Pub Date : 2009-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040709
Charles Halton
The purpose of this article is to begin the evaluation of the rhetorical aims and strategies of the use of allusions within Neo-Assyrian oracles. These allusions are to some of the most prominent texts within the Mesopotamian literary stream of tradition: Adapa and the South Wind, Atra-Iasis, and the Gilgames Epic. The authors borrowed imagery from these works and fused it with their own rhetorical purposes. Prophets even used allusions that contained a complex set of apparently conflicting associations. The use of subtle allusions that often contain complex associations should cause modern readers to more greatly appreciate the rhetorical abilities of the Neo-Assyrian prophets. *
{"title":"Allusions to the Stream of Tradition in Neo-Assyrian Oracles","authors":"Charles Halton","doi":"10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040709","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040709","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to begin the evaluation of the rhetorical aims and strategies of the use of allusions within Neo-Assyrian oracles. These allusions are to some of the most prominent texts within the Mesopotamian literary stream of tradition: Adapa and the South Wind, Atra-Iasis, and the Gilgames Epic. The authors borrowed imagery from these works and fused it with their own rhetorical purposes. Prophets even used allusions that contained a complex set of apparently conflicting associations. The use of subtle allusions that often contain complex associations should cause modern readers to more greatly appreciate the rhetorical abilities of the Neo-Assyrian prophets. *","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"46 1","pages":"50-61"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040709","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67820489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040717
N. Laneri, M. Schwartz, S. Valentini, A. D'Agostino, Simone Nannucci
Recent excavations in the upper Tigris River valley have yielded an increasing number of archaeological data that have been helping archaeologists in the reconstruction of ancient histories in this specific region. Among these projects, the Hirbemerdon Tepe Archaeological Project has focused its attention on a funda- mental phase of occupation ― the Middle Bronze Age ― that characterises the site as well as numerous other settlements in the upper Tigris River valley. The present article will emphasise the role played by Hirbemerdon Tepe, located along the western bank of the upper Tigris river valley in southeastern Turkey, at both a local and inter-regional level during the Middle Bronze Age period that shows an increase in long-distance commercial exchanges between Mesopotamian and Anatolian polities. More specifically, an in-depth analysis will be given to the large architectural complex discovered on the site's High Mound and on a preliminary interpretation of the material culture found within it.
{"title":"The Hirbemerdon Tepe Archaeological Project: The First Five Seasons of Archaeological Work at a Site in the Upper Tigris River Valley, Southeastern Turkey","authors":"N. Laneri, M. Schwartz, S. Valentini, A. D'Agostino, Simone Nannucci","doi":"10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040717","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040717","url":null,"abstract":"Recent excavations in the upper Tigris River valley have yielded an increasing number of archaeological data that have been helping archaeologists in the reconstruction of ancient histories in this specific region. Among these projects, the Hirbemerdon Tepe Archaeological Project has focused its attention on a funda- mental phase of occupation ― the Middle Bronze Age ― that characterises the site as well as numerous other settlements in the upper Tigris River valley. The present article will emphasise the role played by Hirbemerdon Tepe, located along the western bank of the upper Tigris river valley in southeastern Turkey, at both a local and inter-regional level during the Middle Bronze Age period that shows an increase in long-distance commercial exchanges between Mesopotamian and Anatolian polities. More specifically, an in-depth analysis will be given to the large architectural complex discovered on the site's High Mound and on a preliminary interpretation of the material culture found within it.","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"46 1","pages":"212-276"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040717","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67820275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040708
Elitzur Avraham Bar-Asher
In the context of establishing the pronominal dual forms of proto-Semitic, philologists sought for vestiges of such forms in different non-related branches of the Semitic family of languages. This paper starts with an updated reconstruction of the Proto-Semitic’s dual pronouns based on all the information at our hands, and consequently examines the evidence proposed in the literature for vestiges of these forms in the biblical consonantal text, especially the most recent support made by Rendsburg. In a list of publications Rendsburg proposed to strengthen this hypothesis by using statistical considerations. This paper will reject his conclusions and will refute his arguments by demonstrating that merely counting examples can be very misleading; either separately counting examples found in the same biblical context with some unique dialectical features falsely increases the number or, far worse, some examples should not even be considered at all since there are other motivations for the use of their peculiar forms.*
{"title":"Dual Pronouns in Semitics and an Evaluation of the Evidence for their Existence in Biblical Hebrew","authors":"Elitzur Avraham Bar-Asher","doi":"10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040708","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040708","url":null,"abstract":"In the context of establishing the pronominal dual forms of proto-Semitic, philologists sought for vestiges of such forms in different non-related branches of the Semitic family of languages. This paper starts with an updated reconstruction of the Proto-Semitic’s dual pronouns based on all the information at our hands, and consequently examines the evidence proposed in the literature for vestiges of these forms in the biblical consonantal text, especially the most recent support made by Rendsburg. In a list of publications Rendsburg proposed to strengthen this hypothesis by using statistical considerations. This paper will reject his conclusions and will refute his arguments by demonstrating that merely counting examples can be very misleading; either separately counting examples found in the same biblical context with some unique dialectical features falsely increases the number or, far worse, some examples should not even be considered at all since there are other motivations for the use of their peculiar forms.*","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"46 1","pages":"32-49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040708","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67820468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040710
