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[Beeckman's medical learning by reading]. 贝克曼通过阅读学习医学。
Eio Honma

Isaac Beeckman (1588-1637) is a self-learning man. He learned medicine by his reading medical books (contemporary and classic). In this paper I study how Beeckman read and understood them. He did not merely memorize them. But he gave some supplementary explanations to their (he thought) insufficient passages, sometimes criticized them and gave mechanical explanation that was based on atomism with hydrostatics. We can find similar ways of reading in the works of Lucretius and Cardano which young Beeckman read repeatedly. Beeckman learned the way of explaining natural phenomena with atomism from Lucretius' De rerum natura, and the way of explaining mechanics with natural philosophy and of demonstrating the principles of natural philosophy with machines from Cardano's De subtilitate. Beeckman's interactive reading is a good style of self-learning, but to avoid some bad effects of self-learning, he had to talk actually to a good respondent such as young Descartes.

艾萨克·比克曼(1588-1637)是一个自学成才的人。他通过阅读医学书籍(当代的和古典的)来学习医学。在本文中,我研究了贝克曼是如何阅读和理解它们的。他不只是记住它们。但他对他们(他认为)不充分的段落给出了一些补充解释,有时批评他们,并给出了基于原子论和流体静力学的机械解释。我们可以在卢克莱修和卡尔达诺的作品中找到类似的阅读方式,年轻的贝克曼反复阅读这些作品。贝克曼从卢克莱修的《自然论》中学会了用原子论解释自然现象的方法,从卡尔达诺的《代物论》中学会了用自然哲学解释力学和用机器证明自然哲学原理的方法。Beeckman的互动阅读是一种很好的自学方式,但为了避免自学的一些不良影响,他不得不与年轻的笛卡儿这样的优秀受访者交谈。
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引用次数: 0
[The anti-philosophical anthropology in the Hippocratic treatise De Vetere Medicina (On Ancient Medicine)]. [希波克拉底论著《古代医学》中的反哲学人类学]。
Masahiro Imai

The Hippocratic treatise De Vetere Medicina (On Ancient Medicine) has been the focus of attention among classical scholars and historians of medicine. The author attacks in ch. 20 doctors and sophists who base their own medical theories and methods on philosophical anthropology taken from the contemporary natural philosophers. Many attempts have been made to elucidate, as opposed to their philosophical inquiry into human nature, the author's way of understanding it, which still remains unclear. I draw attention to the following points to make it clear that the conceptual framework of the author's medical anthropology is different from theirs. Their philosophical inquiry into human nature has its starting point in fundamental element(s), from which human beings were originally formed. The author focuses on human beings as existent in their present states, whose conditions and functions must be investigated through interrelations between them and their external factors, such as foods and drinks. A medical investigation into the interrelations will give us a scientific idea about human body, whose constituents are taken to be a large number of humors, reacting against some external factors and accordingly making us feel pain. This may presuppose that, in the author's medical anthropology, human body is conceptually demarcated as the physical or material aspect of human being, within which all physiological events depending on external factors and the humors take place. In their philosophical anthropology, however, human body doesn't seem to have been clearly conceptualized as such, because our experience of feeling pain should be judged to take place within the actions of the fundamental element(s), which must be supposed to constitute our cognitive self.

希波克拉底的论文De Vetere Medicina(论古代医学)一直是古典学者和医学历史学家关注的焦点。作者在第20章中抨击了那些将自己的医学理论和方法建立在借鉴当代自然哲学家的哲学人类学基础上的医生和诡辩家。与他们对人性的哲学探究相反,许多人试图阐明作者对人性的理解方式,这一点至今仍不清楚。我提请注意以下几点,以表明作者的医学人类学的概念框架与他们的不同。他们对人性的哲学探究,其出发点是人类最初形成的基本要素。作者关注的是存在于当前状态的人,必须通过他们与外部因素(如食物和饮料)之间的相互关系来研究他们的条件和功能。对这些相互关系的医学调查将使我们对人体有一个科学的认识,人体的成分被认为是大量的体液,它们对一些外部因素作出反应,从而使我们感到疼痛。这可能预先假定,在提交人的医学人类学中,人体在概念上被界定为人的身体或物质方面,所有依赖于外部因素和体液的生理事件都在其中发生。然而,在他们的哲学人类学中,人体似乎并没有被明确地概念化,因为我们对疼痛的感受应该被判断为发生在基本元素的行动中,而这些基本元素必须被认为构成我们的认知自我。
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引用次数: 0
[The philosophical influences of Empedocles in the Hippocratic medical treatise De Natura Hominis]. [恩培多克勒斯在希波克拉底医学专著《人的本性》中的哲学影响]。
Imai Masahiro

