Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2021.1911544
S. A. Madiukova, O. A. Persidskaia
ABSTRACT This article examines the ethno-economic structure’s potential for the development of regional economic models, as well as the specific forms and practices of ethno-economic neotraditionalism in the life of ethnic groups in the Tuva and Altai republics. We consider specific ethnocultural traditions and traditional livelihood of Tuvan and Altai peoples as resources for increasing regional economic stability. On the other hand, our analysis of the ways neotraditionalism manifests allows us to document such neotraditional trends as rationalization and commercialization of the traditional and the tendency to replace authentic culture with ersatz forms. We identify the specific spheres in and mechanisms by which the traditional is monetized: ethno-tourism and traditional environmental management, ethno-cuisine and ethno-fashion, throat-singing as a brand, and the noncompetitiveness of ethnic languages.
{"title":"Ethno-Economics in Action: The Case of Tuva and Altai","authors":"S. A. Madiukova, O. A. Persidskaia","doi":"10.1080/10611428.2021.1911544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911544","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the ethno-economic structure’s potential for the development of regional economic models, as well as the specific forms and practices of ethno-economic neotraditionalism in the life of ethnic groups in the Tuva and Altai republics. We consider specific ethnocultural traditions and traditional livelihood of Tuvan and Altai peoples as resources for increasing regional economic stability. On the other hand, our analysis of the ways neotraditionalism manifests allows us to document such neotraditional trends as rationalization and commercialization of the traditional and the tendency to replace authentic culture with ersatz forms. We identify the specific spheres in and mechanisms by which the traditional is monetized: ethno-tourism and traditional environmental management, ethno-cuisine and ethno-fashion, throat-singing as a brand, and the noncompetitiveness of ethnic languages.","PeriodicalId":85479,"journal":{"name":"Russian social science review : a journal of translations","volume":"62 1","pages":"240 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911544","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47622473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2021.1911543
Iu.V. Popkov, E.A. Tiugashev
ABSTRACT This article surveys the conceptual assumptions behind research into the connection between ethnocultural diversity and the social mechanisms of economic life. It identifies ideas from the classics of political economy on this particular topic with special emphasis on the nation-centric, which documents the decisive impact of climate conditions, type of economy, cultural specifics, and unique features of the national character on the economic specialization of nations. It considers ethnocultural diversity as an additional economic resource. It identifies ecological–economic ideas about the stability and productivity of ecological communities, which it uses to interpret the role of ethnocultural diversity in the socioeconomic development of interethnic communities and in ensuring their social stability and economic productivity. By analyzing a geographically localized economy as an interethnic community, it draws conclusions about the beneficial effects of ethnocultural diversity on economic development and interethnic relations, provided that foreign ethnocultural groups are successfully integrated into the host community.
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Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2021.1911535
L. Drobizheva
ABSTRACT This article discusses how national identity in Russia is understood by the public and among experts who study ethnic issues. The author separates the notion of national identity into categorical identity and associative identity (i.e., the consolidating type of identity which is based on a strong feeling of connection with other citizens). The latter type of identity is present only among a third of people who identify themselves as Russian. The author further analyzes the connection of this type of identity with inter-ethnic negativism. She finds that national identity does not remove bias toward abstract “others.” However, it affects direct inter-ethnic communication in the labor and family spheres. The positive impact of national identity on inter-ethnic attitudes is more apparent in the Astrakhan region, which has longer experience of inter-ethnic communication. It is argued that one obstacle to national identity having a positive impact on inter-ethnic attitudes is the lack of a clear and consistent understanding of national identity among education experts, social scientists, and journalists. The study utilizes data from Wave 24 of the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey conducted by the Institute of Sociology (“The dynamics of social transformation of modern Russia in the socioeconomic, political, sociocultural, and ethno-confessional contexts,” Wave 4) and several separate regional polls conducted by the Department of Ethno-sociology of the Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences between 2014 and 2016.
