讲英语的人类学读者介绍了她的故事。通过追溯王同惠的生平、死亡和身后事,我们批判性地审视了王同惠作为一位雄心勃勃、才华横溢的人类学家的形象如何逐渐被抹去,取而代之的是一位支持她的妻子和一位杰出男性学者的缪斯。这一转变凸显了自 20 世纪初以来,女性学者在人类学与中国政治进程的纠葛中所面临的挑战。通过拷问人类学知识生产历史进程中的性别权力动态,我们进一步寻求从非英语语境的角度更好地理解我们作为女性人类学家的自身状况。
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引用次数: 0
Gender violence, emotion, and the state symposium commentary 性别暴力、情感和国家专题讨论会评论
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-05-03 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12146
Louise Lamphere

Feminist anthropologists have long emphasized the cultural, social, economic, and political contexts of gender violence rather than only focusing on interpersonal relationships between intimate partners or within the family. This commentary situates the five articles in the Gender Violence, Emotion, and the State Symposium within that context while noting their “evocative ethnographic” approach as a vital contribution to feminist anthropological thought, paying particular attention to power and its exercise within institutions and various forms of structural violence.

长期以来,女性主义人类学家一直强调性别暴力的文化、社会、经济和政治背景,而不仅仅关注亲密伴侣之间或家庭内部的人际关系。本评论将 "性别暴力、情感与国家 "研讨会的五篇文章置于这一背景之下,同时指出这些文章 "令人回味的人种学 "方法是对女性主义人类学思想的重要贡献,尤其关注权力及其在机构中的行使以及各种形式的结构性暴力。
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引用次数: 0
The politics of emotion and domestic violence in northern Vietnam 越南北部的情感政治与家庭暴力
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-04-26 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12142
Lynn Kwiatkowski

Changing social, political, and cultural processes in Vietnam are reshaping people's emotional and social responses to domestic violence on multiple levels. Socioeconomic reforms instituted in the 1980s, the related state revival of Confucian gender ideologies, and the influences in recent decades of international and local nongovernmental organizations’ approaches to domestic violence are significant shifts that have influenced these emergent responses. Using the framework of feminist critical medical anthropology, I explore how different emotional experiences of violence provide insight into patterns of help-seeking and interventions addressing marital violence. I suggest that Vietnamese state discourses and laws shape people's feelings in diverse and sometimes contradictory ways. State actors, for one, are particularly influenced to express and experience emotional responses in support of the nation. On the other hand, abused women, community members, and professionals experience more ambivalent feelings toward state discourses and practices as they engage moral emotions of care, love, and concern, prioritizing abused women's health and safety. Complicating this is some state actors grappling with their own ambivalent and tangled feelings as they assist abused women. Awareness of the diverse cross-cultural range of emotional complexity can aid feminist anthropologists and activists in attempts to understand and prevent domestic violence.

