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The pharmacological treatise (piepsilonrhoí epsilonvphiorhoíov) of Juba II, King of Mauretania. 毛里塔尼亚国王朱巴二世的药理学论文(piepsilonrhoí epsilonvphiorhoíov)。
Pub Date : 2014-01-01
Antoine Pietrobelli

Some linguists explain the etymology of the botanical name euphorbion as deriving from the Greek verb phiepsilonrhobetaomega ("nourish, feed"). But according to Pliny this plant was discovered in the Atlas Mountains by Juba II, King of Mauretania, and named after his personal physician, Euphorbos. This paper aims to give credence to Pliny's version. Indeed, Juba described the plant, its latex and its therapeutical applications in a now lost treatise On Euphorbion (piepsilonrhoí epsilonvphiorhobetaioupsilon), which can be reconstructed through Greek and Latin testimonies. This treatise was the beginning of a long standing success. Juba and Euphorbos were living at the time when Greek medicine invaded the Roman world, and they are both representative of this cultural change.

一些语言学家解释植物学名称euphorbion的词源来源于希腊语动词phiepsilonrhobetaomega(“滋养,喂养”)。但根据普林尼的说法,这种植物是由毛里塔尼亚国王朱巴二世在阿特拉斯山脉发现的,并以他的私人医生Euphorbos命名。本文旨在证实普林尼的说法。的确,朱巴在一本现已失传的专著《大eupholbion》(piepsilonrhoí epsilonvphiorhobetaioupsilon)中描述了这种植物、它的乳胶和它的治疗用途,这本专著可以通过希腊语和拉丁语的证词进行重建。这篇论文是一个长期成功的开端。朱巴和Euphorbos生活在希腊医学入侵罗马世界时,它们都是这种文化变革的代表。
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引用次数: 0
8 Physical Pain in Celsus’ On Medicine 身体疼痛在Celsus的医学上
Pub Date : 2014-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/9789004273863_010
Aurélien Gautherie
This chapter focuses on the place of physical pain in Celsus' On Medicine , before tackling the issue of pain evaluation and questioning the role of pain in the friendly medicine promoted by Celsus in his Preface . In the context of diagnoses, pain is a sign of an imminent illness to be cured three times out of four. The first step towards potential recovery is to locate physical pain. In On Medicine , almost every part of the body is concerned with pain, from the skull to the feet. The majority of the analgesic process found in On Medicine already existed in the Hippocratic Corpus , so that it is hard to outline any Roman specificity in Celsus' work. In Celsus' work, the universal dimension of pain is most of all linked with the different times of life and to climatological or seasonal criteria. Keywords: Celsus' On Medicine ; Hippocratic Corpus ; physical pain; Roman world
这一章的重点是身体疼痛的地方在塞尔苏斯的医学,在处理疼痛评估的问题和质疑疼痛在塞尔苏斯在他的序言中推动的友好医学的作用之前。在诊断的背景下,疼痛是一种迫在眉睫的疾病的征兆,四次中有三次需要治疗。潜在康复的第一步是确定身体疼痛的位置。在《医学论》中,从头骨到脚,几乎身体的每个部位都与疼痛有关。在《论医学》中发现的大多数镇痛过程已经存在于希波克拉底语料库中,因此很难在塞尔苏斯的作品中勾勒出任何罗马人的特征。在塞尔苏斯的研究中,疼痛的普遍性主要与生命的不同时期以及气候或季节标准有关。关键词:塞尔苏斯《医学》;希波克拉底语料库;身体的疼痛;罗马世界
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引用次数: 0
"As a matter of fact, this is not difficult to understand!": the addresses to the reader in Greek and Latin pharmacological poetry. “其实,这并不难理解!”用希腊和拉丁药理学诗歌对读者的演说。
Pub Date : 2014-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/9789004273863_012
Svetlana Hautala
Once written down, every pharmacological text becomes open to all kinds of distortion of its content. It may have been inaccurately copied, for example, or its dosages may have been intentionally altered. The transcription in verse of pharmacological preparations was supposed to protect the text against any distortion, for metrical demands of verse do not easily allow for the substitution of the specified quantities of a remedy's ingredients. Furthermore, rhythmical poetry can facilitate memorization of the prescriptions. Beside its very practical functions, this production was not alien to inspiration from the Muses, and physicians shared with poets the right to invoke the gods' favour for their lines. The present paper focuses on the addresses to the readers in Greek and Latin pharmacological poetry; it shows how the practical function of preserving and transmitting information was interwoven with the author's own literary ambitions.
