{"title":"Nietzsche in China: An Annotated Bibliography.Cheung Chiu-yee","authors":"David Kelly","doi":"10.2307/2949936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949936","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"31 1","pages":"182-182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949936","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68703810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"From Friend to Comrade: The Founding of the Chinese Communist Party. 1920- 1927.Hans J. van de Ven","authors":"K. Shum","doi":"10.2307/2949938","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949938","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"31 1","pages":"185-187"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949938","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68703827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How can China best establish a prosperous democracy? I agree with Gordon White on most of the important issues. We both believe that democracy is highly desirable and feasible in China. The debate about democracy in China often centres on the question of whether or not Chinese culture is compatible with democracy, but that will not be at issue here, as both Gordon and I believe it is. We also agree that despite 'even because of' its economic success, the current government faces political problems so severe that fundamental political reform is an urgent necessity. We agree too that legitimacy is one of the most pressing political issues. We also share the grave concern that if political reform is mishandled, it could result in chaos and violence; or luan, as Chinese commentators are wont to say. Both of us view avoidance of this as a fundamental priority. Finally, neither of us believes that there is any quick or easy means by which China can establish a stable democracy or that democracy is a panacea for all other problems. The difference between us, then, is only on the matter of which means might best reach the end we both desire and avoid the dangers we both fear. Gordon White seeks to be a 'realist' and recommends a gradual transition from a totalistic regime to an authoritarian regime to a democratic regime so as to preserve as much continuity and stability as possible. He fears the results of an early attempt at democracy. His proposal calls for a moderate authoritarian government composed of enlightened leaders that would from its inception be committed to
{"title":"Democracy or Dictatorship?: A Response to Gordon White","authors":"Barrett L. McCormick","doi":"10.2307/2949902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949902","url":null,"abstract":"How can China best establish a prosperous democracy? I agree with Gordon White on most of the important issues. We both believe that democracy is highly desirable and feasible in China. The debate about democracy in China often centres on the question of whether or not Chinese culture is compatible with democracy, but that will not be at issue here, as both Gordon and I believe it is. We also agree that despite 'even because of' its economic success, the current government faces political problems so severe that fundamental political reform is an urgent necessity. We agree too that legitimacy is one of the most pressing political issues. We also share the grave concern that if political reform is mishandled, it could result in chaos and violence; or luan, as Chinese commentators are wont to say. Both of us view avoidance of this as a fundamental priority. Finally, neither of us believes that there is any quick or easy means by which China can establish a stable democracy or that democracy is a panacea for all other problems. The difference between us, then, is only on the matter of which means might best reach the end we both desire and avoid the dangers we both fear. Gordon White seeks to be a 'realist' and recommends a gradual transition from a totalistic regime to an authoritarian regime to a democratic regime so as to preserve as much continuity and stability as possible. He fears the results of an early attempt at democracy. His proposal calls for a moderate authoritarian government composed of enlightened leaders that would from its inception be committed to","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"1 1","pages":"95 - 110"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949902","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68704134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Ugly Chinaman and the Crisis of Chinese Culture.Bo Yang , Don J. Cohn , Jing Qing","authors":"Daniel Kane","doi":"10.2307/2949915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949915","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"31 1","pages":"144-145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949915","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68704253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Statecraft and Political Economy on the Taiwan Frontier, 1600-1800.John Robert Shepherd","authors":"Linong Zhou","doi":"10.2307/2949933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949933","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"31 1","pages":"176-177"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949933","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68703794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Beyond the Chinese Face: Insights from Psychology.Michael Harris Bond","authors":"Lung-kee Sun","doi":"10.2307/2949913","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949913","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"31 