In Carr and Burkholder's article (1998), they utilized the graphing guidelines recommended in the manuscript preparation checklist in the Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, however, the most recent recommendations (2000) do not include all of the guidelines mentioned in the first article. Those which are included: Data points do not connect across experimental phase and the y-axis zero value is raised off the abscissa. Absent from the newer recommendations is the criteria that data points do not quite touch the lines between them. Its removal as a criterion indicates that it is no longer a requirement, and as such will be addressed, but indicated as optional, according to the 2000 guidelines. As Carr and Burkholder indicated, the utilization of a spreadsheet to enter, gather, and analyze data will prevent redundant data entry and save time on the part of the behavior analyst. In addition, Excel[TM] appears to be a widely accepted spreadsheet program. In the tradition that Carr and Burkholder began, this tutorial will provide very detailed and easy to follow instructions on how to graph reversal, multi-element, and multiple baseline designs; however, as in the 1998 article, rudimentary understanding of spreadsheet programs is necessary prior to starting. In this tutorial, there will be no need to prepare the toolbar as all instructions will be utilizing default settings of Excel 2007[TM]. Each action step will be followed by a sequence of keyboard shortcuts to illustrate and simplify implementation of the instruction for that step. The keyboard shortcuts consist of the names of the keys in brackets []. Two keys connected by a plus sign within the same bracket indicate that the initial key should be depressed while pressing the second key (e.g., [ALT+T] indicates that one should hold down the Alt button and press the T button). Two bracketed buttons joined by a dash should be pressed in succession (e.g., [ALT+T]-[T]-[P] would indicate that you should hold down the ALT key and press the T key. After releasing these, you should press the T key again, and then press the P key. Anything in braces (e.g.,{Axis Title}) indicate that you should input text. Thus, if you encounter [ALT]-[T]-{Name}-[ENTER], you should press ALT, then press T, then type in the name, then press the ENTER key. When you encounter a word written in all capital letters, that indicates that this is the name of a button, text, or icon you should click or press. CREATING A REVERSAL DESIGN GRAPH Entering Data into the Spreadsheet Data will be staggered across columns by phases. This will provide a means to prevent data connection across phases (without having to manually do this phase by phase). In addition, it will allow the use of Excel Functions individually per phase to create trend lines. Once you have Excel 2007[TM] open, complete the following steps to enter your data. 1. Enter the data for the first phase (e.g., Baseline1) in the first column and click on the cell in the fol
{"title":"A decade later: Creating single-subject design graphs with Microsoft Excel 2007™.","authors":"Joshua K. Pritchard","doi":"10.1037/H0100655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100655","url":null,"abstract":"In Carr and Burkholder's article (1998), they utilized the graphing guidelines recommended in the manuscript preparation checklist in the Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, however, the most recent recommendations (2000) do not include all of the guidelines mentioned in the first article. Those which are included: Data points do not connect across experimental phase and the y-axis zero value is raised off the abscissa. Absent from the newer recommendations is the criteria that data points do not quite touch the lines between them. Its removal as a criterion indicates that it is no longer a requirement, and as such will be addressed, but indicated as optional, according to the 2000 guidelines. As Carr and Burkholder indicated, the utilization of a spreadsheet to enter, gather, and analyze data will prevent redundant data entry and save time on the part of the behavior analyst. In addition, Excel[TM] appears to be a widely accepted spreadsheet program. In the tradition that Carr and Burkholder began, this tutorial will provide very detailed and easy to follow instructions on how to graph reversal, multi-element, and multiple baseline designs; however, as in the 1998 article, rudimentary understanding of spreadsheet programs is necessary prior to starting. In this tutorial, there will be no need to prepare the toolbar as all instructions will be utilizing default settings of Excel 2007[TM]. Each action step will be followed by a sequence of keyboard shortcuts to illustrate and simplify implementation of the instruction for that step. The keyboard shortcuts consist of the names of the keys in brackets []. Two keys connected by a plus sign within the same bracket indicate that the initial key should be depressed while pressing the second key (e.g., [ALT+T] indicates that one should hold down the Alt button and press the T button). Two bracketed buttons joined by a dash should be pressed in succession (e.g., [ALT+T]-[T]-[P] would indicate that you should hold down the ALT key and press the T key. After releasing