{"title":"National Identity as a Means of Reducing Ethnic Negativism","authors":"L. Drobizheva","doi":"10.1080/10611428.2021.1911535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911535","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses how national identity in Russia is understood by the public and among experts who study ethnic issues. The author separates the notion of national identity into categorical identity and associative identity (i.e., the consolidating type of identity which is based on a strong feeling of connection with other citizens). The latter type of identity is present only among a third of people who identify themselves as Russian. The author further analyzes the connection of this type of identity with inter-ethnic negativism. She finds that national identity does not remove bias toward abstract “others.” However, it affects direct inter-ethnic communication in the labor and family spheres. The positive impact of national identity on inter-ethnic attitudes is more apparent in the Astrakhan region, which has longer experience of inter-ethnic communication. It is argued that one obstacle to national identity having a positive impact on inter-ethnic attitudes is the lack of a clear and consistent understanding of national identity among education experts, social scientists, and journalists. The study utilizes data from Wave 24 of the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey conducted by the Institute of Sociology (“The dynamics of social transformation of modern Russia in the socioeconomic, political, sociocultural, and ethno-confessional contexts,” Wave 4) and several separate regional polls conducted by the Department of Ethno-sociology of the Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences between 2014 and 2016.","PeriodicalId":85479,"journal":{"name":"Russian social science review : a journal of translations","volume":"62 1","pages":"139 - 162"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911535","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43845401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2021.1911529
A. Malashenko, Y. Nisnevich, A. Ryabov
ABSTRACT The article is dedicated to analysis of the phenomenon typically referred to as “barbarism,” which remains in social and political practice to this day. The authors focus on so-called “vertical barbarism.” Unlike the “horizontal” barbarism known since antiquity, this type of barbarism relates not to a direct clash of peoples, but to complex social processes, in particular to powerful vertical mobility and a massive increase in opportunities for broad segments of population to gain access to achievements of civilization. The authors believe that the birth of vertical barbarism relates to the phenomenon described by the Spanish philosopher Ortega y Gasset as “the revolt of the masses.” This was one of the most significant social and cultural shifts in human history, when the development of democracy and industrial technology gave rise to a new kind of social space that brought the “mass man” to the forefront of social and political life. As a result of the revolt of the masses, during the first half of the 20th century, a wave of vertical barbarism swept across Europe, leading to the establishment of fascist, Nazi, and right-wing authoritarian regimes in a series of European countries. After the end of World War II, this first wave of vertical barbarism receded in favor of the formation of consumer society, in which the mass man turned from an aggressive political subject into its relatively passive object. The authors interpret the political engagement of the mass man in recent years as a new wave of vertical barbarism. They believe that behind this wave lie the fear and frustration of a mass man who has failed to adapt to the sharp expansion of his living space, and the qualitative transformation of the social sphere caused by the late 19th–early 20th century development of democracy and technological revolution. This situation is aggravated by a lack of appropriate attention to these shifts by the political structures and powers that be, which leads to a sense of abandonment that motivates the mass man to revolt against the established order and challenge modern civilization.
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Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2021.1911542
S. Sergeev
For over twenty-five years, from 1992 to 2017, Tatarstan claimed a special place among Russian regions. But its luck changed in late 2016, when a string of banks started to fail. One of the first to fail, in December 2016, was the public joint-stock company Tatfondbank, the second largest bank in the republic, which was headed by Ildar Khalikov, the prime minister of Tatarstan. The second most significant event in the republic’s political life was the termination of a contract on the delimitation of powers with the federal center. This agreement was signed in 2007 for a term of ten years. The ruling elite hoped the agreement would be extended when it expired in the summer of 2017, but their hopes were in vain. In the summer and fall of 2017, a “language crisis” broke out in the republic, after Vladimir Putin stated that no one should be forced to study non-native languages. It is possible that the regional authorities did not initially believe that the federal center seriously intended to force them to change parity in the teaching of the Tatar and Russian languages. But after the procurator’s office started conducting pointed checks of the republic’s schools, even the most stubborn were forced to comply: now in most secondary schools the Tatar language is only taught for two hours a week (sometimes an additional hour is added for the study of Tatar literature) and only with the written consent of parents. Minister of Education and Science of Tatarstan Engel Fattakhov resigned. The online newspaper Business Online (which, as far as we can determine, has close ties to one of Tatarstan’s sub-elite groups) made the case that there was an “undeclared hybrid war” being waged by “federal clans” against Tatarstan and that the goal of this war was to “pillage the republic.” Officials rushed to distance themselves from these statements: “ . . . I don’t
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Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2021.1911539
L. P. Strelkova
Children’s literature is an inexhaustible wellspring of the most varied emotions. Stories, fairy tales, vivid descriptions of the relationships between characters, their actions in various situations, the effect of their good and bad deeds on the emotional states of the protagonists all provoke an immediate response in children: sympathy for the victims and animosity toward the villains. This process combines judgments about the characters with emotional attitudes toward them and involves formation of a corresponding moral-emotional attitude toward the characters (Zaporozhets, 1948). On the methodological level, the most important aspect of the problem at hand are the ideas formulated by A.V. Zaporozhets (1948) and D.M. Aranovskaia (1944), that, first of all, perception of literary fiction is a special internal creative activity and, second, as a result of it, in the course of sympathizing with and feeling compassion for the characters, children develop a new emotional attitude toward those around them. In analyzing the laws governing adults’ perception of literary fiction, O.I. Nikiforova (1968) emphasizes the role of readers’ creative and emotional energy in this process and argues for the need to purposefully analyze the literary text. It should be noted that children’s emotional energy reflects, in essence, sympathy, compassion, and an internal co-acting [sodeistvie] with the works’ characters. All Soviet and foreign researchers approach these emotional states within the framework of the single problem of empathy. However, it should be noted that some foreign authors differentiate between sympathy [soperezhivanie] and compassion [sochuvstvie] (Allport, 1924; Scheler, 1926; Asch, 1952; Ballon, 1967; Wilmer, 1968; Stotland, 1971).
