Journal of healthcare, science and the humanities最新文献

This article revisits several challenges that some Black and African American women have faced exasperating to be included in the dominant society and to be deemed relevant in the world in which they live. Since there are few Black women in high places, there are limited spaces to access and have their voices and opinions on what they feel and who they really are. Overtime, white women and men have often told the stories of Black women from his or her point of view. They have gone as far as to even express to them how they feel or think about ethical issues. Plus, many white women and men have decided for Black women how they should live out their lives and what is best for them. "Unsilenced and Redeemed" sets out to bring light to this growing problem for Black women and focus on the prognosis to set the record straight in order to enhance their quality of life, to be taken serious in their plight to bring back their God given purpose, and to know what is ethical and unethical for them.

Employing the rhetorical phraseology of a "promissory note," dramatized in the public address of Martin Luther King Jr., during the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, this article historically postulates Black Americans as constitutional beggars until Reconstruction. The white framers of our Republic legislated the dehumanization and constitutional disregard of Black Americans who continuously find themselves fighting for rights and privileges granted through American citizenship. Illuminating the paradoxical implications of blackness, substantiated in anti-black policies and practices that beset educational institutions, unravels the connectedness between King's public address and educational inequalities. Brown v. Board of Education becomes a palpable case that congeals King's ideological usage of the term "promissory note" with educational inequalities and solidifies the ideological connectedness between blackness and schooling.

There are disparities in cervical cancer treatment options between African American (Black) and White women in Alabama. The objective of this study was to identify and assess factors contributing to the prevailing inequalities in cervical cancer treatment options between Blacks and Whites, who are living in urban, rural Black Belt (BB), and other rural counties of Alabama. The data of our study population, which was comprised of 2,124 cases of cervical cancer in women 17 years and older, were extracted from the 2004 to 2013 dataset of the Alabama Department of Public Health (ADPH) Cancer Registry. For the analysis of frequency distributions, chi-square, and logistic regression tests SAS software was used. Racial disparities in cervical cancer treatment options for Blacks living within the same counties as Whites still exist. The study analysis showed that younger Blacks living in urban counties with advanced stages of cervical cancer were more likely to receive radiation treatment options but were less likely to undergo surgical treatment options (p-value <.0001). Younger Blacks living in the rural BB and other rural counties were mainly treated with radiation options for the early stages of cervical cancer (p-value 0.001), while older ones received surgery options (p-value <.0001), and combined therapy of surgery and radiation options (p-value 0.05). When adjusted for age, stage of cancer, and county of residence, Blacks had 2.76 (95% CI 0.90-8.86) times the odds ratio of receiving immunotherapy options compared to Whites. Blacks had 0.74 (95% CI 0.58-0.95) times adjusted odds ratio of undergoing less surgery option compared to Whites. Our study findings suggest that cervical cancer treatment options and control interventions targeted towards disadvantaged women, particularly Blacks living in the rural BB and other rural counties have the potential to reduce and/or eradicate this preventable disease.

Despite increased life expectancy, mortality rates among women infected with HIV are 3-15 times higher than those in the overall population, HIV-infected women are also excessively affected by HPV and have increased risks of HPV-associated developments. This study's objective is to examine the relation between the ART treatment, CD4 levels, Pap, HPV and VIA tests with p16 detection among HIV-infected women. The data used in this study was collected by survey questionnaire instruments in 2009 in Kenya. Descriptive and explanatory statistics using frequency and chi-square/fisher's exact tests were performed for analysis using SAS-software. The data was stratified by age groups (30-39, 40-49, and 50 years and older). 75.28% of single HIV-positive women between the ages 30-39 participated significantly in the study, with a p-value of <0.0001. 52.24% of HIV-positive women 30-39 years old were most likely to receive ART treatment for less than two years by a margin of 11.2% compared to those who received the treatment for more than two years and those who were off treatment by a margin of 2.24% (p-value of 0.03). The HIV-positive women 30-39 years old had lower CD4 counts of less than 350 cells/μl (44%) and higher CD4 counts of 500 cells/μl or higher (46.64%). 45.3% of the HIV-positive women 30-39 years old were more likely to have positive VIA tests with a p-value of 0.05. 65.87% of HIV-positive women 30-39 years old were most likely to have positive VIA tests with a p-value of <0.05. HIV-positive women 30-39 years old were most likely to have high-risk HPV compared to their older counterparts. This study shows that incorporating screening strategies (Pap tests, VIA tests and HPV genotyping) in conjunction with ART treatment were more effective in preventing cervical cancer in HIV-positive young women 30-39 years old.

This study assesses the association between age, race, geographical-location, stage, and treatments of Cervical Cancer (CerCancer) in Black and White women, living in Alabama. Data from 2004-2013 was provided by the Alabama Cancer Registry. To perform Chi-square and logistic regression tests, SAS-software was used for analysis. In urban counties, Blacks 40-49 years old diagnosed with localized stage of CerCancer were the most likely to receive surgery (74.14%; P < .0001), followed by Whites 17-39 years old diagnosed with regional stage, were the most likely to receive radiation and surgery-radiation sequence (66.32 and 66.67%; P < .0001) respectively. Also, Whites 50 years and older diagnosed with regional stage were the most likely to receive chemotherapy (65.87%; P < .0001). In rural counties, Blacks 40-49 years old diagnosed with regional stage were the most likely to receive radiation (70.37%) and chemotherapy (83.33%) with P = .005 and .003 respectively, followed by Whites 17-39 years old diagnosed with localized stage were the most likely to receive surgery (76.81%; P < .0001). Adjusting for age, stage and county, Blacks had 1.12 (95% CI = .88-1.42) times the odds of receiving more radiation treatment. Blacks had .76 times adjusted odds (95% CI .59-.99) of receiving less surgery compared to Whites. Treatment disparities exist between Blacks and Whites in Alabama.

This study was conducted in Alabama's Black Belt Counties to examine the association between household food insecurity and self-reported health status. Data were collected from 400 households to measure household food insecurity and self-reported general health status using the U.S. Food Security Module. In bivariate analyses, household food insecurity was significantly associated with health status as some mothers from food insecure households were significantly more likely to rate their health as fair/poor. In regression analysis model controlling for potentially confounding variables, household food insecurity was still associated with poor self-reported health status. Food intake of some household members was reduced, and their eating patterns disrupted at times because the household lacked money for obtaining food. Policy changes to increase economic resources and access to federal food programs are needed to reduce household food insecurity in this region. Gendered experiences in the context of consequences of poverty should not be ignored.

This article elucidates the hermeneutical and theological contributions of James H. Cone (Professor) and Katie G. Cannon (Pupil), by analyzing their methodological critiques of Christian theology, which failed to consider black experience in mainstream (white) America. Thereby unraveling distinct (black liberation and womanist theology) theological categories that addressed the marginalization of African Americans within mainstream America, while simultaneously debunking the hegemonic and patriarchal norms of Evangelical Christianity (slaveholding religion) that seeped into African American churches, under the guise of tradition. It is essential to delineate the dichotomy between Christian theology and evangelical Christianity, as both house the tents of white supremacy. A detailed topic later explored in this reflection. Recognizing the indelible impact that both theologians had on Christian theology and the black church, this article builds upon the imagery of Professor and Pupil, pays homage to the hermeneutical and theological ingenuity of Cone and Cannon, calls readers attention to a liberating hermeneutic, while exposing cantankerous practices and interpretations that persist in African American churches. It is also important to note the interchangeable nature of the terms Black and African American.