Hussein M. Al-Qudrah, S. Al-Ma'ani
This paper deals with some aspects of commerce (merchandise and trade) activi- ties as attested in the Ancient North Arabian Safaitic inscriptions. The Safaitic tribes were in close contact with some political entities in the region, such as the Nabataeans and Romans. Their inscriptions reflect certain aspects of the tribal life of the Safaites and their activities ― the merchandise and trade activities, for instance. The activity of trade is discussed in this paper in the light of some terms that occurred in inscriptions. Furthermore, we can deduce that they were familiar with manufacturing salt through the expression of whdr hlqt mlh "and prepared a pitfall to extract salt". The inscriptions, also, gave some clues on the existence of market places ― for example, w qtt f zm. The social and daily life, in some cases, motivated the Bedouin to use what is so-called barter' namely, the exchange of animal products for grains and other needed things.
{"title":"Trade Terminology among the Safaitic Arabs before Islam as Reflected in their Inscriptions","authors":"Hussein M. Al-Qudrah, S. Al-Ma'ani","doi":"10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040710","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040710","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals with some aspects of commerce (merchandise and trade) activi- ties as attested in the Ancient North Arabian Safaitic inscriptions. The Safaitic tribes were in close contact with some political entities in the region, such as the Nabataeans and Romans. Their inscriptions reflect certain aspects of the tribal life of the Safaites and their activities ― the merchandise and trade activities, for instance. The activity of trade is discussed in this paper in the light of some terms that occurred in inscriptions. Furthermore, we can deduce that they were familiar with manufacturing salt through the expression of whdr hlqt mlh \"and prepared a pitfall to extract salt\". The inscriptions, also, gave some clues on the existence of market places ― for example, w qtt f zm. The social and daily life, in some cases, motivated the Bedouin to use what is so-called barter' namely, the exchange of animal products for grains and other needed things.","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"46 1","pages":"62-71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040710","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67820495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040715
M. Schwartz, K. Erdman, Melissa G. Morison
The spread of Early Transcaucasian (ETC) pottery, portable hearths and architecture across a vast swath of the ancient Near East from northeast Anatolia to the southern Levant during the fourth and third millennia BC, has been an issue of intense research and debate. Recently scholars have suggested a combination of factors such as migration ofpopulations, diffusion, and local emulation offoreign styles to explain this cultural phenomenon. One productive way to examine this problem is with an analysis of the chemistry and mineralogy of ETC style pottery to address issues such as geological source, manufacturing techniques and regional differences. This paper presents the results of a petrographic analysis of pottery from Malatya-Elazig region of Turkey and suggests most ETC style pottery in Anatolia was manufactured locally while a small portion appears to have either been made of imported materials or technology.
{"title":"Migration, Diffusion and Emulation: Petrographic Comparisons of Early Transcaucasian and Anatolian Pottery from Malatya-Elazığ, Turkey","authors":"M. Schwartz, K. Erdman, Melissa G. Morison","doi":"10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040715","url":null,"abstract":"The spread of Early Transcaucasian (ETC) pottery, portable hearths and architecture across a vast swath of the ancient Near East from northeast Anatolia to the southern Levant during the fourth and third millennia BC, has been an issue of intense research and debate. Recently scholars have suggested a combination of factors such as migration ofpopulations, diffusion, and local emulation offoreign styles to explain this cultural phenomenon. One productive way to examine this problem is with an analysis of the chemistry and mineralogy of ETC style pottery to address issues such as geological source, manufacturing techniques and regional differences. This paper presents the results of a petrographic analysis of pottery from Malatya-Elazig region of Turkey and suggests most ETC style pottery in Anatolia was manufactured locally while a small portion appears to have either been made of imported materials or technology.","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"46 1","pages":"138-159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040715","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67820192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040706
T. Zewi
This paper examines tenses in Saadya Gaon's translation of the Pentateuch from two viewpoints: the reflection of Biblical Hebrew tenses in Saadya's Post-Classical Arabic, and how much of the whole range of Arabic tenses, especially complex tenses, is manifested in this language. These two aspects are examined according to four versions of the translation: Ms. St. Petersburg, Derenbourg edition, Hasīd edition, and the London Polyglot. Alongside the more obvious translations ofpast and future Saadya Gaon's translation reveals sensitivity to aspectual nuances like past perfect, present perfect, or continuous past, and inasmuch as can be observed in the translation, also to certain modal nuances. Attuned as he is to the great range of the Biblical Hebrew tenses, including their special nuances, Saadya exploits surprisingly little the variety of complex tenses involving an auxiliary verb available in Classical, Post Classical, and Middle Arabic for expressing broader nuances of time and aspect.