越南不断变化的社会、政治和文化进程从多个层面重塑了人们对家庭暴力的情感和社会反应。20 世纪 80 年代开始的社会经济改革、与此相关的国家对儒家性别意识形态的复兴,以及近几十年来国际和当地非政府组织对家庭暴力的影响,都是影响这些新出现的反应的重要转变。我利用女性主义批判医学人类学的框架,探讨了不同的暴力情感体验如何为解决婚姻暴力的求助和干预模式提供启示。我认为,越南的国家话语和法律以多种多样、有时甚至相互矛盾的方式影响着人们的情感。一方面,国家行为者尤其会受到影响,表达和体验支持国家的情感反应。另一方面,受虐妇女、社区成员和专业人士对国家的言论和做法的感受更为矛盾,因为他们投入了关心、爱护和关注的道德情感,优先考虑受虐妇女的健康和安全。更复杂的是,一些国家行为者在帮助受虐妇女的过程中,也在努力应对自身矛盾纠结的情感。对跨文化情感复杂性的认识有助于女权主义人类学家和活动家理解和预防家庭暴力。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the gender violence, emotion, and the state symposium 性别暴力、情感与国家专题讨论会简介
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-04-26 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12143
Lynn Kwiatkowski, Karin Friederic
<p>This symposium emerged from a panel presented at the 2022 American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting in which we explored how emotions related to gender violence are expressed, negotiated, and shaped by broader political economic forces and processes. A primary goal was to challenge the tendency to consider emotion as tied solely to interpersonal relationships and instead to examine how emotions are central to, and constitutive of, statecraft-in-action through analyses of gender violence, a longstanding concern of feminist anthropology.</p><p>Social scientists studying state formation had traditionally overlooked the role of emotion in statecraft, precisely because the realm of the emotional had been considered antithetical to logic, reason and conventional (i.e., masculinist) politics and action. When the relationship between the state and emotions had been more fully explored, emotions were often treated as derivative after-effects of state policy (Reus-Smit, <span>2014</span>). Moreover, while many feminist ethnographies have explored the experience of gender violence as part and parcel of patriarchal gender formations in different cultural contexts, only some have focused squarely on gender violence as a phenomenon unto itself, even as it takes different forms through a myriad of state interventions (e.g., Beske, <span>2016</span>; Bloom, <span>2023</span>; Davis, <span>2006, 2019</span>; Friederic, <span>2023</span>; Gribaldo, <span>2020</span>; Hautzinger, <span>2007</span>; McClusky, <span>2001</span>; Mulla, <span>2014</span>; Parson, <span>2013</span>; Plesset, <span>2006</span>; Zheng, <span>2022</span>). The contributors to this symposium build upon these ethnographies of gender violence by addressing the entangled politics of emotion at the site of the state and body politic, highlighting the felt, bodily, everyday experiences of people embroiled in gender violence from a variety of positionalities, informed by shifting power relations and cultural meanings (Merry, <span>2009</span>). We analyze the ways gender violence often provokes viewers, recipients, and perpetrators of the violence to experience an intensity of feeling, shaped by the particular historical-social formation from which the violence derives (Das, <span>2006b</span>; Scheper-Hughes, <span>1992</span>). Together, these articles contribute to feminist anthropology by providing richer analyses and insights into the entanglement of gender violence, emotion, and the state to understand, mitigate, and eliminate gender violence.