these, you should press the T key again, and then press the P key. Anything in braces (e.g.,{Axis Title}) indicate that you should input text. Thus, if you encounter [ALT]-[T]-{Name}-[ENTER], you should press ALT, then press T, then type in the name, then press the ENTER key. When you encounter a word written in all capital letters, that indicates that this is the name of a button, text, or icon you should click or press. CREATING A REVERSAL DESIGN GRAPH Entering Data into the Spreadsheet Data will be staggered across columns by phases. This will provide a means to prevent data connection across phases (without having to manually do this phase by phase). In addition, it will allow the use of Excel Functions individually per phase to create trend lines. Once you have Excel 2007[TM] open, complete the following steps to enter your data. 1. Enter the data for the first phase (e.g., Baseline1) in the first column and click on the cell in the fol","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"153-161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58472130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
According to Cuceloglu (2002:195), general opinion is that; "if individuals have good intentions and know how to speak to each other, there will be no arguments or conflicts". If we look at the same understanding from a different point of view, it is seen that the outcome will be "people in conflict, are people who have bad intentions and who do not know manners". These expressions, might be pronouncing certain good intentions, yet they do not stand for reality. Because, as long as people live together, no matter how good intentions they have or how understanding they are, conflicts and infighting are inevitable. According to Oner (1996:191) people think that "conflict occurs when one ore more people cannot agree on a subject". In some conflict cases, the discourses and behaviours of the individuals in conflict are different from each other, or the individuals perceive them in a different way. Conflicts generally happen when needs, instincts and desires of people counteract. These different needs, different instincts, different points of view and different perceptions cause conflicts. We all live through occasional conflicts for thinking in a different way. This is a part of being human." According to Tastan (2002:1) it will be best to mention two factors causing interpersonal conflicts in people's lives. The reason for young individuals having interpersonal conflicts is the worry to achieve what they wish for themselves, and the ways and diversity of the relationships they have to pursue in order to get along with others. The assertive, self-sufficient, defensive attitude that emerges as a result when individuals act with the urge of satisfying their own needs, causes conflicts both within the individual and between individuals. (www.organizasyon.com) The outbreak reasons of interpersonal conflicts may originate from personal factors like cognition, perception, emotion, non-conscious needs, and communicative skills, or cultural factors, real differences, social and physical environments or the quality of the message given in the communication process (Dokmen, 2004). Conflicts among individuals are naturally inevitable, as they differ from each other, in every aspect of these factors. Conflicts are a normal segment of daily life. Yet, to many, conflict is considered to be negative, as it causes disagreements, stress, social chaos and violence, and moreover, the most significant indication of a good relationship is accepted to be the absence of conflicts (Johnson, 1981). According to Johnson(1981), positive aspects of conflicts are; it helps the individual in knowing themselves, enhancing their awareness about others' characteristics, noticing the relationship problems that they need to solve, and encouraging change, increases energy and motivation for problem solving, making life more interesting, and help find small problems that are perceived as big issues. After all, it is obvious that conflict, can induce constructive results both for the con
{"title":"The Determination of the Conflict Resolution Strategies of University Students that They Use when They Have Conflicts with People.","authors":"Sibel Dincyurek, A. Civelek","doi":"10.1037/H0100660","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100660","url":null,"abstract":"According to Cuceloglu (2002:195), general opinion is that; \"if individuals have good intentions and know how to speak to each other, there will be no arguments or conflicts\". If we look at the same understanding from a different point of view, it is seen that the outcome will be \"people in conflict, are people who have bad intentions and who do not know manners\". These expressions, might be pronouncing certain good intentions, yet they do not stand for reality. Because, as long as people live together, no matter how good intentions they have or how understanding they are, conflicts and infighting are inevitable. According to Oner (1996:191) people think that \"conflict occurs when one ore more people cannot agree on a subject\". In some conflict cases, the discourses and behaviours of the individuals in conflict are different from each other, or the individuals perceive them in a different way. Conflicts generally happen when needs, instincts and desires of people counteract. These different needs, different instincts, different points of view and different perceptions cause conflicts. We all live through occasional conflicts for thinking in a different way. This is a part of being human.