{"title":"Development of Empathy through Stories","authors":"L. P. Strelkova","doi":"10.1080/10611428.2021.1911539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911539","url":null,"abstract":"Children’s literature is an inexhaustible wellspring of the most varied emotions. Stories, fairy tales, vivid descriptions of the relationships between characters, their actions in various situations, the effect of their good and bad deeds on the emotional states of the protagonists all provoke an immediate response in children: sympathy for the victims and animosity toward the villains. This process combines judgments about the characters with emotional attitudes toward them and involves formation of a corresponding moral-emotional attitude toward the characters (Zaporozhets, 1948). On the methodological level, the most important aspect of the problem at hand are the ideas formulated by A.V. Zaporozhets (1948) and D.M. Aranovskaia (1944), that, first of all, perception of literary fiction is a special internal creative activity and, second, as a result of it, in the course of sympathizing with and feeling compassion for the characters, children develop a new emotional attitude toward those around them. In analyzing the laws governing adults’ perception of literary fiction, O.I. Nikiforova (1968) emphasizes the role of readers’ creative and emotional energy in this process and argues for the need to purposefully analyze the literary text. It should be noted that children’s emotional energy reflects, in essence, sympathy, compassion, and an internal co-acting [sodeistvie] with the works’ characters. All Soviet and foreign researchers approach these emotional states within the framework of the single problem of empathy. However, it should be noted that some foreign authors differentiate between sympathy [soperezhivanie] and compassion [sochuvstvie] (Allport, 1924; Scheler, 1926; Asch, 1952; Ballon, 1967; Wilmer, 1968; Stotland, 1971).","PeriodicalId":85479,"journal":{"name":"Russian social science review : a journal of translations","volume":"62 1","pages":"175 - 198"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911539","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46536298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2021.1911531
N. Nagovitsyna
ABSTRACT The article presents the procedure and results of a linguistic experimental study of the cognitive characteristics underlying basic ideas about patriotism in the modern Russian language consciousness as identified by the author from previous studies of the semantic content of the concept of PATRIOTISM in accordance with language data. The purpose of the study is to verify the data that was obtained as a result of an analysis of language and textual material as well as to clarify the specific features of how the concept of PATRIOTISM is embodied in the consciousness of modern Russian speakers. The study is based on language data obtained from an associative chain experiment (associations of the word stimulus “patriotism”) that was conducted by the author and involved a sample of 100 respondents. The methodological basis of the study consists of the theoretical foundations and principles for analyzing the “language of national culture” that have been developed by modern Russian sociolinguistics within the framework of the cognitive-oriented anthropocentric paradigm proposed by the modern humanities. The study borrows methods from modern conceptual analysis as well as methods that are used to conduct associative chain experiments. As a result, we were able to verify and clarify the current semantic content of the concept of PATRIOTISM, including 17 cognitive characteristics, within the national conceptual space. The main results of the study can be used when drafting teaching and classroom guidelines and lesson plans as well as in the practice of teaching Russian as a foreign language. They can also be applied in compiling new types of dictionaries, including dictionaries of concepts and thesauri of sociolinguistics.
{"title":"The Linguistic Representation of the Concept of PATRIOTISM in the Modern Russian Language Consciousness (on the Basis of Data from an Associative Chain Experiment)","authors":"N. Nagovitsyna","doi":"10.1080/10611428.2021.1911531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911531","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article presents the procedure and results of a linguistic experimental study of the cognitive characteristics underlying basic ideas about patriotism in the modern Russian language consciousness as identified by the author from previous studies of the semantic content of the concept of PATRIOTISM in accordance with language data. The purpose of the study is to verify the data that was obtained as a result of an analysis of language and textual material as well as to clarify the specific features of how the concept of PATRIOTISM is embodied in the consciousness of modern Russian speakers. The study is based on language data obtained from an associative chain experiment (associations of the word stimulus “patriotism”) that was conducted by the author and involved a sample of 100 respondents. The methodological basis of the study consists of the theoretical foundations and principles for analyzing the “language of national culture” that have been developed by modern Russian sociolinguistics within the framework of the cognitive-oriented anthropocentric paradigm proposed by the modern humanities. The study borrows methods from modern conceptual analysis as well as methods that are used to conduct associative chain experiments. As a result, we were able to verify and clarify the current semantic content of the concept of PATRIOTISM, including 17 cognitive characteristics, within the national conceptual space. The main results of the study can be used when drafting teaching and classroom guidelines and lesson plans as well as in the practice of teaching Russian as a foreign language. They can also be applied in compiling new types of dictionaries, including dictionaries of concepts and thesauri of sociolinguistics.","PeriodicalId":85479,"journal":{"name":"Russian social science review : a journal of translations","volume":"62 1","pages":"129 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911531","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44358747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2021.1911538
V. Markina
ABSTRACT The article provides an overview of relevant theoretical models of the stereotyping and representation of otherness. Based on an analysis of examples from literature and the mass media, the author follows S. Gilman in comparing the pathological and non-pathological forms for perceiving and representing Others. The first set of approaches takes a hegemonic attitude to otherness, whereas the second one recognizes that otherness has its own value. The author describes and gives examples of such pathological forms as depersonification, fragmentation, fetishization, exotization, pathologization, and homogenization. In addition, the author identifies three counter-strategies (nonpathological forms) for representing Others that are practiced in the media that challenge, overcome, and transform the dominant mode of representation: the creation of new positive stereotypes about Others; the application of positive images to those manifestations of otherness that are perceived as purely negative and undesirable; and finally the search for and confrontation of ambivalent stereotypes that are attributed to Others through a critical analysis of the discourse and allowing people who have been othered to be heard.
