Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415775
S. Niner
Abstract This article covers the tortuous political journey of the East Timorese from 1974, traversing the last quarter century of brutal Indonesian occupation. It outlines the political antecedents of the National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT) and assesses the leadership role of Xanana Gusmāo as its president. Fretilin, the pro-independence front, formed the basis of the resistance to Indonesian occupation into the late 1970s, until it was devastated by Indonesian military repression. In March 1981, after several difficult years of reorganization, a National Conference resulted in an overhaul of resistance structures. Xanana Gusmāo was elected president of the new National Council for Revolutionary Resistance (CRRN), and commander in chief of Falintil, Fretilin's armed wing. In 1987, increasingly frustrated by internal political wrangling, Xanana declared Falintil to be non-partisan and established the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM), a nationalist umbrella council that he hoped would encompass all resistance forces. With José Ramos Horta as the special representative of CNRM abroad and a growing urban-based clandestine movement, the struggle developed a more sophisticated and international diplomatic face. This new dynamic of inclusiveness and non-partisan nationalist strategy, born with CNRM, matured with the creation of the CNRT in 1998. With an even broader support base CNRT offered voting rights to all major political parties and to nationalist, cultural, and religious groupings both inside and outside East Timor. Xanana Gusmāo has recently passionately asserted CNRT and Falintil's place in the future independent Timor Loro'sae.
{"title":"A long journey of resistance: The origins and struggle of the CNRT","authors":"S. Niner","doi":"10.1080/14672715.2000.10415775","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415775","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article covers the tortuous political journey of the East Timorese from 1974, traversing the last quarter century of brutal Indonesian occupation. It outlines the political antecedents of the National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT) and assesses the leadership role of Xanana Gusmāo as its president. Fretilin, the pro-independence front, formed the basis of the resistance to Indonesian occupation into the late 1970s, until it was devastated by Indonesian military repression. In March 1981, after several difficult years of reorganization, a National Conference resulted in an overhaul of resistance structures. Xanana Gusmāo was elected president of the new National Council for Revolutionary Resistance (CRRN), and commander in chief of Falintil, Fretilin's armed wing. In 1987, increasingly frustrated by internal political wrangling, Xanana declared Falintil to be non-partisan and established the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM), a nationalist umbrella council that he hoped would encompass all resistance forces. With José Ramos Horta as the special representative of CNRM abroad and a growing urban-based clandestine movement, the struggle developed a more sophisticated and international diplomatic face. This new dynamic of inclusiveness and non-partisan nationalist strategy, born with CNRM, matured with the creation of the CNRT in 1998. With an even broader support base CNRT offered voting rights to all major political parties and to nationalist, cultural, and religious groupings both inside and outside East Timor. Xanana Gusmāo has recently passionately asserted CNRT and Falintil's place in the future independent Timor Loro'sae.","PeriodicalId":84339,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars","volume":"32 1","pages":"11 - 18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415775","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59811326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415782
A. Nairn
Abstract This is a slightly edited unofficial transcript of the statement made by Allan Nairn at hearings on the Humanitarian Crisis in East Timor, held before the International Operations and Human Rights Subcommittee of the U.S. House Committee on International Relations on 30 September 1999, in Washington, D.C. Following Nairn's statement are excerpts from the discussion with committee members. Material in brackets and footnotes has been added by the editors. Thanks to David Bourchier for assistance in identifying Indonesian military officers. […] signifies omitted portions of the testimony. The text of this testimony was transcribed from an audio tape. At two points noted in the text names were indecipherable.