一旦写下来,每一个药理学文本就会对其内容的各种扭曲敞开大门。例如,它可能被不准确地复制,或者它的剂量可能被故意改变。药理学制剂的韵文转录应该保护文本免受任何扭曲,因为韵文的韵律要求不容易允许替代特定数量的药物成分。此外,有节奏的诗歌可以促进处方的记忆。除了非常实用的功能外,这种制作也与缪斯女神的灵感并不相异,医生和诗人一样有权利为他们的诗句祈求神灵的眷顾。本文主要探讨希腊和拉丁药理学诗歌对读者的称呼;它显示了保存和传递信息的实用功能是如何与作者自己的文学抱负交织在一起的。
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引用次数: 5
Greek and Roman patients under Galen's gaze: a doctor at the crossroads of two cultures. 在盖伦的注视下,希腊和罗马的病人:一位站在两种文化交汇处的医生。
Pub Date : 2014-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/9789004273863_003
Véronique Boudon-Millot
Born in Pergamum in 129 A.D., Galen received his first medical training in his native city and then continued his studies in Smyrna, Corinth, and Alexandria. He began his medical career in Asia Minor, treating peasants and performing surgery on the gladiatorial troupe that worked as slaves under the high priest upon his return to Pergamum in 157. Subsequently, he settled in Rome, where he lived most of his life and treated many prominent patients. The aim of this paper is to explore how Galen viewed his Asian and Roman patients and how he adapted his practice and medical procedures based not only on each patient's social and economic status, but on his or her intellectual acumen and customs as well, through proposing an intelligent and original synthesis of Asian and Roman lifestyles.
盖伦于公元129年出生在别迦摩,在他的家乡接受了第一次医学训练,然后在士麦拿、科林斯和亚历山大继续他的研究。他在小亚细亚开始了他的医疗生涯,在157年回到别迦摩时,他治疗农民并为大祭司手下的奴隶角斗士剧团做手术。随后,他定居罗马,在那里度过了他的大半生,并治疗了许多杰出的病人。本文的目的是探讨盖伦如何看待他的亚洲和罗马病人,以及他如何根据每个病人的社会和经济地位,以及他或她的智力敏锐度和习俗,通过提出一种智慧和原始的亚洲和罗马生活方式的综合,来调整他的实践和医疗程序。
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引用次数: 5
Magical formulas in Pliny's natural history: origins, sources, parallels. 普林尼自然史中的神奇公式:起源,来源,相似之处。
Pub Date : 2014-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/9789004273863_013
Patricia Gaillard-Seux
Pliny the Elder was the first Latin medical author to mention magical formulas. His writings refer to twenty-seven in all, thirteen being of the simplest type. The origin is discernible for two-thirds of them. A Latin origin is noted for only two of them, and two are given in Greek The Greek influence seems decisive, with an important role played by the sympathies-antipathies and Pseudo-Democritus trend. Nine magical formulas are attributed to magi and one is also found in the Cyranides (Kupsilonrhoalphavídeltaepsilonzeta) and the Geoponica (gammaepsilonomegapiovichialpha). An author is named for only one incantation: King Attalus III of Pergamum. One carmen probably dates back to a model existing in Classical Greece, which is likely to be true even for one of the incantations in Greek. The text of the latter needs to be better understood in order for one to grasp its principle of action and perhaps its origin.