\" According to Tastan (2002:1) it will be best to mention two factors causing interpersonal conflicts in people's lives. The reason for young individuals having interpersonal conflicts is the worry to achieve what they wish for themselves, and the ways and diversity of the relationships they have to pursue in order to get along with others. The assertive, self-sufficient, defensive attitude that emerges as a result when individuals act with the urge of satisfying their own needs, causes conflicts both within the individual and between individuals. (www.organizasyon.com) The outbreak reasons of interpersonal conflicts may originate from personal factors like cognition, perception, emotion, non-conscious needs, and communicative skills, or cultural factors, real differences, social and physical environments or the quality of the message given in the communication process (Dokmen, 2004). Conflicts among individuals are naturally inevitable, as they differ from each other, in every aspect of these factors. Conflicts are a normal segment of daily life. Yet, to many, conflict is considered to be negative, as it causes disagreements, stress, social chaos and violence, and moreover, the most significant indication of a good relationship is accepted to be the absence of conflicts (Johnson, 1981). According to Johnson(1981), positive aspects of conflicts are; it helps the individual in knowing themselves, enhancing their awareness about others' characteristics, noticing the relationship problems that they need to solve, and encouraging change, increases energy and motivation for problem solving, making life more interesting, and help find small problems that are perceived as big issues. After all, it is obvious that conflict, can induce constructive results both for the con","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"215-233"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58472219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Amy R. Murrell, K. Wilson, Cicely T. LaBorde, Chad E. Drake, L. J. Rogers
Parenting is perceived and experienced as difficult (Wahler & Dumas, 1989). Parenting involves a complex set of behaviors that emerge through a given parent's learning history, including respondent and operant processes. These same processes lead to the emergence of problematic parenting behaviors (e.g., the "coercive process"). To use a classic example, think of a mother and child in the checkout line at the grocery store. The child begs, softly at first, to get a toy. The mother says no and asks the child to be quiet. The child raises his voice and begins to cry. The mother still says no, and the child's behavior escalates. The mother gets embarrassed. Elicitation goes up, and she is extremely uncomfortable. At this point, many mothers would respond in one of two ways: aggression or acquiescence (Patterson, 1982). Let's say that the mother gives in and buys the child a toy. Both the behavior of the mother and the behavior of the child are reinforced. The child's screaming and crying is now more probable, because it worked to get what he wanted. The mother's acquiescence (and the same would be true of aggression) is negatively reinforced as the child stops misbehaving in response to it. This can be a problem in the long run. Another common feature of parenting difficulties is parenting stress. Parenting stress is the "aversive psychological reaction to the demands of being a parent" (Deater-Deckard, 1998, p. 315). Parenting stress is related to insecure attachment (Teti, Nakagawa, Das, & Wirth, 1991), child abuse and neglect (Mash & Johnston, 1990), and a host of parent and child emotional problems (for review see Deater-Deckard, 1998). Numerous strategies have been employed to reduce the problems associated with parenting and parenting stress, including behavioral-parent training. Behavioral-parent training programs teach parents the necessary skills to positively interact with, and discipline, their children. These programs, which are based on principles of respondent and operant conditioning, have demonstrated large and lasting improvements in child behavior (for review see Kazdin, 2003; Patterson, 1982). However, there is evidence that gains are attenuated if the parent is experiencing psychopathology, is economically disadvantaged, or has frequent negative interactions with other adults (Dumas, 1984; Kazdin, 1997). Perhaps problems in parenting are not sufficiently explained as skills deficits resulting from direct conditioning processes alone. Certainly respondent and operant conditioning processes are featured prominently in a parent's learning history. Data indicate that these processes contribute to the development and maintenance of problematic parenting behavior as well as to the failure to respond to treatment. It is possible, however, that problems in parenting, and in the application of parenting skills, are the result of indirect relational conditioning processes as well. Indirect Learning and the Matching-to-Sample Paradigm Verba