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Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415798
1999, Oct. 25 Abdurrahman Wahid, chairman of the large Islamic association Nahdatul Ulama and leader of the Party ofNational Awakening is elected as Indonesia's fourth president by the People's Consultative Assembly; he nominates Megawati Sukamoputri, runner-up in the presidential contest, as vice president. InterFET forces make an amphibious landing at Oecussi, the East Timorese enclave in West Timor, discovering that destruction prior to Indonesian withdrawal had left only one building in the town with a roof. Xanana Gusmao returns to East Timor after seven years. Security Council resolution 1272 establishes the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (Untaet). ABRl
{"title":"Glossary","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/14672715.2000.10415798","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415798","url":null,"abstract":"1999, Oct. 25 Abdurrahman Wahid, chairman of the large Islamic association Nahdatul Ulama and leader of the Party ofNational Awakening is elected as Indonesia's fourth president by the People's Consultative Assembly; he nominates Megawati Sukamoputri, runner-up in the presidential contest, as vice president. InterFET forces make an amphibious landing at Oecussi, the East Timorese enclave in West Timor, discovering that destruction prior to Indonesian withdrawal had left only one building in the town with a roof. Xanana Gusmao returns to East Timor after seven years. Security Council resolution 1272 establishes the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (Untaet). ABRl","PeriodicalId":84339,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars","volume":"32 1","pages":"138 - 141"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415798","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59813003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415799
East Timor Action Network/U.S.
Buibere: Voice ofEast Timorese Women. Compiled by Rebecca Winters. 106 pp. East Timor International Support Centre, Australia. 1999. $12. East Timor and the U.N: The Case for Intervention. By Geoffrey C. Gunn. UN documents, with commentary and call to action. Red Sea Press, US, 1997. 240 pp. $20. East Timor: Genocide in Paradise. By Matthew Jardine. Basics that Americans should know. 95 pp. Odonian/Common Courage Press, US, 1999. $8 (new edition). East Timor: The Price of Freedom. By John G. Taylor. Authoritative history of East Timor up to the arrival of the UN peacekeepers. 272 pp. Zed Books, UK, 1999. $22.50. East Timor s Unfinished Struggle: Inside the Timorese Resistance. By Constancio Pinto and Matthew Jardine. Firsthand account. 292 pp. South End Press, US, 1996. $16. From the Place ofthe Dead: The Epic Struggles ofBishop Belo ofEast Timor. By Arnold S. Kohen. Biography of the 1996 Nobel Prize winner. 331 pp., hardcover. St. Martin's Press, US, 1999. $28. Funu: The Unfinished Saga ofEast Timor. By 1996 Nobel Peace Prize winner Jose Ramos Horta. Personal history and how the UN deals with East Timor. 208 pp. Red Sea Press, US, 1987 (reprinted 1996). $15. Generations ofResistance: East Timor. Photographs by Steve Cox, historical introduction by Peter Carey. Extraordinary photos ofEast Timor under occupation, including eight in color of the Dili massacre. Cassell, UK, 1995. Large format, 120 pp. $22. Indonesia: Arms Trade to a Military Regime. Overview of Indonesia's military plus detailed chapters on their weapons suppliers: Australia, the US, Canada, and ten European countries. 124 pp. European Network Against Arms Trade, Amsterdam, 1997. $8. International Law and the Question ofEast Timor. Analysis by legal experts. 352 pp. Catholic Institute for International Relations and the International Platform of Jurists for East Timor, UK. 1995. $26 ($15 for activists).
