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Gender and the Canadian Armed Forces: Does Change Mean Feminist Progress? 性别与加拿大武装部队:改变意味着女权主义的进步吗?
Pub Date : 2021-04-02 DOI: 10.7202/1076196AR
Maya Eichler
An introduction to the special issue Gender and the Canadian Armed Forces: Does Change Mean Feminist Progress? It situates the special issue within the significant gendered changes that have occurred within the Canadian Armed Forces over the past two decades. The introduction highlights the importance of continued feminist critique of, and engagement with, the military to achieve feminist progress.
特刊《性别与加拿大武装部队:改变意味着女权主义的进步吗?》它将这一特殊问题置于过去二十年来加拿大武装部队内部发生的重大性别变化之中。引言强调了女权主义者对军队的持续批评和参与对实现女权主义进步的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Feminist Praxis Revisited: Critical Reflections on University-Community Engagement 重温女权主义实践:对大学-社区参与的批判性思考
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.7202/1074023AR
Jennifer Musial
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引用次数: 4
Free Speech Rhetoric and Normalizing Violence: Setting Higher Standards for University Guest Speaker Policies 言论自由修辞与暴力正常化:为大学演讲嘉宾政策设定更高标准
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.7202/1074014ar
M. McDonald
In response to recent protests against controversial guest speakers, many Canadian universities have implemented new policies that conflate academic freedom and freedom of speech. The resultant free speech policies often protect speakers regardless of the content of their speech; this paper discusses the importance of barring speech that normalizes acts of harm.
为了应对最近针对有争议的客座演讲者的抗议活动,许多加拿大大学实施了将学术自由和言论自由混为一谈的新政策。由此产生的言论自由政策往往保护演讲者,而不管他们的言论内容如何;本文讨论了禁止言论使伤害行为正常化的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Being After Being Has Washed Away 生命被冲走之后的生命
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.7202/1074024ar
D. Jefferies
Thinking with an assemblage of Black, Indigenous, crip, decolonial, and trans feminist creative and theoretical work, this poem explores fishy felt knowledges of sex work, outmigration, colonial erasure, and archival absence in the lives of trans women from Ktaqamkuk/Newfoundland.
这首诗结合了黑人、原住民、废奴、非殖民化和跨性别女权主义的创作和理论作品,探讨了来自克塔卡姆库克/纽芬兰的跨性别女性生活中关于性工作、外迁、殖民抹除和档案缺失的可疑知识。
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引用次数: 0
Speaking Freely and Freedom of Speech: Feminists Navigating the "New" Right 自由发言与言论自由:女权主义者驾驭 "新 "右翼
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.7202/1074011ar
R. Hurst, Jennifer L Johnson
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引用次数: 0
Speaking Freely and Freedom of Speech: Why is Black Feminist Thought Left Out of Ontario University Sexual Violence Policies? 言论自由:安大略大学性暴力政策中为何没有黑人女权主义思想?
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.7202/1074016ar
Lindsay Ostridge
As of January 1, 2017, the Province of Ontario has required all post-secondary institutions to create and maintain a stand-alone sexual assault policy that includes clearly stated complaint and response procedures. This paper brings to bear the influence of Black feminist thought as an analytic tool and politic on the outcomes and omissions of the development of these policies. Analyzing the stand-alone sexual violence policy of the University of Ottawa as a case study, the author conducted a critical discourse analysis with an intersectional lens to determine if intersectionality influenced the policy creation. Findings reveal that policymakers conceptualize gender in a one-dimensional manner, without attention to intersections of sexualized violence with racism and other systems of oppression. A policy with an ill-defined focus on gender can result in a colorblind policy that suggests that the institution should treat all students the same, regardless of systemic disadvantages they might face on the basis of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, or ability. This avoidance can create barriers to reporting. Neoliberalism and the changing university culture are discussed.
自2017年1月1日起,安大略省要求所有高等教育机构制定并维护一项独立的性侵犯政策,其中包括明确规定的投诉和回应程序。本文将黑人女性主义思想作为一种分析工具和政治手段,对这些政策发展的结果和疏漏产生影响。作者以渥太华大学独立的性暴力政策为例,通过交叉视角进行批判性话语分析,以确定交叉性是否影响了政策的制定。研究结果表明,政策制定者以一种一维的方式对性别进行概念化,而没有注意到性暴力与种族主义和其他压迫制度的交叉点。一项对性别关注不明确的政策可能会导致一项无视肤色的政策,这表明学校应该平等对待所有学生,而不管他们可能因种族、阶级、性别、性取向或能力而面临的系统性劣势。这种回避会给报告造成障碍。讨论了新自由主义与变化中的大学文化。
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引用次数: 0
Dis/Consent: Persepectives on Sexual Consent and Sexual Violence 不同意/同意:关于性同意和性暴力的观点
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.7202/1074018ar
J. Black
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引用次数: 0
Modernity and Progress: The Transnational Politics of Suffrage in British Columbia (1910-1916) 现代性与进步:不列颠哥伦比亚省选举权的跨国政治(1910-1916)
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.7202/1074021ar
Lara Campbell
Canadian historians have underplayed the extent to which theproject of suffrage and first wave feminism was transnational in scope. The suffrage movement in British Columbia provides a good example of the global interconnections of the movement. While BC suffragists were relatively uninterested in pan-Canadian campaigns they explicitly situated provincial suffrage within three transnational relationships: the ‘frontier’ myth of the Western United States, radical direct action by suffragettes in the United Kingdom, and the rise of modern China. By the second decade of the 20thcentury, increasingly confident women’s suffrage societies hosted international visits and contributed to global print culture, both of which consolidated a sense of being part of a modern, international and unstoppable movement. BC suffragists were attuned to American suffrage campaigns in California, Oregon and Washington, which granted female suffrage after referenda and situated political rights for settler women in the context of Western progress narratives. The emphasis on progress and modernity intersected with growing connections to non-Western countries, complicating racialized arguments for settler women’s rights to vote. BC suffragists were particularly impressed by the role of feminism in Chinese political reform and came to understand Chinese women as symbolizing modernity, progress, and equality. Finally, the militant direct action in the British suffrage movement played a critical role in how BC suffragists imagined the role of tactical political violence. They were in close contact with the militant WSPU, hosted debates on the meaning of direct action, and argued that suffragettes were heroes fighting for a just cause. They pragmatically used media fascination with suffragette violence for political purposes by reserving the possibility that unmet demands for political equality might lead to Canadian conflict in the future.