老普林尼是第一个提到神奇配方的拉丁医学作家。他的作品总共涉及27个,其中13个是最简单的类型。其中三分之二的起源是可辨认的。希腊的影响似乎是决定性的,其中同情-反感和伪德谟克利特思潮发挥了重要作用。九个神奇的公式被认为是魔法师的,其中一个也在西兰尼德斯(Kupsilonrhoalphavídeltaepsilonzeta)和Geoponica (gammaepsilonomegapiovichialpha)中找到。一个作者只能以一个咒语命名:帕加马的阿塔鲁斯三世国王。一个卡门可能可以追溯到古典希腊的一个模型,即使是希腊的一个咒语也可能是正确的。后者的文本需要更好地理解,以便人们掌握其行动原则,也许是它的起源。
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引用次数: 4
At the crossroads of Greek and Roman medicine: the contribution of Latin papyri. 1. Medical texts; 2. Iatromagical papyri. 在希腊和罗马医学的十字路口:拉丁纸莎草纸的贡献。1. 医疗文本;2. Iatromagical纸莎草纸。
Pub Date : 2014-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/9789004273863_008
M. Marganne, Magali de Haro Sanchez
1. Far fewer Latin medical papyri, whether paraliterary, documentary or magical, have survived compared to Greek medical papyri, but they nonetheless provide interesting information about medical practices in the Graeco-Roman world, the relationship between Greek and Latin medical languages, and the choices made to use one rather than the other, a subject that has never been exhaustively studied. As part of the update undertaken by CEDOPAL since 2008 of the Corpus papyrorum Latinarum, published fifty years ago by the late Robert Cavenaile, we have inventoried Latin papyri containing medical references, classifying them by type or nature of content, provenance, form, layout, and writing. We finally analyse their content and what it reveals about the reception of Greek medicine by Latin or Latin-speaking writers. 2. The second section presents the only iatromagical papyrus in Latin known at the present time, P. Held. inv. lat. 5 (Suppl. Mag. 1.36, ca. fifth/sixth centuries, Fustat [?]), and compares its content with that of the Greek iatromagical papyri (dating from the first century B.C. to the seventh century A.D.) on one hand, and on the other hand with iatromagical formulae in Latin that have been preserved on metal leaves coming from Italy, Hungary, France, and England.
1. 相比于希腊的医学纸莎草纸,无论是辅助的、纪实的还是魔幻的,幸存下来的拉丁医学纸莎草纸要少得多,但它们仍然提供了关于希腊罗马世界医疗实践的有趣信息,希腊和拉丁医学语言之间的关系,以及使用一种而不是另一种的选择,这是一个从未被详尽研究过的主题。作为2008年以来CEDOPAL对已故的Robert Cavenaile 50年前出版的拉丁纸莎草语料库(Corpus papyorum Latinarum)进行更新的一部分,我们对包含医学参考文献的拉丁纸莎草进行了清查,并按内容、出处、形式、布局和文字的类型或性质对其进行了分类。我们最后分析了它们的内容,以及它揭示了拉丁或讲拉丁语的作家对希腊医学的接受情况。2. 第二部分介绍了目前已知的唯一的拉丁医魔纸莎草,P. Held。inv. lat。5(5。Mag. 1.36,约5 / 6世纪,Fustat[?]),并将其内容一方面与希腊医魔纸莎草纸(公元前1世纪至公元7世纪)的内容进行比较,另一方面与保存在意大利、匈牙利、法国和英国的金属叶子上的拉丁文医魔公式进行比较。
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引用次数: 3
The identity, legal status and origin of the Roman army's medical staff in the imperial age. 帝国时代罗马军队医务人员的身份、法律地位和起源。
Pub Date : 2014-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/9789004273863_005
P. Bader
More than a hundred epigraphic documents on different writing materials refer to medical staff in the Roman army. This paper focuses on the identity, legal status and origin of the Roman army medical staff--a topic which until now has hardly been studied. Various titles were conferred to a large number of medical staff in every unit of the Roman army; the doctors (medici) were the most numerous and had different ranks and status. The onomastic study of the inscriptions reveals a large proportion of Roman citizens in the military medical service. Most of them are ingenui with a Latin name, but freedmen with a Greek origin are frequently attested, though less so than among civilian doctors. These results dispel some misconceptions such as the Greek origin of most military doctors, which can be explained by the legal requirements of the recruitment into the Roman army.