{"title":"Relational Responding in Parents.","authors":"Amy R. Murrell, K. Wilson, Cicely T. LaBorde, Chad E. Drake, L. J. Rogers","doi":"10.1037/H0100659","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100659","url":null,"abstract":"Parenting is perceived and experienced as difficult (Wahler & Dumas, 1989). Parenting involves a complex set of behaviors that emerge through a given parent's learning history, including respondent and operant processes. These same processes lead to the emergence of problematic parenting behaviors (e.g., the \"coercive process\"). To use a classic example, think of a mother and child in the checkout line at the grocery store. The child begs, softly at first, to get a toy. The mother says no and asks the child to be quiet. The child raises his voice and begins to cry. The mother still says no, and the child's behavior escalates. The mother gets embarrassed. Elicitation goes up, and she is extremely uncomfortable. At this point, many mothers would respond in one of two ways: aggression or acquiescence (Patterson, 1982). Let's say that the mother gives in and buys the child a toy. Both the behavior of the mother and the behavior of the child are reinforced. The child's screaming and crying is now more probable, because it worked to get what he wanted. The mother's acquiescence (and the same would be true of aggression) is negatively reinforced as the child stops misbehaving in response to it. This can be a problem in the long run. Another common feature of parenting difficulties is parenting stress. Parenting stress is the \"aversive psychological reaction to the demands of being a parent\" (Deater-Deckard, 1998, p. 315). Parenting stress is related to insecure attachment (Teti, Nakagawa, Das, & Wirth, 1991), child abuse and neglect (Mash & Johnston, 1990), and a host of parent and child emotional problems (for review see Deater-Deckard, 1998). Numerous strategies have been employed to reduce the problems associated with parenting and parenting stress, including behavioral-parent training. Behavioral-parent training programs teach parents the necessary skills to positively interact with, and discipline, their children. These programs, which are based on principles of respondent and operant conditioning, have demonstrated large and lasting improvements in child behavior (for review see Kazdin, 2003; Patterson, 1982). However, there is evidence that gains are attenuated if the parent is experiencing psychopathology, is economically disadvantaged, or has frequent negative interactions with other adults (Dumas, 1984; Kazdin, 1997). Perhaps problems in parenting are not sufficiently explained as skills deficits resulting from direct conditioning processes alone. Certainly respondent and operant conditioning processes are featured prominently in a parent's learning history. Data indicate that these processes contribute to the development and maintenance of problematic parenting behavior as well as to the failure to respond to treatment. It is possible, however, that problems in parenting, and in the application of parenting skills, are the result of indirect relational conditioning processes as well. Indirect Learning and the Matching-to-Sample Paradigm Verba","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"196-214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58472203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
K. Krohn, Megan R. Parker, L. N. Foster, K. Aspiranti, D. McCleary, Robert L. Williams
Most undergraduates likely take some courses that use multiple-choice exams as a major source of course credit. Instructors may be especially inclined to use multiple-choice exams in large courses because of ease and efficiency of grading (Hautau et al., 2006b). Nonetheless, many students report difficulty in taking multiple-choice exams, claiming that they could do better on essay exams. Consequently, discovering how to heighten student performance on multiple-choice exams is an important issue at the college level (Wallace & Williams, 2003). One possibility for improving multiple-choice exam scores may be the use of daily writing activities related to concepts included on the multiple-choice exams. Past research demonstrates that brief essay quizzes may improve performance on a variety of exam formats (e.g., short answer, essay, fill-in-the-blank, and multiple-choice). Padilla-Walker (2006) found that brief, extra-credit daily quizzes on assigned reading material predicted performance on major exams (short-answer and essay) better than did gender, self-reported college GPA, and self-reported ACT scores. Daniel and Broida (2004) also reported that completing in-class quizzes over course concepts boosted performance on course exams (multiple-choice and short answer). Narloch, Garbin, and Turnage (2006) showed that prelecture quizzes, compared to no quizzes, produced better performance on both multiple-choice and essay exam items. Additionally, Leeming (2002) found that participating in daily 1015 min writing activities on course concepts significantly improved performance on a comprehensive final exam that included short essay, fill-in-the-blank, and multiple-choice questions. Similarly, Turner et al. (2006) demonstrated