The Hippocratic treatise De Natura Hominis (On the Nature of Man) has been very influential in the history of western medical thought from antiquity, because it argues the theory of four humors as the essential constituents of human body. There has been a traditional view on the theory among scholars that the author Polybos referred to Empedocles' philosophical doctrine of four elements as a model in the formation of the humoral physiology of his own. However, the theory of four humors, as compared with the doctrine of four elements, turns out to be different on the following points. 1) The four elements are introduced as substantial entities, which always remain self-identical, whereas the four humors change into one another, according to the degree of the four elemental qualities (Hot and Cold, Humid and Dry), which constitute their own nature. 2) In the Empedoclean doctrine, human nature comes into being emergently from the four elements, when they come together, or when they separate out of their primordial lump. In NH, the generation process seems to be dependent on human nature, which exists as the determinant of the conditions under which the generation can take place. 3) The Empedoclean cosmic cycle functions as a structural framework, within which the generation takes place. The cosmic system in NH has its own purpose of giving a causal explanation about how the four humors increase and decrease reciprocally in the human body, according to the alternation of the four seasons. These results will make us suppose that the philosophical influences of Empedocles on the theory of four humors remained within a very limited scope, although there are traces in some phrases and sentences as well as forms of argumentation in NH, which may be judged to be a reflection of the Empedoclean philosophical poems.

希波克拉底的论文《论人的本性》在古代以来的西方医学思想史上一直很有影响力,因为它提出了四种体液是人体基本成分的理论。学界有一种传统观点认为,作者波利波斯在形成自己的体液生理学时,借鉴了恩培多克勒的四要素哲学学说。然而,四趣说与四行学说相比,在以下几点上存在差异。(1)四种元素作为实体被引入,始终保持自我同一,而四种体液则根据构成其自身性质的四种元素(热、冷、湿、干)的程度而相互变化。在恩培多克勒斯学说中,当四种元素聚集在一起时,或者当它们从原始的块儿中分离出来时,人类的本性就突然产生了。在NH中,生成过程似乎依赖于人性,人性是生成发生条件的决定因素。恩培多克林宇宙循环作为一个结构框架,在其中发生了世代。《NH》中的宇宙体系有其自身的目的,即根据四季的交替,对人体内的四种体液如何相互增减给出因果解释。这些结果将使我们认为恩培多克勒斯对四幽默理论的哲学影响仍然是非常有限的,尽管在《NH》的一些短语和句子以及论证形式中都有痕迹,可以判断这是恩培多克勒斯哲学诗的反映。
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引用次数: 0
[Greek medical science and its understanding of physis, as conceptualized in the Hippocratic Treatise De Natura Hominis]. [希腊医学科学及其对物理学的理解,如希波克拉底的《人性论》概念化]。
Masahiro Imai

It has often been claimed the Greek medical science has its origin in the rational explanation of the world among the early Greek philosophers that constituted their inquiry into nature. However, there were doctors who made an attempt to establish medical science as existing independently of any philosophical intrusion. This can be elucidated through the analysis of the medical term physis, conceptualized, among others, in the well-known treatise in the Hippocratic Corpus, entitled De Natura Hominis (NH). In NH, the Hippocratic doctor criticizes the philosophical anthropology and medical theory, which hold that human nature comes into being emergently from single elemental stuff such as Air, Water etc, or from a single humor. His own view of human nature claims that the four humors (blood, phlegm, yellow bile and black bile) constitute the nature (physis) of human body. The human body has its natural powers inherently for preserving health, and, if anything does harm to it, it functions autonomously for restoring its normal condition. In this context, the term physis denotes what determines the normality of the body, in which its humoral constituents remain harmonized with each other. THrough the conception of physis, applied principally to the body, the human body will be demarcated as the physical or material aspect of human nature, as opposed to the monistic view of human nature, which has not drawn a categorical distinction between the material and the non-material.

