ABSTRACT:As Putin himself has noted, Erdogan, despite Turkey’s dependence on Russia for natural gas, is not a pawn of Moscow, as demonstrated by Russian-Turkish policy clashes over Syria, Libya, the Azeri-Armenian war, and Turkish military aid to Ukraine. On the other hand, however, Erdogan has been highly disruptive to the NATO alliance as his purchase of Russian SAM-400 air defense missiles, his conflicts with fellow NATO members Greece and the US, and his deliberate delay of the accession of Sweden and Finland to the NATO alliance demonstrate. All of these actions work to the benefit of Moscow, whether Erdogan intended them to do so or not.
{"title":"A Paradoxical Relationship from 2000 to 2022","authors":"R. Freedman","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0014","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:As Putin himself has noted, Erdogan, despite Turkey’s dependence on Russia for natural gas, is not a pawn of Moscow, as demonstrated by Russian-Turkish policy clashes over Syria, Libya, the Azeri-Armenian war, and Turkish military aid to Ukraine. On the other hand, however, Erdogan has been highly disruptive to the NATO alliance as his purchase of Russian SAM-400 air defense missiles, his conflicts with fellow NATO members Greece and the US, and his deliberate delay of the accession of Sweden and Finland to the NATO alliance demonstrate. All of these actions work to the benefit of Moscow, whether Erdogan intended them to do so or not.","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"21 1","pages":"163 - 181"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83229857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:Angola, which achieved its independence in 1975 following an armed struggle of thirteen years and the military overthrow of a dictatorship in Portugal a year earlier, is one of eleven countries in sub-Saharan Africa hosting an Israeli embassy. It is also one of fifteen countries in sub-Saharan Africa that has an embassy in Israel. It is obvious that Israel and Angola acknowledge the importance of their relationship and understand well each country’s respective influence in their own regions. While formal diplomatic ties only began in the early stages of the post-Cold War, Angola and Israel – or more exactly the Jewish people – have had a much longer connection. Before the Balfour Declaration, some seeking a place of refuge for the Jewish people considered Angola. During the era of decolonisation in Africa, which began in the late 1950s, while Israel eagerly pursued relations with the newly independent states, diplomatic activity continued with Portugal; its actions were also connected with the Cold War politics of the United States. Initially, Israel supported forces in Angola opposed to the ultimate victor in the civil war which followed the war for independence. Yet, in the post-Cold War environment, with the cooperation of Israeli businesspeople and intelligence assistance, Angola and Israel engaged in developing mutually beneficial relations, though in the case of defence-related connections somewhat secretive ones. In recent years, with South Africa’s promotion of the Boycott, Sanctions and Divestment (BDS) movement, and being the country most critical of Israel’s policies outside the Arab and Muslim worlds, Israel’s ties with Angola have taken on greater importance for the Jewish state’s relations with other countries in Southern Africa.
{"title":"Israel’s Relations with Angola: From Portuguese Colony to the Present","authors":"Michael B. Bishku","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0013","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Angola, which achieved its independence in 1975 following an armed struggle of thirteen years and the military overthrow of a dictatorship in Portugal a year earlier, is one of eleven countries in sub-Saharan Africa hosting an Israeli embassy. It is also one of fifteen countries in sub-Saharan Africa that has an embassy in Israel. It is obvious that Israel and Angola acknowledge the importance of their relationship and understand well each country’s respective influence in their own regions. While formal diplomatic ties only began in the early stages of the post-Cold War, Angola and Israel – or more exactly the Jewish people – have had a much longer connection. Before the Balfour Declaration, some seeking a place of refuge for the Jewish people considered Angola. During the era of decolonisation in Africa, which began in the late 1950s, while Israel eagerly pursued relations with the newly independent states, diplomatic activity continued with Portugal; its actions were also connected with the Cold War politics of the United States. Initially, Israel supported forces in Angola opposed to the ultimate victor in the civil war which followed the war for independence. Yet, in the post-Cold War environment, with the cooperation of Israeli businesspeople and intelligence assistance, Angola and Israel engaged in developing mutually beneficial relations, though in the case of defence-related connections somewhat secretive ones. In recent years, with South Africa’s promotion of the Boycott, Sanctions and Divestment (BDS) movement, and being the country most critical of Israel’s policies outside the Arab and Muslim worlds, Israel’s ties with Angola have taken on greater importance for the Jewish state’s relations with other countries in Southern Africa.","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"1 1","pages":"203 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79420246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article serves as an introduction to the history of the establishment, development and eventual uprooting of French colonial vineyards in Algeria. French colonial sources presented a narrative of decline in their descriptions of the colonial vineyards in Algeria, believing that most of North Africa had been neglected or even infertile before the beginning of the military conquest in 1830. The hard work of French settlers, they suggested, restored a fertility to the soil that had been lost since Roman times. In their publications, they used the planting of vineyards as a symbol for this restoration of an allegedly formerly lost glory and likened the process of the colonisation of Algeria to the spread of the vines, with French culture literally taking roots in North African soil.
