Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars最新文献

英文中文

Robotic upright stand trainer (RobUST) and postural control in individuals with spinal cord injury. 机器人直立训练器(鲁棒)和脊髓损伤个体的姿势控制。

IF 1.7

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2023-11-01 Epub Date: 2022-05-09 DOI: 10.1080/10790268.2022.2069532

Collin D Bowersock, Tanvi Pisolkar, Isirame Omofuma, Tatiana Luna, Moiz Khan, Victor Santamaria, Joel Stein, Sunil Agrawal, Susan J Harkema, Enrico Rejc

Context/objective: Assessed feasibility and potential effectiveness of using a novel robotic upright stand trainer (RobUST) to deliver postural perturbations or provide assistance-as-needed at the trunk while individuals with spinal cord injury (SCI) performed stable standing and self-initiated trunk movements. These tasks were assessed with research participants' hands on handlebars for self-balance assistance (hands on) and with hands off (free hands).

Design: Proof of concept study.

Participants: Four individuals with motor complete (n = 3) or incomplete (n = 1) SCI who were not able to achieve independent standing and presented a neurological lesion level ranging from cervical 4 to thoracic 2.

Outcome measures: Ground reaction forces, trunk displacement, and electromyography activity of trunk and lower limb muscles.

Results: Research participants received continuous pelvic assistance via RobUST, and manual trainer assistance at the knees to maintain standing. Participants were able to attempt all tasks. Free hands trunk perturbations resulted in greater load bearing-related sensory information (73% ipsilateral vertical loading), trunk displacement (57%), and muscle activation compared to hands on. Similarly, free hands stable standing with RobUST assistance-as-needed resulted in 8.5% larger bodyweight bearing, 112% larger trunk movement velocity, and higher trunk muscles activation compared to standing with hands on. Self-initiated trunk movements controlled by hands on showed 116% greater trunk displacement, 10% greater vertical ground reaction force, and greater ankle muscle activation compared to free hands.

Conclusion: RobUST established a safe and challenging standing environment for individuals with SCI and has the potential to improve training paradigms and assessments of standing postural control.

背景/目的:评估一种新型机器人直立训练器(RobUST)的可行性和潜在有效性，当脊髓损伤(SCI)患者进行稳定站立和自我发起的躯干运动时，它可以提供姿势扰动或根据需要在躯干处提供帮助。这些任务是通过研究参与者的手放在车把上(手在上)和不放在手上(空着手)来评估的。设计:概念验证研究。参与者:4例运动完全性(n = 3)或不完全性(n = 1)脊髓损伤患者，不能独立站立，神经损伤程度从颈椎4级到胸椎2级。结果测量:地面反作用力、躯干位移、躯干和下肢肌肉的肌电活动。结果:研究参与者通过鲁棒和手动训练器在膝盖处持续接受骨盆辅助以保持站立。参与者可以尝试所有的任务。与有手相比，无手躯干扰动导致更大的负重相关感觉信息(73%同侧垂直负荷)、躯干位移(57%)和肌肉激活。同样，与双手站立相比，自由双手稳定站立并根据需要提供强大的帮助，可以使体重承受能力提高8.5%，躯干运动速度提高112%，躯干肌肉激活率提高。双手控制的自我启动躯干运动显示，与自由双手相比，躯干位移增加116%，垂直地面反作用力增加10%，踝关节肌肉活动增加。结论:RobUST为脊髓损伤患者建立了一个安全且具有挑战性的站立环境，并有可能改善站立姿势控制的训练模式和评估。

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引用次数: 1

George McT. Kahin: A tribute 乔治未经中华人民共和国交通部。卡辛:致敬

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10419545

J. Werner

Abstract George Mc T. Kahin, one of the foremost academic critics of the Vietnam War, died 29 January 2000, at the age of 82. He had a seminal influence on the debate over U.S. covert and military intervention in Southeast Asia, particularly with regard to the Vietnam War. He voiced his opposition to the Vietnam War earlier than any other major academic figure, starting in the early 1960s. Virtually all the arguments he made at the time have since been accepted by both academics and journalists, including many who once supported or quasi-supported the U.S. position. Even former government figures have acknowledged the foresight he had at the time. His basic arguments were as follows:

George mct . Kahin，越南战争最重要的学术评论家之一，于2000年1月29日去世，享年82岁。他对美国在东南亚的秘密和军事干预的辩论产生了开创性的影响，特别是在越南战争方面。从20世纪60年代初开始，他就比其他主要学术人物更早地表达了反对越南战争的立场。实际上，他当时提出的所有论点后来都被学者和记者所接受，其中包括许多曾经支持或准支持美国立场的人。甚至前政府官员也承认他当时的远见卓识。他的基本论点如下:

引用次数: 0

Disarming memories: Japanese, Korean, and American literature on the Vietnam war 解除武装的记忆:日本、韩国和美国关于越南战争的文学

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10419541

Richard C. Kagan

Abstract This essay ventures into a comparative literature analysis of the Vietnam War through the study of novels written by selected American, Japanese, and Korean authors. Popular American writers have generally concentrated on the soldier's rite of passage from the naïve and rough and tumble recruit to the angry, disillusioned vet. The content of this journey deals primarily with the veteran's personal experiences of the war. One learns almost nothing about Vietnam, or about the larger meaning of the war itself. Like looking out at the world through two slats of a Venetian blind, the American chronicler observes a limited view of the action. A great deal of the writing concentrates on one's inner life, and one's inner passage. In contrast to this Gothic view of the war, Japanese and Korean writers take a broader and historical view of the war. They concentrate on Vietnam's geography, people, religions, and the causes of the war. They place the war in a historical and cultural context. They look at Vietnam as well as at the war. By looking at the way selected Asian writers view the war, Americans can understand why we see and understand the war differently. The essay concludes by suggesting how a better war story might be written.

本文通过对美国、日本和韩国作家的小说的研究，尝试对越南战争进行比较文学分析。受欢迎的美国作家通常把注意力集中在士兵的成长过程上，从naïve、粗暴、跌跌撞撞的新兵到愤怒、幻灭的退伍军人。这次旅行的内容主要涉及老兵的个人战争经历。人们几乎不了解越南，也不了解战争本身的更大意义。就像透过威尼斯百叶窗的两块板条看外面的世界一样，这位美国编年史家观察到的是一种有限的视角。大量的写作集中在一个人的内心生活，一个人的内心通道。与这种哥特式的战争观点相反，日本和韩国作家对战争的看法更广泛，更具有历史意义。他们专注于越南的地理、人民、宗教和战争的起因。他们把这场战争放在历史和文化背景中。他们不仅关注战争，也关注越南。通过观察精选的亚洲作家对战争的看法，美国人可以理解为什么我们对战争的看法和理解不同。文章最后建议如何写出更好的战争故事。

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引用次数: 0

Facsimile edition of CCAS newsletter, no. 1 (May 1968) CCAS通讯传真版，第。1(1968年5月)

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10419547

引用次数: 0

Showdown in Timor: Notes from the (battle) field 东帝汶的决战:来自战场的笔记

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10419544

Geoffrey C. Gunn

Abstract The celebration of the first anniversary of the UN-sponsored ballot in Dili on 30 August 2000 brought East Timor back into the world's headlines, but only for a moment. Meanwhile, a sense of international drift seemed to prevail about the UN-administered territory: the World Bank and, behind it, the United States were struggling to rally donor pledges for the Trust Fund for East Timor (TFET); and Australia was otherwise focused on the Olympic Games (although, apart from the distraction of the games, the Howard government was seriously weighing the costs of rising anti-Australian nationalism in Jakarta versus some kind of return to the status quo ante, even including renewed military links with Indonesia). But we should not ignore ambiguities in the U.S. position as to re-building security alliances with Jakarta, especially as Washington weighs the merits of restoring the military assistance it had cut off after the militia violence in East Timor in October 1999.