人们经常声称,希腊医学起源于早期希腊哲学家对世界的理性解释,这构成了他们对自然的探究。然而,有些医生试图建立独立于任何哲学侵入的医学科学。这可以通过对医学术语“物理”的分析来阐明,该术语在希波克拉底语料库中著名的论文《人的自然》(NH)中被概念化。在NH中,希波克拉底医生批判了哲学人类学和医学理论,这些理论认为人性是由单一的元素物质如空气,水等产生的,或者是由单一的幽默产生的。他自己的人性观认为,血、痰、黄胆汁、黑胆汁四种体液构成了人体的本质(肉体)。人体天生就有保持健康的天然力量,如果有什么东西对它有害,它会自动恢复正常状态。在这种情况下,“物理”一词指的是决定身体正常状态的东西,在这种状态下,身体的体液成分彼此保持协调。通过主要应用于身体的物理学概念,人类的身体将被划分为人类本性的物理或物质方面,与一元论的人性观点相反,一元论没有在物质和非物质之间划出明确的区别。
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引用次数: 0
[The use of family trees and the notion of heredity: a case study of hereditary chorea]. [使用家谱和遗传的概念:遗传性舞蹈病的案例研究]。
Yoshio Nugaka

This paper analyzes the development and use of visual tools known as "family trees" that allow medical practitioners to see hereditary family diseases. Family trees, consisting of family names and a tree diagram on personal traits, became popular among neurologists during the late 19th century. However, social scientists have devoted only scant attention to the historical and social processes through which, before the rediscovery of Mendelian laws, medical practitioners came to use family trees as scientific devices for nosographical classification of hereditary diseases, such as hereditary chorea (one of the initial terms used to describe Huntington's disease). The purpose of this paper is to trace the complex processes by which family histories, namely the descriptive nosography of family members and family trees became distinct during the late 19th century. This paper argues that family trees of hereditary chorea became and important clinical tool, with the establishment of teaching hospitals, although, in the case of hereditary chorea, family trees were used to support different interpretations of the notion of heredity. The use of family trees was made possible by three conditions including the centralization of medical care, the standardization of medical records, and the circulation of medical information among medical practitioners.

本文分析了被称为“家谱”的可视化工具的开发和使用,这些工具可以让医生看到遗传性家族疾病。家谱,由姓氏和个人特征的树状图组成,在19世纪后期在神经学家中流行起来。然而,在孟德尔定律被重新发现之前,社会科学家很少关注历史和社会进程,通过这些进程,医疗从业者开始使用家谱作为遗传疾病的医学分类的科学手段,例如遗传性舞蹈病(用于描述亨廷顿病的最初术语之一)。本文的目的是追溯家族史的复杂过程,即家庭成员的描述性疾病志和家谱在19世纪后期变得明显。本文认为,随着教学医院的建立,遗传性舞蹈病的家谱成为重要的临床工具,尽管在遗传性舞蹈病的情况下,家谱被用来支持对遗传概念的不同解释。家谱的使用有三个条件,包括医疗保健的集中、医疗记录的标准化以及医疗从业人员之间的医疗信息流通。
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引用次数: 0
[Nerve impulse in the 19th century: it's nature and the method of research]. [19世纪的神经冲动:它的性质和研究方法]。
Risa Ueda, Shigeo Sugiyama

We demonstrate in this paper how scientists in the 19th century did researches on the nervous system; some scientists tried to make the nature of "nerve impulse" clear only to fail, while others chose to investigate how the nervous system works, leaving the nature of the impulse unknown. A. Mosso and H. D. Rolleston, for example, attempted to detect heat produced in nerves with a view to elucidating the nature of the impulse. The heat, they believed, would suggest that "nerve impulse" was nothing but "a wave of chemical reaction" or "a wave of molecular vibration." On the other hand, C. S. Sherrington who introduced the term synapsis in 1897 to refer to the special connection between nerve cells--special in the sense it offers an opportunity for "nerve impulse" to change in its nature--refrained from examining the nature of the impulse. He believed that it was impossible for science at the time to elucidate the nature. He, therefore, focused his attention to reactions of muscles in an animal caused when various stimulations were applied on animal's skin in a remote area from the muscles. He did not probe into the working of the nerves running between the part where stimulation was given and the part where corresponding reaction occurred. He pursued his studies by using phenomenalistic approach. We call his approach "phenomenalistic" because his research focused only on contradictions of muscles easily seen without probing into minute arrangement in a body. Gotch and Horsley, like Sherrington, did not argue about the nature of "nerve impulse." But unlike Sherrington, they made experiments with electrical changes produced in nerves or a spinal cord, based on the idea that "nerve impulse" should accompany certain electrical changes. Making use of their electrical method effectively, they obtained a series of quantitative data as to the electrical changes. The data they collected allowed them to explore distribution of nerves deep in a body and even led them to contemplate the existence of "field of conjunction" in a spinal cord. They introduced the concept to explain decrease in quantity and delay in transmission time of the electrical change, which was observed when a nerve impulse traversed a certain part of the spinal cord. This idea was considerably similar to "synapse" introduced six years later by Sherrington.