{"title":"Uprooting what the French planted: Wine, culture and identity in colonial Algeria","authors":"N. Studer","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article serves as an introduction to the history of the establishment, development and eventual uprooting of French colonial vineyards in Algeria. French colonial sources presented a narrative of decline in their descriptions of the colonial vineyards in Algeria, believing that most of North Africa had been neglected or even infertile before the beginning of the military conquest in 1830. The hard work of French settlers, they suggested, restored a fertility to the soil that had been lost since Roman times. In their publications, they used the planting of vineyards as a symbol for this restoration of an allegedly formerly lost glory and likened the process of the colonisation of Algeria to the spread of the vines, with French culture literally taking roots in North African soil.","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"5 1","pages":"131 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82495730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Failure of negotiations between Qajar Iran and Russia on the delimitation of the border line, as well as the outbreak of hostilities on the borders of the two states, led to the second Russian–Iranian war in July 1826. The main object of Russian–Iranian dispute during this period was the South Caucasus. The article examines what led up to the second Russian–Iranian war (1826–1828) and the official position of the British Foreign Office on the eve of and during the war. The task of British diplomacy in Qajar Iran was to maintain the shaky barrier – the Qajar throne – between Russia and India. Unsuccessful wars with Russia had a major impact on the political situation in Qajar Iran. The ruling circles were forced to reckon with the fact of Iran’s transformation into a country that had become the object of rivalry between the colonial powers. From that moment on, Iran was involved in the ‘great game’ that soon unfolded between Russia and Britain in the Middle East. This article analyses foreign policy of Great Britain and Russian empire in this region by examining a considerable body of documents and sources.
{"title":"Qajar Iran at the centre of British–Russian confrontation in the 1820s","authors":"N. Gozalova","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Failure of negotiations between Qajar Iran and Russia on the delimitation of the border line, as well as the outbreak of hostilities on the borders of the two states, led to the second Russian–Iranian war in July 1826. The main object of Russian–Iranian dispute during this period was the South Caucasus. The article examines what led up to the second Russian–Iranian war (1826–1828) and the official position of the British Foreign Office on the eve of and during the war. The task of British diplomacy in Qajar Iran was to maintain the shaky barrier – the Qajar throne – between Russia and India. Unsuccessful wars with Russia had a major impact on the political situation in Qajar Iran. The ruling circles were forced to reckon with the fact of Iran’s transformation into a country that had become the object of rivalry between the colonial powers. From that moment on, Iran was involved in the ‘great game’ that soon unfolded between Russia and Britain in the Middle East. This article analyses foreign policy of Great Britain and Russian empire in this region by examining a considerable body of documents and sources.","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"42 1","pages":"89 - 99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80559098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Les productions audiovisuelles consacrées à l’Expédition d’Egypte dans le pays même s’inscrivent dans une perspective visant à remettre en cause la légende napoléonienne. En faisant cela, les réalisateurs, qui agissent comme entrepreneurs culturels et identitaires visent bien sûr à effectuer une prise de parole des subalternes, et à rendre toute leur place aux Egyptiens dans ce récit. Cependant, leur démarche ne s’arrête pas là, et s’inscrit aussi dans la mise à disposition du grand public de débats historiographiques centraux sur le rapport à la modernité et à la nation. Surtout, en liant cet épisode crucial de l’histoire égyptienne au temps présent, ils cherchent à interroger celui-ci, et à porter un discours nuancé sur le rapport à l’impérialisme et à la fabrique de la nation.