2000年8月30日在帝力举行的联合国投票一周年庆祝活动使东帝汶重新成为世界的头条新闻，但只是一瞬间。与此同时，在联合国管理的领土上似乎弥漫着一种国际漂移的感觉:世界银行及其背后的美国正在努力争取捐助国对东帝汶信托基金(TFET)的承诺;而澳大利亚则专注于奥运会(尽管，除了奥运会的分散注意力外，霍华德政府正在认真权衡雅加达日益高涨的反澳民族主义与某种程度上回归原状的代价，甚至包括与印度尼西亚恢复军事联系)。但是，我们不应忽视美国在与雅加达重建安全联盟问题上的模棱两可的立场，特别是在华盛顿权衡恢复1999年10月东帝汶民兵暴力事件后美国切断的军事援助的利弊的时候。

引用次数: 2

Indigenous adaptation to a rapidly changing economy: The experience of two Tampuan villages in Northeast Cambodia 土著对快速变化的经济的适应:柬埔寨东北部两个坦普安村的经验

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10419543

J. McAndrew

Abstract This study focuses on changes that have taken place in two Tampuan villages in northeastern Cambodia as a result of Khmer in-migration and increased market activity in the province: Kahoal village, which lies along a provincial road four kilometers from the town of Andong Meas, and Kamang village, which lies along the national road bordering the town of Borkeo. The field research for the study was conducted in May 2000. The research team, which was composed of three men and three women, included an expatriate team leader, a Khmer research associate, and four Tampuan research assistants. The team, which took up residence in each village for a period of ten days, conducted a 50 percent random sample household survey in each village and interviewed village leaders and selected families in both Kahoal and Kamang. In addition to research at the village level, team members also interviewed government officials in Andong Meas, Borkeo, and the provincial town of Banlung, and with UN and NGO workers in Banlung. Finally, market surveys were undertaken in Andong Meas, Borkeo, and Banlung.

本研究主要关注柬埔寨东北部两个Tampuan村由于高棉移民和该省市场活动增加而发生的变化:Kahoal村位于距安东米亚斯镇4公里的省道沿线，Kamang村位于与博尔科镇接壤的国道沿线。该研究的实地调查于二零零零年五月进行。该研究小组由三男三女组成，包括一名外籍领队、一名高棉人研究助理和四名坦埔人研究助理。该小组在每个村庄居住了十天，在每个村庄进行了50%随机抽样的住户调查，并采访了卡霍阿尔和卡曼的村领导和选定的家庭。除了村一级的研究，团队成员还采访了安东米亚斯、博尔克和省镇班隆的政府官员，以及班隆的联合国和非政府组织工作人员。最后，在安东米斯、博尔基奥和班隆进行了市场调查。

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引用次数: 12

Questions of gender: Ethnic minority representation in post-Mao China 性别问题:后毛时代中国的少数民族代表性

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10419539

Ralph A. Litzinger

Abstract The burgeoning scholarship on ethnic minorities in the People's Republic of China has shown how minorities are often represented as feminized subjects in popular culture, film, museums, and tourist encounters. This scholarship has advanced a new critical understanding of the relationship between post-Mao nationalism and the display of minorities as objects of difference. This article builds on this scholarship by exploring how minority scholars have produced their own accounts of their people's cultures, histories, genders, and ethnicities throughout the post-Mao period. Specifically, it examines an essay written by the Yao scholar Liu Yulian in the early 1990s on the indigenous reproductive practices of the Chashan Yao subgroup, who live in the Jinxiu Yao Autonomous County in Guangxi. Her essay utilizes the theories of Marx and Engels on social reproduction to redress the ways in which the Chashan Yao had been classified, struggled against, and marginalized in Jinxiu County and it aims to promote a new interpretation of the Chashan contribution to China's socialist modernization agenda. Yet her work also raises a series of questions about how minority scholars were speaking for local communities and local realities. Rather than see Liu's writings as yet another example of China's practices of internal or “Oriental Orientalism,” this essay situates Liu's research in the context of local debates among minority scholars and other elite over who possessed the right to speak for and represent socialist modernity. And it suggests that new ethnographic and theoretical attention should be placed on how different actors perceive and understand the stakes of different styles and forms of ethnic and gender representation.