{"title":"The Representation of Others in the Media: The (Re)production of Stereotypes and Counter-Strategies for the Depiction of Otherness","authors":"V. Markina","doi":"10.1080/10611428.2021.1911538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911538","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article provides an overview of relevant theoretical models of the stereotyping and representation of otherness. Based on an analysis of examples from literature and the mass media, the author follows S. Gilman in comparing the pathological and non-pathological forms for perceiving and representing Others. The first set of approaches takes a hegemonic attitude to otherness, whereas the second one recognizes that otherness has its own value. The author describes and gives examples of such pathological forms as depersonification, fragmentation, fetishization, exotization, pathologization, and homogenization. In addition, the author identifies three counter-strategies (nonpathological forms) for representing Others that are practiced in the media that challenge, overcome, and transform the dominant mode of representation: the creation of new positive stereotypes about Others; the application of positive images to those manifestations of otherness that are perceived as purely negative and undesirable; and finally the search for and confrontation of ambivalent stereotypes that are attributed to Others through a critical analysis of the discourse and allowing people who have been othered to be heard.","PeriodicalId":85479,"journal":{"name":"Russian social science review : a journal of translations","volume":"62 1","pages":"163 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10611428.2021.1911538","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45055799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2021.1911526
B. Kolonitsky
One certainty is that the emergence of new approaches to studying the 1917 Russian Revolution will be determined not solely by the current historiographic situation but also by society’s expectations. For several years now, foreign colleagues have been asking: “How are people in Russia planning to mark the revolution’s centennial? How are they proposing to organize celebrations of the anniversary?” I usually laughed off the question, recalling the famous phrase about the “country with an unpredictable past.” Still, I did have some basis for making predictions (Kolonitskii, 2017). Not all of my assumptions proved correct, but some tendencies were easy to foresee. After all, politicians and public figures, writers and scholars, journalists and filmmakers all have rather limited financial and organizational resources for holding anniversary events, and the pool of qualified specialists needed to stage celebrations is rather small. Furthermore, the main participants in this process are constrained by their own past statements and actions. There are famous cases, of course, where commentators and even historians have made total about-faces, but such changes of heart affected their reputation and, as a rule, were unlikely to enhance their authority. Just as important in the politics of memory are the knowledge and experiences of the masses, their ability to accurately process the information targeted at them. Finally, any memorial project needs at least a minimum of scholarly help. Of course, court historians are always ready to do as they are bid, although the cynical idea that the population can be fed any image of the past is dangerous even in the middle-term perspective. In the late 1980s we witnessed how public awareness of history’s “white [blank] spots” or its “black holes” became a serious factor in political destabilization.
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Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1080/10611428.2020.1852042
Y. Nisnevich, A. Ryabov
ABSTRACT This article examines the problems of the rise and consolidation of authoritarian regimes in former Soviet countries. The authors analyze the reasons why the transition to democracy failed in these newly independent states, including the absence of a strong tradition of civil society and the fact that the anti-communist revolution that took place in the Soviet Union in 1991 was not preceded by a “revolution of values.” An important reason for the suspension of transitions to democracy was that the new ruling elite, which held a monopoly on power and property in former Soviet countries, had no interest in further market and democratic reforms. In their analysis of reasons for the stability of authoritarian regimes, the authors focus mainly on factors like the roles of the institution of power-property, of the nomenklatura as the ruling class, and of the patronage state. At the same time, this article looks at factors that could limit the development of authoritarian regimes in the former Soviet Union; these factors include competing political identities in society, the balance of power between regional elites, and the de-nomenklaturization of the political elite. The authors note that the main problem on the path of the transition to democracy is the absence of political and social actors interested in such changes.
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