我们在这篇论文中展示了19世纪的科学家是如何研究神经系统的;一些科学家试图弄清楚“神经冲动”的本质,但以失败告终,而另一些科学家则选择研究神经系统是如何工作的,对冲动的本质一无所知。例如,莫索(a . Mosso)和罗勒斯顿(H. D. Rolleston)试图探测神经中产生的热量,以期阐明冲动的本质。他们相信,热量会表明“神经冲动”只不过是“一波化学反应”或“一波分子振动”。另一方面,c·s·谢林顿(C. S. Sherrington)在1897年引入“突触”一词,指的是神经细胞之间的特殊联系——特殊的意义在于它为“神经冲动”的性质改变提供了机会——却没有研究冲动的本质。他认为当时的科学是不可能阐明自然的。因此,他把注意力集中在动物肌肉的反应上,当对动物的皮肤施加不同的刺激时,肌肉会产生不同的反应。他没有探究在受到刺激的部分和产生相应反应的部分之间的神经的工作情况。他用现象学的方法进行研究。我们称他的方法为“现象主义”,因为他的研究只关注容易看到的肌肉矛盾,而没有深入研究人体的细微排列。和谢林顿一样,戈奇和霍斯利并没有争论“神经冲动”的本质。但与谢林顿不同的是,他们基于“神经冲动”应该伴随着某些电变化的想法,对神经或脊髓产生的电变化进行了实验。他们有效地利用他们的电学方法,获得了一系列关于电变化的定量数据。他们收集的数据使他们能够探索身体深处神经的分布,甚至使他们思考脊髓中是否存在“连接场”。他们引入了这个概念来解释当神经冲动穿过脊髓的某个部分时观察到的电变化的数量减少和传递时间延迟。这个想法与谢林顿六年后提出的“突触”非常相似。
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引用次数: 0
[Historical analysis of the eugenic laws in Japan]. [日本优生法的历史分析]。
Yoko Matsubara
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引用次数: 0
[Studies on "Ishin shoden" Edited by Dosan Manase (1507-1594): the introduction of Satsusho Benchi and the process of its establishment]. [道山真濑(1507-1594)主编的《Ishin shoden》研究:Satsusho Benchi的介绍及其创立过程]。
Jiro Endo, Takuya Suzuki, Teruko Nakamura

Sanki Tashiro and Dosan Manase are known for their role as founders of the Gosei-ha school in Japan. Observing that Japanese medicine had not been based on a clear theory, they introduced into Japan the satsusho benchi practiced in Chinese medicine during the Jin and Yuan dynasties. The basis of this system was to examine the patient's condition, then determine the treatment accordingly. Dosan Manase in particular employed the satsusho benchi, writing out a new prescription each time treatment was required, without reference to existing prescriptions. In this study, we carried out an investigation into the "Ishin shoden"edited by Dosan Manase, which reveals the process by which Dosan established the new satusho benchi system of medicine within the framework of traditional Japanese medicine. In the early stages of the process, Dosan prepared prescriptions based on existing iou-tou prescriptions, modifying these by adding or removing medicines. Then, in the middle period, he prepared prescriptions based on toso-tou prescriptions, designed on the basis of the kun shin sa shi or Junchen Zuoshi theory, again modifying these by adding or removing medicines. In the final stage of the process, Dosan ceased this practice of adding or removing medicines from a basic prescription, adopting instead the satusho benchi system of writing out a new prescription for every treatment. In addition, we consider the reasons why the satusho benchi system was not employed by Dosan's successors, and discuss the effects of this.

田代山树和道山真濑是日本合成河学派的创始人。观察到日本医学没有建立在一个明确的理论基础上,他们在金元时期将中国医学中使用的satsusho benchi引入日本。该系统的基础是检查患者的病情,然后确定相应的治疗方案。岛山真濑特别使用了“satsusho benchi”,每次需要治疗时都要写一个新的处方,而不参考现有的处方。在本研究中,我们对Dosan Manase编辑的“Ishin shoden”进行了调查,揭示了Dosan在传统日本医学框架内建立新医学坐禅体系的过程。在初期阶段,岛山以现有的处方为基础制作处方,通过增加或减少药物来修改处方。然后,在中期,他根据“坤心撒世”或“君臣佐世”理论设计的“托头方”来配制方剂,再次通过加药或减药来修改这些方剂。在这个过程的最后阶段,岛山停止了这种在基本处方中添加或删除药物的做法,取而代之的是每次治疗都要写新处方的satusho benchi系统。此外,我们考虑的原因,satusho坐席制度不采用斗山的继任者,并讨论其影响。
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引用次数: 0
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Kagakushi kenkyu. [Journal of the history of science, Japan
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