{"title":"Napoléon vu d’Egypte : Penser le Mythe pour Devenir Acteur de sa Propre Histoire","authors":"T. Richard","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Les productions audiovisuelles consacrées à l’Expédition d’Egypte dans le pays même s’inscrivent dans une perspective visant à remettre en cause la légende napoléonienne. En faisant cela, les réalisateurs, qui agissent comme entrepreneurs culturels et identitaires visent bien sûr à effectuer une prise de parole des subalternes, et à rendre toute leur place aux Egyptiens dans ce récit. Cependant, leur démarche ne s’arrête pas là, et s’inscrit aussi dans la mise à disposition du grand public de débats historiographiques centraux sur le rapport à la modernité et à la nation. Surtout, en liant cet épisode crucial de l’histoire égyptienne au temps présent, ils cherchent à interroger celui-ci, et à porter un discours nuancé sur le rapport à l’impérialisme et à la fabrique de la nation.","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"517 1","pages":"26 - 38"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79492472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The study focuses on Moroccan veterans’ stories about the French military command’s comprehensive interference in romantic relationships between Moroccans and European women in France during the Second World War. It is based on interviews with some Moroccan veterans about European women’s elopement with their alien suitors to Morocco. The Muslim soldiers’ attachment to their Islamic norms in a Western society was quite embarrassing to the French colonial mind. There was an element of ambiguity in the French officers’ objection to the French women and Moroccan men’s marriages, with the aim of establishing stringent demarcations between white females and colonial soldiers. While some French soldiers directly castigated Western women for befriending or marrying Moroccans, other French men were indifferent to the issue of hybrid relationships.
{"title":"Relationships between Moroccan soldiers and white women in WW II: ambiguous perspectives","authors":"Otman Bychou","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The study focuses on Moroccan veterans’ stories about the French military command’s comprehensive interference in romantic relationships between Moroccans and European women in France during the Second World War. It is based on interviews with some Moroccan veterans about European women’s elopement with their alien suitors to Morocco. The Muslim soldiers’ attachment to their Islamic norms in a Western society was quite embarrassing to the French colonial mind. There was an element of ambiguity in the French officers’ objection to the French women and Moroccan men’s marriages, with the aim of establishing stringent demarcations between white females and colonial soldiers. While some French soldiers directly castigated Western women for befriending or marrying Moroccans, other French men were indifferent to the issue of hybrid relationships.","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"45 1","pages":"116 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77111356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This study revisits the evolution of contemporary Greek–Arab relations from a geopolitical perspective. For a number of reasons – inter alia, her lack of a colonialist past – Greece has been time and again associated with a strong pro-Arab reputation. Greek pro-Arabism survives to this day; however it has undergone dramatic changes in terms of content, rhetoric and objectives. In fact, the once staunchest European supporter of the Palestinian cause and ‘pariahs’ like Qaddafi, Arafat and Hafez al-Asad, is now firmly aligned with Israel and the Gulf monarchies. By adopting a longitudinal approach, this article highlights the drivers and the constraints of the Greek pro-Arab policies diachronically and investigates the current convergence or divergence of interests between Athens and its new Arab friends.
{"title":"From Nasser to Arafat and Ibn Salman; the Greek pro-Arabism revisited","authors":"Panos Kourgiotis","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This study revisits the evolution of contemporary Greek–Arab relations from a geopolitical perspective. For a number of reasons – inter alia, her lack of a colonialist past – Greece has been time and again associated with a strong pro-Arab reputation. Greek pro-Arabism survives to this day; however it has undergone dramatic changes in terms of content, rhetoric and objectives. In fact, the once staunchest European supporter of the Palestinian cause and ‘pariahs’ like Qaddafi, Arafat and Hafez al-Asad, is now firmly aligned with Israel and the Gulf monarchies. By adopting a longitudinal approach, this article highlights the drivers and the constraints of the Greek pro-Arab policies diachronically and investigates the current convergence or divergence of interests between Athens and its new Arab friends.","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"266 1","pages":"39 - 65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77543608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article undertakes to address the problematic of Morocco’s colonial linguistic heritage, and principally the impacts and implications of the strong presence of the French language in Moroccan institutions and public sphere. In fact, while some Moroccans, principally the elite, strive to normalise and justify this presence, others, on the contrary, perceive it as henceforth ineffective to the country’s education and hence very much detrimental to its identity, culture and development at a number of significant levels. In this connection, the article intends to investigate the following controversial questions: As a colonial heritage, how has this language become a problematic issue in Moroccan society? How has it succeeded to survive and to markedly consolidate its status in the domain of education and knowledge decades after Moroccan independence? Does its reinforced presence in this field relate only to the colonial past? In what ways is it useful or detrimental to education? How will its influence be affected amid this contentious atmosphere and in a context locally invaded technologically and culturally by a seriously competing language, English. These and other related vexed questions undoubtedly offer an insight into the implications and impacts of this colonial heritage and the ways Moroccans deal with it.