关于中华人民共和国少数民族的新兴学术研究表明，在流行文化、电影、博物馆和游客遭遇中，少数民族往往被描绘成女性化的主题。这项研究对后毛时代的民族主义和少数民族作为差异对象的表现之间的关系提出了新的批判性理解。本文以这些学术成果为基础，探讨少数民族学者如何在后毛时代对其民族的文化、历史、性别和种族做出自己的描述。具体来说，它考察了瑶族学者刘玉莲在20世纪90年代初撰写的一篇关于广西金秀瑶族自治县茶山瑶族土著生殖实践的文章。本文运用马克思、恩格斯关于社会再生产的理论，纠正了茶山瑶族在锦绣地区被分类、被对抗、被边缘化的方式，旨在对茶山瑶族对中国社会主义现代化进程的贡献进行新的解读。然而，她的工作也提出了一系列关于少数民族学者如何为当地社区和当地现实说话的问题。与其将刘的著作视为中国内部实践或“东方东方主义”的另一个例子，本文将刘的研究置于少数民族学者和其他精英之间关于谁有权为社会主义现代性发言和代表社会主义现代性的本地辩论的背景下。它还表明，新的民族志和理论关注应该放在不同的行动者如何感知和理解不同风格和形式的种族和性别代表的利害关系上。

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引用次数: 14

In their image: The Vietnamese Communist Party, the “West” and the social evils campaign of 1996 他们的形象是:越南共产党、“西方”和1996年的社会罪恶运动

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10419540

W. Wilcox

Abstract This article analyzes the production of English-language and Vietnamese-language state-owned newspaper reports that appeared in the early days of the “social evils campaign” in Vietnam in January and February 1996. While the English-language coverage attempts to depict the campaign as an attempt to create a drug-free, able-bodied workforce in compliance with international anti-trafficking efforts, the Vietnamese-language coverage portrays the campaign as an attempt to fight against decadent and corrupt “Western values” in order to reinvent the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) as the gatekeeper of Vietnamese tradition. These depictions serve a dual purpose. On the one hand, they can be seen as an attempt by the VCP to walk a fine line to avoid the alienation of the expatriate community while at the same time reconstituting itself as a significant institution in the hearts and minds of the Vietnamese people. At another level, the social evils campaign demonstrates that neither an easy invocation of “democratization theory” nor a call to arms against Eurocentrism and an affirmation of the particularity of the “East” is sufficient to analyze under what conditions purportedly “Communist” parties might survive and grow vibrant in an age of globalization. Rather, it is important to note the role of the West not as an actual entity but as an imagined phenomenon against which a pure, Eastern tradition is constructed. In other words, the Vietnamese Communist Party uses the social evils campaign to construct the “West” as a phantasmic “straw man” in order to construct itself in the inverted image of the “West,” as “anti-West.” This portrayal is put forward despite the fact that most foreign direct investment in Vietnam comes from East Asian countries and that the businesses singled out in the newspaper articles as the locus of “social evils” were often Japanese-, Korean-, or Vietnamese-owned.