that students required to complete a daily in-class writing activity performed better on the course's multiple-choice exams than students without daily writing. Although some research supports using daily essay quizzes to boost major exam performance, maximizing the impact of these quizzes is not without logistical challenges. For example, grading the quizzes could be labor intensive for the instructor. The writing activities may only consume a small percentage of class time, but the time required to grade and record the scores may detract from instructor time needed to organize and prepare for class. Leeming's (2002) daily quizzes required about 10 to 20% of class time and an hour of instructor grading time each day. Hautau et al. (2006a) and Turner et al. (2006) reduced instructor time for grading quizzes by grading quizzes only on randomly selected days rather than on all days. The quizzes took 6 to 7% of total class time and required about 1 min per student for instructor grading. Given that students in these studies did not know what day's quizzes would be randomly selected for grading, the researchers expected the quizzes to have much the same impact on student performance as would daily grading and crediting of quizzes. Ho
{"title":"Effects of Writing-Related Contingencies on Both Quality of Writing and Multiple-Choice Exam Performance in Large College Courses.","authors":"K. Krohn, Megan R. Parker, L. N. Foster, K. Aspiranti, D. McCleary, Robert L. Williams","doi":"10.1037/H0100658","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100658","url":null,"abstract":"Most undergraduates likely take some courses that use multiple-choice exams as a major source of course credit. Instructors may be especially inclined to use multiple-choice exams in large courses because of ease and efficiency of grading (Hautau et al., 2006b). Nonetheless, many students report difficulty in taking multiple-choice exams, claiming that they could do better on essay exams. Consequently, discovering how to heighten student performance on multiple-choice exams is an important issue at the college level (Wallace & Williams, 2003). One possibility for improving multiple-choice exam scores may be the use of daily writing activities related to concepts included on the multiple-choice exams. Past research demonstrates that brief essay quizzes may improve performance on a variety of exam formats (e.g., short answer, essay, fill-in-the-blank, and multiple-choice). Padilla-Walker (2006) found that brief, extra-credit daily quizzes on assigned reading material predicted performance on major exams (short-answer and essay) better than did gender, self-reported college GPA, and self-reported ACT scores. Daniel and Broida (2004) also reported that completing in-class quizzes over course concepts boosted performance on course exams (multiple-choice and short answer). Narloch, Garbin, and Turnage (2006) showed that prelecture quizzes, compared to no quizzes, produced better performance on both multiple-choice and essay exam items. Additionally, Leeming (2002) found that participating in daily 1015 min writing activities on course concepts significantly improved performance on a comprehensive final exam that included short essay, fill-in-the-blank, and multiple-choice questions. Similarly, Turner et al. (2006) demonstrated that students required to complete a daily in-class writing activity performed better on the course's multiple-choice exams than students without daily writing. Although some research supports using daily essay quizzes to boost major exam performance, maximizing the impact of these quizzes is not without logistical challenges. For example, grading the quizzes could be labor intensive for the instructor. The writing activities may only consume a small percentage of class time, but the time required to grade and record the scores may detract from instructor time needed to organize and prepare for class. Leeming's (2002) daily quizzes required about 10 to 20% of class time and an hour of instructor grading time each day. Hautau et al. (2006a) and Turner et al. (2006) reduced instructor time for grading quizzes by grading quizzes only on randomly selected days rather than on all days. The quizzes took 6 to 7% of total class time and required about 1 min per student for instructor grading. Given that students in these studies did not know what day's quizzes would be randomly selected for grading, the researchers expected the quizzes to have much the same impact on student performance as would daily grading and crediting of quizzes. Ho","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"184-195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58472151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is argued that the determinates of low frequency (less than once an hour) challenging behavior are likely to be more complex than those of high frequency behavior involving setting events that may not be present when the behavior occurs. The analysis of case records is then examined as a method of identifying possible setting events to low frequency behaviours. It is suggested that time series analysis, correlational analysis and time lag sequential analysis may all be useful methods in the examination of case records.