{"title":"The Colonial Heritage: the French Language and the Question of Education in Morocco Today","authors":"Mamaoui Moulay Lmustapha","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article undertakes to address the problematic of Morocco’s colonial linguistic heritage, and principally the impacts and implications of the strong presence of the French language in Moroccan institutions and public sphere. In fact, while some Moroccans, principally the elite, strive to normalise and justify this presence, others, on the contrary, perceive it as henceforth ineffective to the country’s education and hence very much detrimental to its identity, culture and development at a number of significant levels. In this connection, the article intends to investigate the following controversial questions: As a colonial heritage, how has this language become a problematic issue in Moroccan society? How has it succeeded to survive and to markedly consolidate its status in the domain of education and knowledge decades after Moroccan independence? Does its reinforced presence in this field relate only to the colonial past? In what ways is it useful or detrimental to education? How will its influence be affected amid this contentious atmosphere and in a context locally invaded technologically and culturally by a seriously competing language, English. These and other related vexed questions undoubtedly offer an insight into the implications and impacts of this colonial heritage and the ways Moroccans deal with it.","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"43 1","pages":"100 - 115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73515839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:French intervention in Lebanon can be traced to the 19th century when in 1860, during the Ottoman period, Emperor Napoleon III sent 6,000 troops to restore peace, help the Christians and contribute to the reconstruction of Mount Lebanon. In the early 20th century France envisaged a direct French military occupation of Mount Lebanon to create a ‘little France, free, industrious and loyal’. Still, the French envisaged their missionary and educational role as a supplementary asset in their competition with the British. The creation of Greater Lebanon in 1920 was mainly determined by the interests of France in dividing and controlling Syria. In May 1926 Greater Lebanon was renamed The Lebanese Republic. The constitution defined its flag as the tricolour French flag with the cedar in the white strip, and adopted French as an official language alongside Arabic. Certainly, the French mandatory authorities left an impact on the local culture, economy and politics. During World War II, in November 1941, General Catroux declared France’s recognition of Lebanon’s and Syria’s independence and invited the representatives of their respective governments to sign a treaty with France to terminate the mandate. After Lebanon’s independence in 1943 French interest in Lebanon continued to be felt in politics and economics mainly because France wanted to support liberal and democratic values and protect Lebanon’s political stability against external threats. Political history and internal Lebanese sectarian rivalries and loyalties asides, this article focuses on the various French economic and political initiatives to help Lebanon stabilise after the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005. As a matter of fact, in May 2007 France renewed its commitment to work closely with the US in order to help Lebanon affirm its sovereignty, democracy and freedom. We argue that French influence in Lebanon has aimed to support its liberal socio-economic and political institutions, initiate reform, and build the state. In August 2020, after the devastating explosion in port Beirut, the leader of the former colonial power, Emmanuel Macron, visited Beirut twice and laid out his demands to the ruling elite to introduce economic and political reform that Paris had been demanding for years, to fight corruption, to form a ‘government of mission’ and rescue Lebanon from imminent collapse. After his predecessors Jacques Chirac, François Mitterand and Nicolas Sarkozy, president Macron took the huge risk to help Lebanon overcome its financial and economic collapse and fight against patronage and the wealth of entrenched baronial dynasties, some of which stretch back to the French mandatory period. We conclude by stressing that Macron’s visit in September 2020 to commemorate the centennial of the establishment of Greater Lebanon in 1920 could be interpreted as a failure on the part of the Lebanese politicians, celebrating 100 years without being able to solve their internal problems. M