{"title":"Biblical Hebrew Tenses and Saadya Gaon's Translation of the Pentateuch","authors":"T. Zewi","doi":"10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040706","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040706","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines tenses in Saadya Gaon's translation of the Pentateuch from two viewpoints: the reflection of Biblical Hebrew tenses in Saadya's Post-Classical Arabic, and how much of the whole range of Arabic tenses, especially complex tenses, is manifested in this language. These two aspects are examined according to four versions of the translation: Ms. St. Petersburg, Derenbourg edition, Hasīd edition, and the London Polyglot. Alongside the more obvious translations ofpast and future Saadya Gaon's translation reveals sensitivity to aspectual nuances like past perfect, present perfect, or continuous past, and inasmuch as can be observed in the translation, also to certain modal nuances. Attuned as he is to the great range of the Biblical Hebrew tenses, including their special nuances, Saadya exploits surprisingly little the variety of complex tenses involving an auxiliary verb available in Classical, Post Classical, and Middle Arabic for expressing broader nuances of time and aspect.","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"46 1","pages":"1-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.46.0.2040706","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67820460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033166
A. Hellmuth
In the eighth and seventh century BC the first items of the so-called Cimmerian and early Scythian material assemblage appeared in the modern territory of Turkey. The two- and three-winged bronze arrowheads, in particular, has enabled researchers to reconstruct a historical picture of the invasion of early horse riding nomads from the Eurasian steppes into Europe and the Near East. Other weapons and horse harnesses of these early nomads ('Cimmerians' and 'Scythian) have been found in Turkey. The best parallels come from Siberia and are dated to the late ninth century BC. Accordingly, placing the material from Anatolia in the early eighth or maybe late ninth century BC, before the appearance of the first written sources about the Cimmerians and Scythians, is not unreasonable.
{"title":"The Chronological Setting of the so-called Cimmerian and Early Scythian Material from Anatolia","authors":"A. Hellmuth","doi":"10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033166","url":null,"abstract":"In the eighth and seventh century BC the first items of the so-called Cimmerian and early Scythian material assemblage appeared in the modern territory of Turkey. The two- and three-winged bronze arrowheads, in particular, has enabled researchers to reconstruct a historical picture of the invasion of early horse riding nomads from the Eurasian steppes into Europe and the Near East. Other weapons and horse harnesses of these early nomads ('Cimmerians' and 'Scythian) have been found in Turkey. The best parallels come from Siberia and are dated to the late ninth century BC. Accordingly, placing the material from Anatolia in the early eighth or maybe late ninth century BC, before the appearance of the first written sources about the Cimmerians and Scythians, is not unreasonable.","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"2675 1","pages":"102-122"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033166","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67819311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033167
Kemalettin Köroğlu, Erkan Konyar
In the Van Lake basin, or in Northeast Anatolia in general, Early Iron Age denotes pre-Urartian times. Although the beginning of this age is rather obscure, it is generally accepted that it came to an end with the establishment of the Urartian Kingdom in the middle of the ninth century BC. Following the focus on a number of large, well-planned Urartian sites over the last hundred years or so, there has been a shift in the last twenty years to small, rural settlements and necropoleis, like Dilkaya, Karagunduz and Yoncatepe in the hope offinding preUrartian Early Iron Age remains. In this paper we shall discuss 'grooved pottery' and other important finds used to date these sites and necropoleis to the Early Iron Age, and suggest a new chronology for them. Accordingly, we will determine whether these necropoleis really belonged to the ancestors of the Urartians, or to a rural village population contemporary with the Urartian Kingdom.