{"title":"Case Record Analysis","authors":"S. Whitaker","doi":"10.1037/H0100657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100657","url":null,"abstract":"It is argued that the determinates of low frequency (less than once an hour) challenging behavior are likely to be more complex than those of high frequency behavior involving setting events that may not be present when the behavior occurs. The analysis of case records is then examined as a method of identifying possible setting events to low frequency behaviours. It is suggested that time series analysis, correlational analysis and time lag sequential analysis may all be useful methods in the examination of case records.","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"172-183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58472143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Frequency represents a standard measurement that pervades all motion and movement. "Combining observation time with count yields one of the most widely use of measures in applied behavior analysis, rate (or frequency) or responding, defined as the number of responses per unit of time." (Cooper, et al., 2007, p.76) By providing the number of occurrences over time, a frequency measurement can precisely describe the dimensional quantity of a repeating event. A standard measurement must be applied precisely in all cases. Once the fundamental properties of the event are chosen, a standard measurement can be implemented and used across all cases without yielding faulty interpretation. For example, when instances of a repeating event are of interest, frequency offers precise measurements across any behavior topography such as typing, walking, running, and so on. The National Institute of Standards and Technology, or NIST, defines the time interval as "one of the four basic standards of measurement (the others are length, mass, and temperature). Of these four basic standards, the time interval (and frequency) can be measured with the most resolution and the least uncertainty (NIST, 2007). A measurement remains standardized in any occurrence, which is especially true within natural science. NIST defines frequency as the time of a repetitive event. If T equals the period or time interval elapse for a repetitive event, then frequency, or f, is its reciprocal or f = 1/T (NIST, 2006a). An example of a special unit of measurement for frequency is the Hertz, named after Heinrich Hertz. A hertz represents 1 crest of a wavelength passing a given point per second (Hazen & Trefil, 1990). In other words, we want to measure the frequency of sound by capturing the number of repetitive crests of the wave moving per second. T equals one second. Frequency of one Hz is one cycle of wave moving per second. As an example of a Hertz measure, the musical note "A" corresponds to a frequency of 440 crests of the wave moving per second, known as 440Hz, and middle "C" on a piano equals 246 Hz. By using standardized measurement of sound frequency, we can identify and compare various musical notes. Frequency settings also play a vital role beyond science in technology mediums such as television and radio broadcasting. Although seconds are commonly used in frequency measurement, the passage of time can vary depending on the repeated events of interest. The frequency quantity may include units of waves per second, cycles per minute, responses per hour, or occurrences per given period of time. Importance of Measuring Frequency in Behavior Science In behavioral science, quantitative data of behaviors are collected and converted to units of measurement for purpose of comparison. Skinner had long maintained the importance of frequency when measuring behaviors. In Skinner's words: "It follows that the main datum to be measured in the study of the dynamic laws of an operant is the length o
频率是一种标准的度量，它遍及所有的运动和运动。“将观察时间与计数相结合，产生了应用行为分析中最广泛使用的测量方法之一，即反应率(或频率)或反应，定义为每单位时间内的反应次数。”(Cooper, et al.， 2007, p.76)通过提供随时间的发生次数，频率测量可以精确地描述重复事件的维度数量。在所有情况下都必须精确地应用标准测量。一旦选择了事件的基本属性，就可以在所有情况下实现和使用标准度量，而不会产生错误的解释。例如，当对重复事件的实例感兴趣时，频率提供了跨任何行为结构(如打字、行走、跑步等)的精确度量。美国国家标准与技术研究所(NIST)将时间间隔定义为“四个基本测量标准之一(其他三个是长度、质量和温度)”。在这四个基本标准中，时间间隔(和频率)可以以最高的分辨率和最小的不确定性进行测量(NIST, 2007)。在任何情况下，测量都是标准化的，在自然科学中尤其如此。NIST将频率定义为重复事件发生的时间。如果T等于一个重复事件的周期或时间间隔，那么频率，或f，是它的倒数或f = 1/T (NIST, 2006a)。频率的一个特殊测量单位是赫兹，以海因里希·赫兹的名字命名。赫兹表示每秒通过一个给定点的波长的一个波峰(Hazen & Trefil, 1990)。换句话说，我们想通过捕捉每秒移动的波的重复波峰的数量来测量声音的频率。T等于1秒。一赫兹的频率是每秒移动一个周期的波。作为赫兹测量的一个例子，音符“a”对应于每秒移动的440个波峰的频率，称为440Hz，钢琴上的中音“C”等于246 Hz。通过使用标准化的声音频率测量，我们可以识别和比较不同的音符。频率设置在电视和无线电广播等技术媒介中也发挥着科学以外的重要作用。虽然在频率测量中通常使用秒，但时间的流逝可能会因感兴趣的重复事件而变化。频率量可以包括每秒波的单位、每分钟的周期、每小时的响应或每给定时间段的发生次数。在行为科学中，收集行为的定量数据并将其转换为测量单位以进行比较。斯金纳长期以来一直坚持频率在衡量行为时的重要性。用斯金纳的话来说:“由此可见，在研究一个被试的动态规律时，要衡量的主要基准是一个反应和它之前的反应之间的时间长度……”(1938，第58页)。目视观察在一段时间内发生的反应的累积数量，或者一段时间内发生的事件的数量，在发现行为的基本原则方面发挥了关键作用。Ferster和Skinner(1957)解释了频率的图形显示和强化时间表的操纵如何证明了有机体反应可能性的可靠变化。在《科学与人类行为》(Science and Human Behavior, 1953)一书中，斯金纳(Skinner, 1953)描述了频率如何推动了反应概率的概念:“当我们为了科学用途而改进反应概率的概念时，我们发现，在这里，我们的数据也是频率，并且必须指定观察频率的条件”(第63页)。在很多场合，斯金纳也用“率”这个词来指代频率。“反应率”使斯金纳能够将特定时间内发生的事件数量作为行为模式进行阐述。…