{"title":"Educational resources on East Timor","authors":"East Timor Action Network/U.S.","doi":"10.1080/14672715.2000.10415799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415799","url":null,"abstract":"Buibere: Voice ofEast Timorese Women. Compiled by Rebecca Winters. 106 pp. East Timor International Support Centre, Australia. 1999. $12. East Timor and the U.N: The Case for Intervention. By Geoffrey C. Gunn. UN documents, with commentary and call to action. Red Sea Press, US, 1997. 240 pp. $20. East Timor: Genocide in Paradise. By Matthew Jardine. Basics that Americans should know. 95 pp. Odonian/Common Courage Press, US, 1999. $8 (new edition). East Timor: The Price of Freedom. By John G. Taylor. Authoritative history of East Timor up to the arrival of the UN peacekeepers. 272 pp. Zed Books, UK, 1999. $22.50. East Timor s Unfinished Struggle: Inside the Timorese Resistance. By Constancio Pinto and Matthew Jardine. Firsthand account. 292 pp. South End Press, US, 1996. $16. From the Place ofthe Dead: The Epic Struggles ofBishop Belo ofEast Timor. By Arnold S. Kohen. Biography of the 1996 Nobel Prize winner. 331 pp., hardcover. St. Martin's Press, US, 1999. $28. Funu: The Unfinished Saga ofEast Timor. By 1996 Nobel Peace Prize winner Jose Ramos Horta. Personal history and how the UN deals with East Timor. 208 pp. Red Sea Press, US, 1987 (reprinted 1996). $15. Generations ofResistance: East Timor. Photographs by Steve Cox, historical introduction by Peter Carey. Extraordinary photos ofEast Timor under occupation, including eight in color of the Dili massacre. Cassell, UK, 1995. Large format, 120 pp. $22. Indonesia: Arms Trade to a Military Regime. Overview of Indonesia's military plus detailed chapters on their weapons suppliers: Australia, the US, Canada, and ten European countries. 124 pp. European Network Against Arms Trade, Amsterdam, 1997. $8. International Law and the Question ofEast Timor. Analysis by legal experts. 352 pp. Catholic Institute for International Relations and the International Platform of Jurists for East Timor, UK. 1995. $26 ($15 for activists).","PeriodicalId":84339,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars","volume":"32 1","pages":"142 - 143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415799","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59813051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415792
Sylvia Tiwon
Abstract Fears over the disintegration of the ethnically diverse and far-flung Indonesian state were behind the Indonesian army's reluctance to grant independence to East Timor, even in the wake of the overwhelming pro-independence vote in August 1999, according to this article. The same fears might also explain the hesitancy of the international community (the United States in particular) to send in UN peacekeeping forces without an explicit “invitation” from the Indonesian government. Against the backdrop of East Timor and—more particularly—the ongoing independence struggle in Aceh (at the western end of the Indonesian archipelago), the author examines the question of nation-building in a multi-ethnic state such as Indonesia. Intent to go beyond generalities about state unity and disintegration, the author strives to look closely at some of the contradictory elements of the nation-building project under the New Order regime of Suharto and his successors. The origins, aims, and operations of the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh Movement, GAM) are presented in some detail.
{"title":"From East Timor to Aceh: The disintegration of Indonesia?","authors":"Sylvia Tiwon","doi":"10.1080/14672715.2000.10415792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415792","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Fears over the disintegration of the ethnically diverse and far-flung Indonesian state were behind the Indonesian army's reluctance to grant independence to East Timor, even in the wake of the overwhelming pro-independence vote in August 1999, according to this article. The same fears might also explain the hesitancy of the international community (the United States in particular) to send in UN peacekeeping forces without an explicit “invitation” from the Indonesian government. Against the backdrop of East Timor and—more particularly—the ongoing independence struggle in Aceh (at the western end of the Indonesian archipelago), the author examines the question of nation-building in a multi-ethnic state such as Indonesia. Intent to go beyond generalities about state unity and disintegration, the author strives to look closely at some of the contradictory elements of the nation-building project under the New Order regime of Suharto and his successors. The origins, aims, and operations of the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh Movement, GAM) are presented in some detail.","PeriodicalId":84339,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars","volume":"32 1","pages":"104 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415792","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59812559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415790
Coki Naipospos
Abstract This article examines the issue of East Timor in the overall context of Indonesian politics. Once an issue that failed to capture the attention of the major political groups in Indonesia, East Timor moved higher on the agenda of Indonesian pro-democracy activists in the wake of the massacre of Timorese citizens in the Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili in November 1991. Indeed, some pro-democracy activists began to see the fight for democracy in Indonesia and for the right of the East Timorese people to self-determination as parts of the same struggle. The author identifies racism as the main reason why the East Timor issue has never been prominent in Indonesian reform discourse and contends that three groups in Indonesia have been aggressively promoting a narrow nationalism and jingoism that portrays the independence struggle of the East Timorese as the work of conspiratorial outsiders and third parties. These groups are the Indonesian national army, various Islamic political groups, and associates of Abdurrahman Wahid, the president of the Central Board of Nahdatul Ulama (Moslem Scholars) and the recently elected president of Indonesia.