1","pages":"140-142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949913","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68704245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the late 1970s, the World Bank reported that China's 1976 per capita GDP was US$410. This was more than twice as high as India's, almost twice as high as Indonesia's (US$240) and higher than Thailand's (US$380). Over the next thirteen years, the same World Bank publications recorded average growth in real output per head in China at around 8 per cent per annum, which was substantially higher than in Thailand, and about twice as high as in India or Indonesia. During the same period, the real purchasing power of the US dollar fell by half. Yet the World Bank recorded China's per capita income in 1990 at US$370, about the same as India's (US$350), much less than Indonesia's (US$570), and about one-third that of Thailand (US$1,420).1 This is a puzzle which, pending its resolution, raises doubts about the whole statistical basis of our understanding of China's growth performance in the era of reform. Has China really not grown so fast over the past d6zen years; have the economists of the EMF, the World Bank and the world's main centres of scholarship been duped; and is China due one day for the sort of downgrading of perceived levels of output and rates of growth that Eastern Europe has experienced since the disintegration of the Berlin Wall? Or were the higher numbers for China's GDP that the World Bank was reporting a dozen years ago closer to the reality than the later, revised data, so that the recent data greatly underestimate GDP? The apparently conflicting observation of high growth and falling per capita GDP during the 1980s is partly a result of sizeable and successive depreciations of the Chinese currency (renminbi) relative to US dollars. But a
{"title":"How Rich is China?: Evidence from the Food Economy","authors":"R. Garnaut, Guonan Ma","doi":"10.2307/2949994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949994","url":null,"abstract":"In the late 1970s, the World Bank reported that China's 1976 per capita GDP was US$410. This was more than twice as high as India's, almost twice as high as Indonesia's (US$240) and higher than Thailand's (US$380). Over the next thirteen years, the same World Bank publications recorded average growth in real output per head in China at around 8 per cent per annum, which was substantially higher than in Thailand, and about twice as high as in India or Indonesia. During the same period, the real purchasing power of the US dollar fell by half. Yet the World Bank recorded China's per capita income in 1990 at US$370, about the same as India's (US$350), much less than Indonesia's (US$570), and about one-third that of Thailand (US$1,420).1 This is a puzzle which, pending its resolution, raises doubts about the whole statistical basis of our understanding of China's growth performance in the era of reform. Has China really not grown so fast over the past d6zen years; have the economists of the EMF, the World Bank and the world's main centres of scholarship been duped; and is China due one day for the sort of downgrading of perceived levels of output and rates of growth that Eastern Europe has experienced since the disintegration of the Berlin Wall? Or were the higher numbers for China's GDP that the World Bank was reporting a dozen years ago closer to the reality than the later, revised data, so that the recent data greatly underestimate GDP? The apparently conflicting observation of high growth and falling per capita GDP during the 1980s is partly a result of sizeable and successive depreciations of the Chinese currency (renminbi) relative to US dollars. But a","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"1 1","pages":"121 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949994","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68704701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The mid-1950s in China are still remembered as a time when 'doors were unbolted at night and no-one pocketed anything found on the road' (ye bu bi hu, dao bu shi yi). In recent years, complaints about corruption and social diversiveness have become prevalent, with people harking back to the honesty and sense of unity that reportedly prevailed during those early years of the People's Republic a period when society displayed, one criminologist has asserted, a standard of behaviour seldom seen in history.' The Fifties are now regarded by adult Chinese as a 'golden age'. Crime rates fell considerably up to 1957, but rose rapidly thereafter as a consequence of the political campaigns against Rightists. In 1956 the total crime rate was a mere 23 cases per 100,000 population.2 In 1957 it rose to 58, due largely to political arrests, and in 1958 to 120; 'counter-revolutionary crime' that year accounted for 45.8 per cent of all cases.3 The total number of