{"title":"Defining Frequency: A Natural Scientific Term","authors":"R. Kubina, Fan-Yu Lin","doi":"10.1037/H0100651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100651","url":null,"abstract":"Frequency represents a standard measurement that pervades all motion and movement. \"Combining observation time with count yields one of the most widely use of measures in applied behavior analysis, rate (or frequency) or responding, defined as the number of responses per unit of time.\" (Cooper, et al., 2007, p.76) By providing the number of occurrences over time, a frequency measurement can precisely describe the dimensional quantity of a repeating event. A standard measurement must be applied precisely in all cases. Once the fundamental properties of the event are chosen, a standard measurement can be implemented and used across all cases without yielding faulty interpretation. For example, when instances of a repeating event are of interest, frequency offers precise measurements across any behavior topography such as typing, walking, running, and so on. The National Institute of Standards and Technology, or NIST, defines the time interval as \"one of the four basic standards of measurement (the others are length, mass, and temperature). Of these four basic standards, the time interval (and frequency) can be measured with the most resolution and the least uncertainty (NIST, 2007). A measurement remains standardized in any occurrence, which is especially true within natural science. NIST defines frequency as the time of a repetitive event. If T equals the period or time interval elapse for a repetitive event, then frequency, or f, is its reciprocal or f = 1/T (NIST, 2006a). An example of a special unit of measurement for frequency is the Hertz, named after Heinrich Hertz. A hertz represents 1 crest of a wavelength passing a given point per second (Hazen & Trefil, 1990). In other words, we want to measure the frequency of sound by capturing the number of repetitive crests of the wave moving per second. T equals one second. Frequency of one Hz is one cycle of wave moving per second. As an example of a Hertz measure, the musical note \"A\" corresponds to a frequency of 440 crests of the wave moving per second, known as 440Hz, and middle \"C\" on a piano equals 246 Hz. By using standardized measurement of sound frequency, we can identify and compare various musical notes. Frequency settings also play a vital role beyond science in technology mediums such as television and radio broadcasting. Although seconds are commonly used in frequency measurement, the passage of time can vary depending on the repeated events of interest. The frequency quantity may include units of waves per second, cycles per minute, responses per hour, or occurrences per given period of time. Importance of Measuring Frequency in Behavior Science In behavioral science, quantitative data of behaviors are collected and converted to units of measurement for purpose of comparison. Skinner had long maintained the importance of frequency when measuring behaviors. In Skinner's words: \"It follows that the main datum to be measured in the study of the dynamic laws of an operant is the length o","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"125-129"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58471947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, school psychology has entered into a new era of accountability where scientifically-based practices are not only encouraged, but are mandated by law (IDEA, 2004). For school-based practitioners, this means documenting the rationale and empirical support for behavior change procedures in the classroom. Failing to do so is not only a poor practice of school psychology, it may also have legal ramifications. Thus, it is of no surprise that the field of school psychology has turned to applied behavior analysis due to its rich empirical support, behavioral assessment methodology, and function-based approaches to solving behavioral concerns (Kratochwill & Martens, 1994). Vollmer and Northup (1997) suggest that one of the key aspects of applied behavior analysis that makes it complimentary to school psychology is its foundation in the basic principles of behavior. In The Technology of Teaching, Skinner remarked that "a really effective educational system cannot be set up until we understand the processes of learning and teaching" (Skinner, 1968, p. 95). Skinner's views on education continue to resonate today as practitioners and applied researchers alike attempt to pinpoint the active treatment ingredient responsible for behavior change through an understanding of the basic behavioral processes at play in a successful behavior change program. As any practicing school psychologist can attest, the classroom ecology is extremely complex, with multiple schedules of reinforcement operating at any given time (Martens & Kelly, 1993). For instance, within any classroom, many students will be exposed to behavior support plans, Individualized Education Programs (IEPs), direct instruction programs, behavior altering medication for behavioral concerns, differing reinforcement histories, etc. With such confounding variables, it becomes very difficult to truly understand what is accounting for the observed behavior change after an intervention is implemented. Thus, it is not always readily apparent which procedures are responsible for behavior change during intervention implementation. One of the fundamental attributes of behavioral