</p><p>Feminist anthropologists have always been attentive to the ways that gender violence is multiply constituted by various forms of violence, despite a tendency in archaeology and biological anthropology to place undue emphasis on male-to-male physical violence (Nelson, <span>2021</span>). As many feminist scholars of gender and violence have shown, diverse types of violence—including psychological, sexual, economic, patrimonial, emot
如前所述,纳尔逊(Nelson,2021 年)最近也强调,所有人类学家都有必要优先考虑因结构性暴力和情感暴力而普遍经历的伤害、风险和创伤,并将其视为值得研究的问题。她认为,人类学中的 "不良行为等级制度 "将身体暴力放在首位,而忽视了情感暴力,而打破这种等级制度 "将使我们能够理解在日常生活中经常经历的家庭关系和人际关系中权力和风险不平等的影响"(Nelson, 2021, S93)。显然,仍有必要扩大对情感方面性别暴力的研究。本研讨会的文章通过讨论国家在不同社会中产生历史上特定的情感体验和情感性别暴力形式的作用来实现这一目标。暴力本身可以有多种形式,往往无法归类,不同环境下个人和社会对暴力的反应也是如此(Burbank, 1988; Merry, 2006; Scheper-Hughes, 1992)。幸存者对性别暴力的反应可能包括躯体抱怨、重建生存叙事、身体报复、沉默或突然爆发的情感。各种各样的经历和反应说明,研究人员需要灵活的女权主义活动家方法论(Craven &amp; Davis, 2013; Das, 2006a; Davis, 2014; Davis &amp; Craven, 2022; Harrison, 2007; Jenkins, 1994; Lamphere, 2016; Stephen &amp; Speed, 2021; Tapias, 2006; Wies, 2013)。性别暴力所产生的具身情绪也会在更广泛的意义上得到表达和体验,因为目睹暴力的家庭和社区成员,甚至专业人士、国家当局和一线工作者也会体验到情绪。尽管对暴力的情感反应通常是意料之中的,但它们往往被置于次要地位或被忽视,特别是因为在性别公正的法律-法学模式中,它们可能被认为在政治上无足轻重。然而,正如我们在本次研讨会上所争辩的那样,在应对暴力过程中体验到的情绪和感受成为了维护尊严、塑造求助方式、在日常生活中创造意义以及塑造政治干预策略的重要舞台。例如,Whittaker(2020 年)断言,墨西哥城南部农村地区的土著妇女认为她们有能力改变自己的处境,其中包括经历各种形式的性别暴力。她借鉴了 "感觉到的力量 "这一概念,以 "土著妇女在应对她们经常经历的性别暴力时的经验、体现和精神知识 "为中心(Whittaker, 2020, 288)、卢茨,1986 年,2017 年;卢茨&amp; 阿布-卢古德,1990 年;卢茨&amp; 怀特,1986 年;马西亚-李斯,2016 年;罗萨多,1980 年;谢珀-休斯&amp; 洛克,1987 年),特别是与性别暴力相关的情感(如伯班克,1988 年;达斯,2008 年;詹金斯,1994 年;谢珀-休斯,1992 年;西顿,2016 年)。虽然本研讨会的每位作者都从不同的角度对情感进行了理论探讨,但他们的共同观点是,情感是由历史、文化和社会构成的,是一种主体间的体现性体验。情感涉及道德并激发行动。当人们想到与性别暴力有关的情感时,他们通常认为情感与人际关系相关,但很少将目光从人际关系转向国家。基于女性主义人类学关于特定国家背景下性别暴力的文献(如 Adelman, 2003, 2004; Hautzinger, 2007; Razack, 2000),本研讨会的文章在身体政治的现场研究了情感政治,探讨了国家发起、制裁或忽视性别暴力的话语和实践的方式。情感可能会推动社会变革、塑造日常生活中的伤害、被用于治理社会秩序或激发政治可能性(Lutz, 2017; Scheper-Hughes &amp; Lock, 1987)。因此,作者们探讨了厄瓜多尔、越南、古巴、美国和波多黎各的国家改革、政策和治理模式,以及更广泛的政治和经济力量如何影响性别暴力的多元情感体验。在这些文章中,我们揭示了情感如何激励人们采取行动,并以新的方式与各种形式的性别暴力(如家庭人际暴力、产科暴力、殡葬暴力和结构性暴力)进行抗争。 卡琳-弗里德里克(Karin Friederic)的文章探讨了厄瓜多尔有关妇女权利和亲密伴侣暴力(IPV)的运动、言论和法律如何将 IPV 有效地 "隔离 "为一种独立的现象,强调其 "错误性"、义愤填膺的正当性以及法律-司法模式的重要性。然而,20 年前,厄瓜多尔沿海农村地区的妇女将 IPV 视为农村生活中的一种社会苦难,并通过集体的苦难成语加以处理,从而理解和应对 IPV。因此,弗里德里克展示了厄瓜多尔国家如何利用并鼓励某些情绪状态和对暴力的反应,以此构建当代女性化的公民身份。接下来,Lynn Kwiatkowski 研究了越南国家最近对家庭暴力不断变化的反应。在她的文章中,我们看到了 20 世纪 80 年代社会主义国家推行的社会经济改革、与此相关的国家对儒家性别意识形态的复兴以及近几十年来全球对家庭暴力处理方法的影响是如何影响家庭暴力的文化观念的。Kwiatkowski 运用女性主义批判医学人类学的框架,探讨了越南北部男性和女性对暴力的不同情感体验如何为婚姻暴力的求助和干预模式提供启示。Hope Bastian 分析了与另一个社会主义国家有关的性别暴力和情感调动,探讨了古巴公立医院中作为一种性别化结构暴力形式的产科暴力。