{"title":"Crime, Juvenile Delinquency and Deterrence Policy in China","authors":"B. Bakken","doi":"10.2307/2949991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949991","url":null,"abstract":"The mid-1950s in China are still remembered as a time when 'doors were unbolted at night and no-one pocketed anything found on the road' (ye bu bi hu, dao bu shi yi). In recent years, complaints about corruption and social diversiveness have become prevalent, with people harking back to the honesty and sense of unity that reportedly prevailed during those early years of the People's Republic a period when society displayed, one criminologist has asserted, a standard of behaviour seldom seen in history.' The Fifties are now regarded by adult Chinese as a 'golden age'. Crime rates fell considerably up to 1957, but rose rapidly thereafter as a consequence of the political campaigns against Rightists. In 1956 the total crime rate was a mere 23 cases per 100,000 population.2 In 1957 it rose to 58, due largely to political arrests, and in 1958 to 120; 'counter-revolutionary crime' that year accounted for 45.8 per cent of all cases.3 The total number of","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"1 1","pages":"29 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949991","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68704628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Most Sinologists view the Chinese nation as a relatively recent development, one that made the transition from empire to nation only around the turn of the twentieth century. This contrasts with the view of the Chinese nationalists and the ordinary people of China that their country is an ancient body that has evolved into present times. This split in the understanding of the Chinese nation cannot be easily resolved by Western theories of nationalism, whose assumptions are deeply embedded in modernization theory. In this paper, I propose a few alternative categories, inspired in part by post-modernist theories and in part by a comparative perspective, to understand both the question of the history of the nation as well as the related one about the nature of national identity. In the problematique of modernization theories the nation is a unique and unprecedented form of community which finds its place in the oppositions between empire and nation, tradition and modernity, and centre and periphery. As the new and sovereign subject of history, the nation embodies a moral force that allows it to supersede dynasties and ruling segments, which are seen as merely partial subjects representing only themselves through history. By contrast, the nation is a collective subject whose ideal periphery exists outside itself poised to realize its historical destiny in a modern future. ' To be sure, modernization theory has clarified many aspects of nationalism. But in its effort to see the nation as a collective subject of modernity, it obscures the nature of national identity. I propose instead that we view national identity as founded upon fluid relationships; it thus both resembles and is interchangeable with other political identities. If the dynamics of national identity lie within the same terrain as other political identities, we will need to break with two assumptions of modernization
{"title":"De-Constructing the Chinese Nation","authors":"Prasenjit Duara","doi":"10.2307/2949990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949990","url":null,"abstract":"Most Sinologists view the Chinese nation as a relatively recent development, one that made the transition from empire to nation only around the turn of the twentieth century. This contrasts with the view of the Chinese nationalists and the ordinary people of China that their country is an ancient body that has evolved into present times. This split in the understanding of the Chinese nation cannot be easily resolved by Western theories of nationalism, whose assumptions are deeply embedded in modernization theory. In this paper, I propose a few alternative categories, inspired in part by post-modernist theories and in part by a comparative perspective, to understand both the question of the history of the nation as well as the related one about the nature of national identity. In the problematique of modernization theories the nation is a unique and unprecedented form of community which finds its place in the oppositions between empire and nation, tradition and modernity, and centre and periphery. As the new and sovereign subject of history, the nation embodies a moral force that allows it to supersede dynasties and ruling segments, which are seen as merely partial subjects representing only themselves through history. By contrast, the nation is a collective subject whose ideal periphery exists outside itself poised to realize its historical destiny in a modern future. ' To be sure, modernization theory has clarified many aspects of nationalism. But in its effort to see the nation as a collective subject of modernity, it obscures the nature of national identity. I propose instead that we view national identity as founded upon fluid relationships; it thus both resembles and is interchangeable with other political identities. If the dynamics of national identity lie within the same terrain as other political identities, we will need to break with two assumptions of modernization","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"1 1","pages":"1 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949990","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68704616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Ward Case and the Emergence of Sino-American Confrontation, 1948-1950","authors":"Chen Jian","doi":"10.2307/2949995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2949995","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85646,"journal":{"name":"The Australian journal of Chinese affairs = Ao chung","volume":"27 1","pages":"149 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2949995","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68704754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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