摘要本文分析了1996年1月和2月越南“社会罪恶运动”初期出现的英语和越南语国有报纸报道的制作情况。英文报导试图将这项运动描绘成，为了配合国际反贩运的努力，创造一个没有毒品、健全的劳动人口，而越南文报导则将这项运动描绘成，试图对抗颓废和腐败的“西方价值观”，以重塑越南共产党，成为越南传统的守门人。这些描述有双重目的。一方面，它们可以被视为越南共产党的一种尝试，以避免侨民社区的疏远，同时将自己重建为越南人民心中的一个重要机构。在另一个层面上，社会弊病运动表明，无论是简单地援引“民主化理论”，还是号召武装起来反对欧洲中心主义，以及对“东方”特殊性的肯定，都不足以分析所谓的“共产主义”政党在什么条件下可能在全球化时代生存并蓬勃发展。相反，重要的是要注意到西方的作用，不是作为一个实际的实体，而是作为一种想象的现象，与之相对的是一个纯粹的东方传统。换句话说，越南共产党利用社会邪恶运动将“西方”塑造成一个虚幻的“稻草人”，以“西方”的倒立形象来塑造自己，作为“反西方”。尽管越南的大多数外国直接投资来自东亚国家，而且报纸文章中被挑出来作为“社会弊病”的企业往往是日本人、韩国人或越南人所有，但这种描述还是提出了。

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引用次数: 3

Short stories from Laos 老挝的短篇小说

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2000-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10419542

Outhine Bounyavong

Abstract We first “met” Outhine Bounyavong twenty years ago when our Lao language teacher had us read some of his newly published short stories. Compared to the stiff political rhetoric of the postwar era, Outhine's writings were a burst of refreshing reality. As is evident in the four selections published below, Outhine draws out of simple vignettes of ordinary Lao life poignant messages about the consequences of war, the dilemmas provoked by modernization, and the constant strains on the disadvantaged in a fast-changing world.

20年前，当我们的老挝语老师让我们读Outhine Bounyavong最近出版的一些短篇小说时，我们第一次“遇见”了他。与战后时代僵硬的政治辞令相比，欧劳的作品是一种令人耳目一新的现实。从以下四篇选集中可以明显看出，Outhine从老挝普通生活的简单小插曲中提取了关于战争后果的尖锐信息，现代化引发的困境，以及快速变化的世界中弱势群体的持续压力。

引用次数: 0

Democratization and bureaucratic dominance in Hong Kong: Perspectives from a short-lived university students' movement 香港的民主化与官僚统治:一个短命大学生运动的视角

Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars

Pub Date : 2000-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415800

Jane A. Margold

Abstract “Democracy” and “democratization” are among the most widely invoked terms of the post-cold war era. Their meanings are debatable, however, despite Western insistence on narrowly defining democracy in terms of specific political freedoms and rights. It thus remains useful to examine democratization concretely, as an evolving set of practices, mediated by culture, history, and place. Accordingly, this paper presents an account of the struggles over democratic practice that took place on Hong Kong university campuses beginning in the transitional mid-1990s, on the eve of the hand-over of the former British colony to China. The author argues that the activist students' attempts to launch a public dialogue about the level of political representation available to them reflected wider societal concerns about Hong Kong's future autonomy and local people's political voice. At the heart of the students' critique was the conviction that the representative democracy practiced on campuses in Hong Kong was a form of bureaucratic dominance whose aim was to depoliticize the universities through the micromanagement of dissent.

“民主”和“民主化”是后冷战时代被引用最广泛的术语之一。然而，尽管西方坚持将民主狭隘地定义为特定的政治自由和权利，但它们的含义仍存在争议。因此，将民主化作为一套不断演变的实践，以文化、历史和地域为媒介来具体考察，仍然是有用的。因此，本文介绍了上世纪90年代中期香港大学校园中发生的民主实践斗争，也就是在这个前英国殖民地移交给中国的前夕。作者认为，活动学生试图就他们可获得的政治代表权水平展开公开对话，反映了社会对香港未来自治和当地人民政治声音的更广泛关注。学生们批评的核心是这样一种信念，即香港校园里实行的代议制民主是一种官僚统治形式，其目的是通过对异见人士的微观管理，使大学非政治化。

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引用次数: 2

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