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Which? craft in Post-War Britain: The Consumers' Association and the Politics of Affluence * 哪个?战后英国的工艺:消费者协会与富裕政治*
Pub Date : 2004-03-22 DOI: 10.2307/4054436
L. Black
Consumption has recently acquired key importance in re-interpreting post-war British politics. Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska has argued the Conservative construction of a popular alliance in opposition to rationing and controls was crucial to their electoral recovery after 1945 and in securing an advantage among women voters. A wealth of evidence indicates Labour, by contrast, had scant purchase on affluence in the later 1950s. It was not only, as Amy Black and Stephen Brooke would have it, “Labour's befuddlement at the problem of women and gender,” but that it was ambivalent, if not hostile, towards the goods, lifestyles and values associated with consumerism and the people obtaining and exhibiting them. Other factors blur differentiation between the parties. Both were affiliated to the world of production—through their business and trade union links. Richard Findley has contended the Conservative abolition of resale price maintenance (RPM, whereby manufacturers fixed retail prices) in 1964, aroused electorally deleterious opposition from manufacturers and backbenchers. And while Labour consumerists were rare commodities, as is argued here, Labour revisionism made an important contribution to the Consumers' Association (CA). This focus on consumerism corrects the neglect of it by narratives like political consensus or historians' consuming passion with production and work. It arises from rethinking Britain's much vaunted “decline” as, for example, the transition to a post-industrial society. In Matthew Hilton's hands how the consumer “interest” was variously articulated and gendered becomes a means to unlock modern citizenship and the configuration of private and public spheres.
最近,消费在重新解读战后英国政治方面变得至关重要。伊娜·兹韦尼格-巴吉洛斯卡认为,保守党建立了一个反对定量配给和控制的民众联盟,这对他们在1945年后的选举恢复以及在女性选民中获得优势至关重要。大量证据表明,相比之下,工党在20世纪50年代后期的富裕程度并不高。正如艾米·布莱克(Amy Black)和斯蒂芬·布鲁克(Stephen Brooke)所说,这不仅是“工党对女性和性别问题的困惑”,而且它对与消费主义有关的商品、生活方式和价值观,以及获得和展示这些东西的人,即使不是怀有敌意,也是矛盾的。其他因素模糊了两党之间的区别。两者都是通过商业和工会联系而与生产世界联系在一起的。理查德•芬德利(Richard Findley)认为,保守党在1964年废除了转售价格维持制度(RPM,制造商据此固定零售价格),这引起了制造商和后座议员在选举中有害的反对。正如本文所论述的那样,虽然劳工消费主义者是稀有商品,但劳工修正主义对消费者协会(CA)做出了重要贡献。这种对消费主义的关注纠正了像政治共识或历史学家对生产和工作的消费热情这样的叙述对消费主义的忽视。它源于重新思考英国被大肆吹嘘的“衰落”,例如,向后工业社会的过渡。在马修·希尔顿(Matthew Hilton)的笔下,消费者的“兴趣”是如何以不同的方式表达和性别化的,成为了一种解开现代公民身份以及私人和公共领域配置的手段。
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引用次数: 9
English History Abridged: John Stow's Shorter Chronicles and Popular History * 英国历史简编:约翰·斯托的短篇编年史与通俗史*
Pub Date : 2004-03-22 DOI: 10.2307/4054434
B. L. Beer
John Stow's abridged chronicles present a short, simplified version of English history that formed an important component of sixteenth-century popular culture. The author was a citizen historian, a self-educated man, whose social status placed him outside the gentry, and a scholar who was closer to medieval traditions than to the New Learning associated with Renaissance humanism. Stow and his chronicles therefore stand apart from the university-educated intellectual elite whose writings shaped the high culture of Elizabethan England. His abridged chronicles, based on his larger Annales of England , offered readers of lower social and economic status a more affordable national history than was available in the larger quarto volumes. This essay considers the character of abridged chronicles, examines Stow's interpretation of a variety of significant topics from the Norman Conquest to the death of Henry VIII, and argues that Stow's work offers valuable insights into the historical understanding of ordinary men and women. For centuries John Stow, identified in the Dictionary of National Biography as a “chronicler and antiquary,” lived in the shadow of more illustrious contemporaries. Shakespeare preferred Raphael Holinshed's chronicle to Stow's Annales of England as the source for his history plays while William Camden was a scholar of vastly greater erudition to whom the DNB assigned the higher status of “historian.” In contrast to the glittering literati of Elizabethan England, Stow is usually cast in gray, a worthy man of negligible learning who through a lifetime of hard work produced books that were generally accurate but dull.