一百多份不同文字材料的铭文文献都提到了罗马军队中的医务人员。本文主要研究罗马军队医务人员的身份、法律地位和起源,这是迄今为止很少有人研究的课题。罗马军队每个单位的大量医务人员都被授予各种头衔;医生(美第奇)是人数最多的,有不同的等级和地位。对铭文的专有研究表明,在军队医疗服务中有很大比例的罗马公民。他们中的大多数都是有拉丁名字的ingenui,但也经常有希腊血统的自由人被证实,尽管比平民医生少。这些结果消除了一些误解,如大多数军医的希腊血统,这可以解释为罗马军队招募的法律要求。
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引用次数: 19
References to medical authors in non-medical Latin literature. 非医学拉丁文献中对医学作者的参考文献。
Pub Date : 2014-01-01
Innocenzo Mazzini

My contribution focuses on discussing the knowledge Roman non-medical authors had of medical literature. My research suggests that the medical authors known and cited belong mainly to the classical and Hellenistic age. The occasions or reasons for an intellectual in antiquity to turn his attention to medical texts were mainly twofold: to bolster a philosophical or ethical claim, and to confirm medical theories.

我的贡献集中在讨论罗马非医学作者对医学文献的了解。我的研究表明,已知和引用的医学作者主要属于古典和希腊化时代。古代知识分子将注意力转向医学文献的场合或原因主要有两方面:一是支持哲学或伦理主张,二是证实医学理论。
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引用次数: 0
References to medical authors in non-medical Latin literature. 非医学拉丁文献中对医学作者的参考文献。
Pub Date : 2014-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/9789004273863_007
I. Mazzini
My contribution focuses on discussing the knowledge Roman non-medical authors had of medical literature. My research suggests that the medical authors known and cited belong mainly to the classical and Hellenistic age. The occasions or reasons for an intellectual in antiquity to turn his attention to medical texts were mainly twofold: to bolster a philosophical or ethical claim, and to confirm medical theories.
我的贡献集中在讨论罗马非医学作者对医学文献的了解。我的研究表明,已知和引用的医学作者主要属于古典和希腊化时代。古代知识分子将注意力转向医学文献的场合或原因主要有两方面:一是支持哲学或伦理主张,二是证实医学理论。
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引用次数: 17
"Memorial" strategies of court physicians in the imperial period. 清代御医的“纪念”策略。
Pub Date : 2014-01-01
Sébastien Barbara

Court physicians enjoyed an outstanding prominence. They were able to perpetuate their memory with ease, an aim of the greatest importance to individuals in antiquity. This paper, using historical, literary, anthropological, and iconographic approaches, investigates the strategies used by those privileged physicians to perpetuate their memory. After focussing on key figures like Antonius Musa, Stertinius Xenophon, and the Statilii and on lesser known personalities like Philotas of Amphissa, Euphorbos, and Andromachus the Elder, it appears that those physicians felt they had to rely mainly on literary works to achieve this end, although uncertain transmission often rendered it inadequate for the purpose. Benefactory practices were of greater weight because their memory was more efficiently perpetuated by members of their family and their native cities as demonstrated by epigraphy and numismatics.

宫廷医生的地位非常突出。他们能够轻松地使他们的记忆永垂不朽,这是古代个人最重要的目标。本文采用历史、文学、人类学和肖像学的方法,调查了那些享有特权的医生用来延续他们记忆的策略。在关注了像Antonius Musa, Stertinius Xenophon和the Statilii这样的关键人物,以及像Amphissa的Philotas, Euphorbos和Elder Andromachus这样不太知名的人物之后,这些医生似乎觉得他们必须主要依靠文学作品来实现这一目标,尽管不确定的传播往往使其不足以达到目的。由于铭文和钱币学的证明,恩人的做法更重要,因为他们的记忆更有效地由他们的家庭成员和他们的家乡城市延续。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Studies in ancient medicine
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