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Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415779
Eliza Gomes
{"title":"Birth in the great Mountain Tatamailau","authors":"Eliza Gomes","doi":"10.1080/14672715.2000.10415779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415779","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84339,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars","volume":"32 1","pages":"26 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415779","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59811795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415781
Peter Bartu
Abstract Located along the border with West Timor, Bobonaro district consistently rated among the districts with the highest incidences of political violence during the Unamet-run Popular Consultation. Elite members of the District Administration, who stood to lose all if the autonomy option lost, and the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), who would have to withdraw from East Timor, pulled out all stops to improve the chances of an autonomy vote. A parallel track of coercion and violence was pursued through militia proxies to ensure the systematic control of the whole population while irreversibly altering the political space in favor of the pro-autonomy cause. The TNI-militia relationship was anchored in strategies devised as far back as 1994: home-grown East Timorese forces would bear the brunt of field and urban operations against Falintil and pro-independence supporters. However, attempts to develop the militia into an institution in its own right, separate from the TNI, ultimately failed during Unamet's tenure. Over the different phases of the Consultation the militia groups gradually fell apart. The East Timorese people and rank and file militia members passively rejected their instructions and ultimately many left the organization. By the time of the Consultation on 30 August 1999 the TNI and the Indonesian Police (Polri), including East Timorese in both units, became increasingly responsible for all violence and intimidation. The precision and confidence with which they executed their strategies indicates coordination from the highest levels.
{"title":"The militia, the military, and the people of Bobonaro district","authors":"Peter Bartu","doi":"10.1080/14672715.2000.10415781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415781","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Located along the border with West Timor, Bobonaro district consistently rated among the districts with the highest incidences of political violence during the Unamet-run Popular Consultation. Elite members of the District Administration, who stood to lose all if the autonomy option lost, and the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), who would have to withdraw from East Timor, pulled out all stops to improve the chances of an autonomy vote. A parallel track of coercion and violence was pursued through militia proxies to ensure the systematic control of the whole population while irreversibly altering the political space in favor of the pro-autonomy cause. The TNI-militia relationship was anchored in strategies devised as far back as 1994: home-grown East Timorese forces would bear the brunt of field and urban operations against Falintil and pro-independence supporters. However, attempts to develop the militia into an institution in its own right, separate from the TNI, ultimately failed during Unamet's tenure. Over the different phases of the Consultation the militia groups gradually fell apart. The East Timorese people and rank and file militia members passively rejected their instructions and ultimately many left the organization. By the time of the Consultation on 30 August 1999 the TNI and the Indonesian Police (Polri), including East Timorese in both units, became increasingly responsible for all violence and intimidation. The precision and confidence with which they executed their strategies indicates coordination from the highest levels.","PeriodicalId":84339,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars","volume":"41 1","pages":"35 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415781","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59811945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415787
R. Tanter
Abstract This article begins by asking how it was that Indonesia was able to sustain its illegal invasion of East Timor for almost a quarter of a century; and how Suharto was able to rule Indonesia for more than three decades without domestic legitimacy and relying on massive state violence toward the Indonesian citizenry. The argument concentrates on the political-economic characteristics of the Indonesian rentier-militarist state, which alone made Suharto's rule viable, and outlines the connections between the erosion of those characteristics and the fall of Suharto and collapse of Jakarta's rule in East Timor. The article next sketches the role of Indonesian intelligence organizations and special forces in the last phase of Indonesia's occupation of East Timor; it then outlines the role of surveillance and terror in New Order Indonesia, and introduces the institutions that make up the Indonesian intelligence state. Finally, it concludes by briefly discussing the possible future of the Indonesian intelligence state under the Wahid administration.
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Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2000.10415788
D. Bouchier
{"title":"Holding the reins of power: Indonesia' top-ranking military officers in East Timor","authors":"D. Bouchier","doi":"10.1080/14672715.2000.10415788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415788","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84339,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of concerned Asian scholars","volume":"32 1","pages":"74 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415788","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59812708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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