约翰·斯托(John Stow)的简编编年史呈现了一个简短、简化的英国历史版本,它构成了16世纪流行文化的重要组成部分。作者是一位公民历史学家,一个自学成才的人,他的社会地位使他置身于士绅阶层之外,他是一位更接近中世纪传统的学者,而不是与文艺复兴人文主义相关的新学术。因此,斯托和他的编年史与受过大学教育的知识分子精英们不同,他们的作品塑造了伊丽莎白时代的英国高雅文化。他的编年史是在他的《英格兰年历》的基础上删节的,为社会和经济地位较低的读者提供了比四开本更实惠的国家历史。本文考虑了节略编年史的特点,考察了斯托对从诺曼征服到亨利八世之死的各种重要主题的解释,并认为斯托的作品为对普通男女的历史理解提供了宝贵的见解。几个世纪以来,约翰·斯托(John Stow)一直生活在更杰出的同时代人的阴影下,他在《国家传记词典》(Dictionary of National Biography)中被称为“编年史家和古董”。莎士比亚更喜欢拉斐尔·霍林希德的编年史,而不是斯托的《英格兰年历》,作为他历史剧的来源,而威廉·卡姆登是一位博学得多的学者,DNB赋予了他更高的“历史学家”地位。与英国伊丽莎白时代那些光彩夺目的文人相比,斯托通常是灰色的,他是一个值得尊敬的人,几乎没有什么学问,通过一生的辛勤工作,他写的书总体上是准确的,但枯燥无味。
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引用次数: 3
Gregory Jeremy and Chamberlain Jeffrey S., eds. The National Church in Local Perspective: The Church of England and the Regions, 1660–1800. (Studies in Modern British Religious History.) Rochester, N. Y.: Boydell Press. 2003. Pp. xiii, 315. $90.00. ISBN 085-115-8978. Gregory Jeremy和Chamberlain Jeffrey S.主编:《地方视角下的国家教会:英格兰教会与地区》,1660–1800年。(《英国现代宗教史研究》)纽约罗切斯特:博伊德尔出版社。2003年,第xiii页,第315页$90.00是085-115-8978。
Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2307/4054471
J. Wolffe
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引用次数: 0
Burchardt Jeremy. Paradise Lost: Rural Idyll and Social Change since 1800. New York: I. B. Tauris; dist. by Palgrave, New York. 2002. PP. vi, 238. $27.50. ISBN 1-86064-514-3. Burchardt Jeremy。失乐园:1800年以来的乡村Idyll和社会变革。纽约:I.B.陶里斯;纽约,帕尔格雷夫。2002年,第六卷,第238页$27.50亿英镑1-86064-514-3。
Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2307/4054488
Peter Mandler
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引用次数: 0
Andrews Jonathan and Scull Andrew, eds. Customers and Patrons of the Mad-Trade: The Management of Lunacy in Eighteenth-Century London . Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press. 2003. Pp. xvi, 209. $44.95. ISBN 0-520-22660-7. Andrews Jonathan和Scull Andrew编辑,《疯狂贸易的顾客和赞助人:18世纪伦敦精神错乱的管理》。加州伯克利:加州大学出版社。2003年,第xvi页,第209页$44.95是0-520-22660-7。
Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2307/4054476
R. Houston
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引用次数: 0
Kowaleski Maryanne, ed. The Havener's Accounts of the Earldom and Duchy of Cornwall, 1287–1356 . (Devon and Cornwall Record Society New Series, Volume 44.) Exeter, England: Devon and Cornwall Record Society. 2001. Pp. xii, 364. £25.00. ISBN 0-901853-44-5. Kowaleski Maryanne主编《哈维纳对伯爵领地和康沃尔公国的记述》,1287-1356年。(德文郡和康沃尔郡记录协会新系列,第44卷。)英国埃克塞特:德文郡和康沃尔郡记录学会。2001年,第xii364页。2500英镑,即0-901853-44-5英镑。
Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2307/4054446
M. Mate
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引用次数: 0
Henry Brougham and the 1818 Westmorland Election: A Study in Provincial Opinion and the Opening of Constituency Politics 亨利·布鲁厄姆与1818年威斯特摩兰选举:省际舆论与选区政治开放研究
Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2307/4054435
W. Hay