{"title":"Comments on the Early/Middle Iron Age Chronology of Lake Van Basin","authors":"Kemalettin Köroğlu, Erkan Konyar","doi":"10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033167","url":null,"abstract":"In the Van Lake basin, or in Northeast Anatolia in general, Early Iron Age denotes pre-Urartian times. Although the beginning of this age is rather obscure, it is generally accepted that it came to an end with the establishment of the Urartian Kingdom in the middle of the ninth century BC. Following the focus on a number of large, well-planned Urartian sites over the last hundred years or so, there has been a shift in the last twenty years to small, rural settlements and necropoleis, like Dilkaya, Karagunduz and Yoncatepe in the hope offinding preUrartian Early Iron Age remains. In this paper we shall discuss 'grooved pottery' and other important finds used to date these sites and necropoleis to the Early Iron Age, and suggest a new chronology for them. Accordingly, we will determine whether these necropoleis really belonged to the ancestors of the Urartians, or to a rural village population contemporary with the Urartian Kingdom.","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"45 1","pages":"123-146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033167","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67819358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033164
A. Erdem, A. Batmaz
This paper deals primarily with the chronological issues of the seventh century BC and post-Urartian period from the perspective ofAyanis Fortress. According to dendrocronological results, Ayanis Fortress was built between 677 and 673 BC. These dates seem reasonable when we consider the Shupria campaign of Assyrian king Esarhaddon in 673-72 BC, and the Ayanis temple inscription which mentions that Rusa deported people from the lands of Assur. Ayanis Fortress must have been collapsed before 653 BC. This view is supported by a text of Asurbanipal that mentions an Urartian King 'Rusa', possibly Rusa III, relating to his conquest ofElam in 653 BC. After the collapse ofAyanis Fortress the local inhabitants continued to live in the Outher Town since Triangle Ware, a new element, was found together with the Urartian ceramics. Thus, it is reasonable to suggest that the local people ofAyanis did not abandon the area, but rather co-habitated with immigrants.
{"title":"Contributions of the Ayanis Fortress to Iron Age Chronology","authors":"A. Erdem, A. Batmaz","doi":"10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033164","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals primarily with the chronological issues of the seventh century BC and post-Urartian period from the perspective ofAyanis Fortress. According to dendrocronological results, Ayanis Fortress was built between 677 and 673 BC. These dates seem reasonable when we consider the Shupria campaign of Assyrian king Esarhaddon in 673-72 BC, and the Ayanis temple inscription which mentions that Rusa deported people from the lands of Assur. Ayanis Fortress must have been collapsed before 653 BC. This view is supported by a text of Asurbanipal that mentions an Urartian King 'Rusa', possibly Rusa III, relating to his conquest ofElam in 653 BC. After the collapse ofAyanis Fortress the local inhabitants continued to live in the Outher Town since Triangle Ware, a new element, was found together with the Urartian ceramics. Thus, it is reasonable to suggest that the local people ofAyanis did not abandon the area, but rather co-habitated with immigrants.","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"45 1","pages":"65-84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033164","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67819059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-12-31DOI: 10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033165
Thomas L. Gertzen
At the beginning of the twelfth century BC the political system of the ancient Near East then dominated by the Amarna 'Great powers club' suffered an almost entire collapse, marking the end of the Late Bronze and the beginning of the Early Iron Age. One of the events related to this turning point in history is the invasion of the so-called Sea Peoples, forming a mighty coalition to challenge the military super powers of their time. The ancient sources pertaining to that invasion are limited and mainly - even though not entirely - come from Egypt. This paper does not claim to reflect, even summarily, the entire discussion related to the topic, and will concentrate on only one tribe of Sea Peoples - the Philistines. Essentially, based on the iconographic evidence from the mortuary temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu it is intended to outline some of the major concepts and problems of interpretation of the Philistine migration, and to stress its central importance for the history of the ancient Near East and Egypt.
{"title":"'Profiling' the Philistines : Some Further Remarks on the Egyptian Depictions of Philistine Warriors at Medinet Habu","authors":"Thomas L. Gertzen","doi":"10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033165","url":null,"abstract":"At the beginning of the twelfth century BC the political system of the ancient Near East then dominated by the Amarna 'Great powers club' suffered an almost entire collapse, marking the end of the Late Bronze and the beginning of the Early Iron Age. One of the events related to this turning point in history is the invasion of the so-called Sea Peoples, forming a mighty coalition to challenge the military super powers of their time. The ancient sources pertaining to that invasion are limited and mainly - even though not entirely - come from Egypt. This paper does not claim to reflect, even summarily, the entire discussion related to the topic, and will concentrate on only one tribe of Sea Peoples - the Philistines. Essentially, based on the iconographic evidence from the mortuary temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu it is intended to outline some of the major concepts and problems of interpretation of the Philistine migration, and to stress its central importance for the history of the ancient Near East and Egypt.","PeriodicalId":80328,"journal":{"name":"Abr-Nahrain : an annual under the auspices of the Department of Semitic Studies, University of Melbourne","volume":"45 1","pages":"85-101"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2143/ANES.45.0.2033165","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67819202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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