她的文章分析了医疗卫生的政治化和医疗保健系统的缺陷是如何为公立妇产医院中的性别暴力创造条件的。巴斯蒂安运用女权主义护理伦理的方法,评估了国家/革命、公共卫生系统、医疗服务提供者和患者之间的关系,并解释了在这些关系中,恐惧和感激的情绪是如何被调动起来,以掩盖性别暴力并维持国家和产科的等级制度。她还指出了妇女在产科暴力环境中行使模糊代理权保护自己的方式。妮可-凯利特(Nicole Kellett)的论文在巴斯蒂安强调国家制造的暴力的性别和情感层面的基础上,通过一种 "亲密的人种学 "方法,聚焦于美国囚禁暴力的种族化新自由主义层面。通过讲述一位名叫拉塔莎(LaTasha)的曾被监禁妇女和朋友的故事,凯利特揭示了在美国监狱系统服刑 25 年后重返社会的复杂情感。凯利特揭示了 "国家实施种族化囚禁暴力的交叉和隐形空间",既要求重返社会的主体承担个人责任,同时又否认和扁平化他们的情感自我。美国监禁国家要求和制造的这些情感形式是一种性别暴力,进一步限制了曾被监禁妇女重新进入社会时的能动性。Waleska Sanabria León 和 M. Gabriela Torres 进一步扩大了对国家、官僚机构、情感和性别暴力之间纠葛的分析范围,她们探讨了波多黎各州应对近期连环灾害(包括飓风、地震群和 COVID-19 大流行病)的方式,以及波多黎各州试图尽量减少日益增多的性别暴力和杀戮女性案件导致父权制在波多黎各重现的方式。Sanabria León 和 Torres 探索了一线服务提供者在累积灾害中的非凡实践和情感经历,以说明减灾协议如何反映出波多黎各州广泛排斥性别暴力减灾。她们还在分析中指出了活动家的作用,这些活动家认识到缺乏有关杀戮女性的最新统计信息,并将准确的统计报告视为其重建和承认性别暴力的政治项目的一部分。路易丝-兰菲尔(Louise Lamphere)在她的评论中对本次研讨会中每位作者所采用的 "
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引用次数: 0
Navigating the emotional terrain of prison reentry: State-sanctioned gendered violence 在重返监狱的情感道路上前行:国家认可的性别暴力
IF 2.2 Pub Date : 2024-04-24 DOI: 10.1002/fea2.12145
Nicole Coffey Kellett

The emotional experiences of incarceration are directly tied to state-sanctioned gendered violence. Most incarcerated women have a history of trauma, stemming directly from broader socio-political and economic forces, which is further rendered throughout the incarceration and reentry process. The carceral system in the United States disrupts family and social support systems, fails to provide accessible and adequate mental health and substance use services, and denies stabilization resources such as housing, employment, and citizenry for women once released from prison, yet their emotional experiences are largely absent in analyses of this gendered violence. Drawing from a larger intimate ethnography project with a woman, LaTasha, recently released from a 25-year to life prison sentence, this article examines how women negotiate and express emotions within the context of prison reentry contributing to feminist anthropological scholarship on state-sanctioned gender violence. Through an in-depth analysis of the challenges LaTasha faces in rebuilding relationships with family, navigating a system in which she has been outcasted, and asserting herself after being systematically disempowered, we gain insight into the ways in which carceral systems have prevented emotional complexity resulting in a form of incipient and largely invisible violence.

监禁的情感经历与国家认可的性别暴力直接相关。大多数被监禁妇女都有直接源于更广泛的社会政治和经济力量的创伤史,这种创伤在整个监禁和重返社会过程中进一步加剧。美国的监禁制度破坏了家庭和社会支持系统,未能提供方便、充分的心理健康和药物使用服务,并剥夺了妇女出狱后的稳定资源,如住房、就业和公民权,但在对这种性别暴力的分析中,她们的情感经历却大多缺席。拉塔莎(LaTasha)刚从被判 25 年无期徒刑的监狱中释放出来,本文通过对她的一个大型亲密人种学项目的研究,探讨了女性如何在重返监狱的背景下协商和表达情感,为有关国家认可的性别暴力的女性主义人类学研究做出了贡献。通过深入分析拉塔莎在重建与家人的关系、驾驭被抛弃的制度以及在被系统性剥夺权力后坚持自我等方面所面临的挑战,我们深入了解了监禁制度如何阻止情感的复杂性,从而导致了一种萌芽状态的、在很大程度上不为人所察觉的暴力。
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Feminist anthropology
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