An extensive literature that has appeared over the past two decades on the Hanoverian electorate and political culture at the constituency level provides a more sophisticated understanding of party conflict in Britain during the long eighteenth century than earlier work focused on high politics or other subjects. H. T. Dickinson points out that most people experienced politics at the constituency level where negotiations between different political groups within communities and the voters provided a voice for competing interests that an older historiography focused on high politics failed to recognize. These local aspects of Hanoverian politics established the context for two important developments in the early nineteenth century; a greater appreciation for the impact of public opinion on politics at Westminster and the development of a two-party system. The emergence of a self-conscious provincial identity sustained by new economic and institutional forces drove both trends. Christopher Wyvill's Yorkshire Association formed in 1779, the General Chamber of Manufacturers founded in 1785, anti-war petitioning efforts by local groups during the conflict with Napoleon, and the successful campaign in 1812 against the regulatory Orders in Council demonstrated the growing impact of provincial activism. The intersection between new provincial interests focused on issues debated at Westminster and constituency politics with its own rituals and dynamics provides an opening to explore the final decades of the Hanoverian political order. Connections between local and metropolitan drew into sharper focus as party conflict at Westminster extended into national politics.
在过去的二十年中,出现了大量关于汉诺威选民和选区层面的政治文化的文献,这些文献提供了对英国在漫长的十八世纪中的政党冲突的更复杂的理解,而不是早期关注高级政治或其他主题的工作。h·t·迪金森指出,大多数人在选区层面经历政治,在那里,社区内不同政治团体和选民之间的谈判为相互竞争的利益提供了一种声音,而专注于高层政治的旧史学未能认识到这一点。汉诺威政治的这些地方方面为19世纪早期的两个重要发展奠定了基础;更深刻地认识到公众舆论对威斯敏斯特政治和两党制发展的影响。在新的经济和制度力量的支持下,一种自觉的地方认同的出现推动了这两种趋势。1779年,克里斯托夫·威维尔成立了约克郡协会,1785年成立了制造商总商会,在与拿破仑的冲突中,当地团体进行了反战请愿活动,1812年反对议会监管令的成功运动表明,地方激进主义的影响越来越大。新的省级利益集中在威斯敏斯特辩论的问题上,而选区政治具有自己的仪式和动态,这两者之间的交集为探索汉诺威政治秩序的最后几十年提供了一个机会。随着威斯敏斯特的党派冲突扩展到国家政治,地方和大都市之间的联系变得更加尖锐。
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引用次数: 1
Gottlieb Julie V.. Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement, 1923–45. London: I. B. Tauris; dist. by Palgrave, New York. 2003. Pp. 224. $25.00 paper. ISBN 1-86064-918-1. 《女性法西斯主义:英国法西斯运动中的女性》,1923–45。伦敦:I.B.陶里斯;纽约,帕尔格雷夫。2003年,第224页$25.00纸。isbn1-86064-918-1。
Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/4054270
G. Savage
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引用次数: 0
Orders P. G. A.. Britain, Australia, New Zealand and the Challenge of the United States, 1839–46: A Study in International History. New York: Palgrave. 2003. Pp. viii, 262. $72.00. ISBN 0-333-77500-7. 《英国、澳大利亚、新西兰和美国的挑战》,1839-46:国际史研究。纽约:帕尔格雷夫。2003年,第viii、262页$72.00是0-333-77500-7。
Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/4054272
John Charmley
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引用次数: 0
Charles W. J. Withers and Paul Wood, eds. Science and Medicine in the Scottish Enlightenment . East Linton, U. K.: Tuckwell Press. 2002. Pp. xiv, 364. $39.95 paper. ISBN 1-86232-285-6. Charles W.J.Withers和Paul Wood主编,《苏格兰启蒙运动中的科学与医学》。英国东林顿:塔克威尔出版社。2002年,第十四页,第364页$39.95论文。是1-86232-285-6。
Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/4054283
J. Golinski
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Albion
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