{"title":"The History and Politics of French Involvement in Lebanon (1860–2021)","authors":"Ohannes Geukjian","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:French intervention in Lebanon can be traced to the 19th century when in 1860, during the Ottoman period, Emperor Napoleon III sent 6,000 troops to restore peace, help the Christians and contribute to the reconstruction of Mount Lebanon. In the early 20th century France envisaged a direct French military occupation of Mount Lebanon to create a ‘little France, free, industrious and loyal’. Still, the French envisaged their missionary and educational role as a supplementary asset in their competition with the British. The creation of Greater Lebanon in 1920 was mainly determined by the interests of France in dividing and controlling Syria. In May 1926 Greater Lebanon was renamed The Lebanese Republic. The constitution defined its flag as the tricolour French flag with the cedar in the white strip, and adopted French as an official language alongside Arabic. Certainly, the French mandatory authorities left an impact on the local culture, economy and politics. During World War II, in November 1941, General Catroux declared France’s recognition of Lebanon’s and Syria’s independence and invited the representatives of their respective governments to sign a treaty with France to terminate the mandate. After Lebanon’s independence in 1943 French interest in Lebanon continued to be felt in politics and economics mainly because France wanted to support liberal and democratic values and protect Lebanon’s political stability against external threats. Political history and internal Lebanese sectarian rivalries and loyalties asides, this article focuses on the various French economic and political initiatives to help Lebanon stabilise after the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005. As a matter of fact, in May 2007 France renewed its commitment to work closely with the US in order to help Lebanon affirm its sovereignty, democracy and freedom. We argue that French influence in Lebanon has aimed to support its liberal socio-economic and political institutions, initiate reform, and build the state. In August 2020, after the devastating explosion in port Beirut, the leader of the former colonial power, Emmanuel Macron, visited Beirut twice and laid out his demands to the ruling elite to introduce economic and political reform that Paris had been demanding for years, to fight corruption, to form a ‘government of mission’ and rescue Lebanon from imminent collapse. After his predecessors Jacques Chirac, François Mitterand and Nicolas Sarkozy, president Macron took the huge risk to help Lebanon overcome its financial and economic collapse and fight against patronage and the wealth of entrenched baronial dynasties, some of which stretch back to the French mandatory period. We conclude by stressing that Macron’s visit in September 2020 to commemorate the centennial of the establishment of Greater Lebanon in 1920 could be interpreted as a failure on the part of the Lebanese politicians, celebrating 100 years without being able to solve their internal problems. M","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"3 1","pages":"66 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87015653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Egyptian nationalism is most often analyzed with no mention of the Ottoman Empire. Yet invocations of Egypt’s admittedly nominal status as an imperial territory played a crucial role in the process whereby proponents of political autonomy first resisted the direct intrusion of the European powers and later fought to overturn British rule. Some Egyptian nationalists, most notably Mustafa Kamil and ‘Abd al-’Aziz Jawish, emphasized the connection to the Empire more frequently and forcefully than others. But the Porte’s influence touched the nationalist movement as a whole, and overlooking it impedes our understanding of that movement’s emergence and consolidation.
摘要:在分析埃及民族主义时，往往没有提到奥斯曼帝国。然而，埃及作为帝国领土的名义地位在政治自治的支持者最初抵制欧洲列强的直接入侵，后来又为推翻英国统治而战的过程中发挥了至关重要的作用。一些埃及民族主义者，最著名的是穆斯塔法·卡米尔(Mustafa Kamil)和阿卜杜勒·阿尔-阿齐兹·贾维什(Abd al- Aziz Jawish)，他们比其他人更频繁、更有力地强调与帝国的联系。但波特的影响触及了整个民族主义运动，忽视它会阻碍我们理解这场运动的产生和巩固。
{"title":"Invoking the Empire: An Overlooked Component of Egyptian Nationalism, 1879–1919","authors":"F. Lawson","doi":"10.1353/tmr.2023.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2023.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Egyptian nationalism is most often analyzed with no mention of the Ottoman Empire. Yet invocations of Egypt’s admittedly nominal status as an imperial territory played a crucial role in the process whereby proponents of political autonomy first resisted the direct intrusion of the European powers and later fought to overturn British rule. Some Egyptian nationalists, most notably Mustafa Kamil and ‘Abd al-’Aziz Jawish, emphasized the connection to the Empire more frequently and forcefully than others. But the Porte’s influence touched the nationalist movement as a whole, and overlooking it impedes our understanding of that movement’s emergence and consolidation.","PeriodicalId":85753,"journal":{"name":"The Maghreb review. Majallat al-Maghrib","volume":"22 1","pages":"25 - 6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91277898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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