加拿大历史学家低估了选举权和第一波女权主义运动在跨国范围内的影响程度。不列颠哥伦比亚省的选举权运动为该运动的全球相互联系提供了一个很好的例子。虽然不列颠哥伦比亚省的妇女参政论者对泛加拿大运动相对不感兴趣,但他们明确地将省级选举权置于三种跨国关系中:美国西部的“边疆”神话,英国妇女参政论者的激进直接行动,以及现代中国的崛起。到20世纪的第二个十年,越来越自信的妇女选举权协会接待了国际访问,并为全球印刷文化做出了贡献,这两者都巩固了作为现代,国际和不可阻挡的运动的一部分的感觉。不列颠哥伦比亚省的妇女参政论者对美国在加利福尼亚州、俄勒冈州和华盛顿州的选举权运动很感兴趣,这些运动在全民公决后赋予了女性选举权,并将移民妇女的政治权利置于西方进步叙事的背景下。对进步和现代化的强调与与非西方国家日益增长的联系交织在一起,使移民妇女投票权的种族化论点复杂化。不列颠哥伦比亚省的妇女参政论者对女权主义在中国政治改革中的作用印象深刻,并逐渐将中国妇女理解为现代、进步和平等的象征。最后,英国选举权运动中的激进直接行动在英国妇女参政主义者如何想象战术政治暴力的作用方面发挥了关键作用。他们与激进的WSPU保持密切联系,主持关于直接行动意义的辩论,并认为妇女参政权论者是为正义事业而战的英雄。他们务实地利用媒体对妇女参政权运动暴力的迷恋来达到政治目的,保留了政治平等要求未得到满足可能导致加拿大未来发生冲突的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Speaking Freely vs. Dignitary Harm: Balancing Students’ Freedom of Expression and Associational Rights with their Right to an Equitable Learning Environment 言论自由与尊严损害:平衡学生的言论自由和结社权与他们享有公平学习环境的权利
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.7202/1074013ar
Elizabeth Brulé
In this article, I examine the difficulty of using student codes of conduct and civility policies as a way to restrict harmful speech. I argue that policies used to monitor students’ non-academic behaviour provide administrators with a means to restrict and surveil students’ political advocacy work, especially marginalized students’ advocacy. Rather than providing a ‘safe’ learning environment, codes of conduct curtail students’ opportunities for freedom of expression and limits their ability for critical pedagogical engagement with controversial ideas. Drawing on case studies at Canadian universities, I illustrate the contradictory challenges that student activists encounter when attempting to balance principles of freedom of expression and principles of equity on university campuses. Rather than use codes of conduct, I argue that administrators should adopt criteria that help students identify and limit dignitary harms. In doing so, students will be better equipped to assess their expressive freedom and associational rights with the rights of others to an equitable learning environment. Moreover, such an approach represents a decolonial shift and promises to expand our narrow liberal conception of rights and ensure marginalized peoples’ voices and worldviews are heard.
在这篇文章中,我研究了使用学生行为准则和文明政策作为限制有害言论的一种方式的困难。我认为,用于监控学生非学术行为的政策为管理者提供了一种限制和监督学生政治倡导工作的手段,特别是边缘化学生的倡导。行为准则并没有提供一个“安全”的学习环境,而是限制了学生自由表达的机会,限制了他们对有争议的观点进行批判性教学的能力。通过对加拿大大学的案例研究,我阐述了学生积极分子在试图平衡大学校园中的言论自由原则和公平原则时遇到的矛盾挑战。我认为,管理者应该采用帮助学生识别和限制尊严损害的标准,而不是使用行为准则。这样,学生就能更好地评估自己的表达自由和结社权利,以及他人享有公平学习环境的权利。此外,这种做法代表了一种非殖民化的转变,并有望扩大我们狭隘的自由主义权利观念,并确保边缘化人民的声音和世界观得到倾听。
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引用次数: 0
Transnational Feminism 跨国女权主义
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.7202/1074020ar
A. Ricci
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引用次数: 0
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