research is its reliance on parsimony in understanding behavior change (Johnston & Pennypacker, 1993). While it is easy to monitor gains in the classroom without an understanding of the controlling behavioral processes, this oversight is not only dangerous to the long-term sustainability of the intervention, it actually does a disservice to the field. When an intervention works, the most we can walk away with is an understanding of what works with that individual in that setting for that target behavior. In sum, the generalizability of the intervention across students, time, settings, and responses is compromised. However, with an understanding of the basic behavioral principles at play, one can individually tailor the intervention to account for these individual and situational differences. The avenue to accomplishing a t
{"title":"The Translation of Basic Behavioral Research to School Psychology: A Citation Analysis.","authors":"Derek D. Reed","doi":"10.1037/H0100653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100653","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, school psychology has entered into a new era of accountability where scientifically-based practices are not only encouraged, but are mandated by law (IDEA, 2004). For school-based practitioners, this means documenting the rationale and empirical support for behavior change procedures in the classroom. Failing to do so is not only a poor practice of school psychology, it may also have legal ramifications. Thus, it is of no surprise that the field of school psychology has turned to applied behavior analysis due to its rich empirical support, behavioral assessment methodology, and function-based approaches to solving behavioral concerns (Kratochwill & Martens, 1994). Vollmer and Northup (1997) suggest that one of the key aspects of applied behavior analysis that makes it complimentary to school psychology is its foundation in the basic principles of behavior. In The Technology of Teaching, Skinner remarked that \"a really effective educational system cannot be set up until we understand the processes of learning and teaching\" (Skinner, 1968, p. 95). Skinner's views on education continue to resonate today as practitioners and applied researchers alike attempt to pinpoint the active treatment ingredient responsible for behavior change through an understanding of the basic behavioral processes at play in a successful behavior change program. As any practicing school psychologist can attest, the classroom ecology is extremely complex, with multiple schedules of reinforcement operating at any given time (Martens & Kelly, 1993). For instance, within any classroom, many students will be exposed to behavior support plans, Individualized Education Programs (IEPs), direct instruction programs, behavior altering medication for behavioral concerns, differing reinforcement histories, etc. With such confounding variables, it becomes very difficult to truly understand what is accounting for the observed behavior change after an intervention is implemented. Thus, it is not always readily apparent which procedures are responsible for behavior change during intervention implementation. One of the fundamental attributes of behavioral research is its reliance on parsimony in understanding behavior change (Johnston & Pennypacker, 1993). While it is easy to monitor gains in the classroom without an understanding of the controlling behavioral processes, this oversight is not only dangerous to the long-term sustainability of the intervention, it actually does a disservice to the field. When an intervention works, the most we can walk away with is an understanding of what works with that individual in that setting for that target behavior. In sum, the generalizability of the intervention across students, time, settings, and responses is compromised. However, with an understanding of the basic behavioral principles at play, one can individually tailor the intervention to account for these individual and situational differences. The avenue to accomplishing a t","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"143-149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58472124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
For many, gambling is an entertaining, leisure-time activity. For a small percentage of individuals, however, gambling represents a severe behavioral disorder that has very negative, life-changing consequences. Although estimates of the frequency of pathological gambling in the general population may seem small (e.g., 1-3%; see Petry, 2005, for a review), those estimates translate into millions of individuals. Furthermore, there are certain populations who suffer from pathological gambling at rates well above those seen in the general population. For instance, data suggest that American Indians display the symptoms of pathological gambling at well over 10 times the frequency of the majority population (Wardman, el-Guebaly, & Hodgins, 2001). In short, pathological and problem gambling is a serious societal problem that deserves research attention. Despite the seriousness of the disorder, an argument could be made that the research community, and specifically behavior analysis, has done little to identify the underlying causes (or contingencies) that lead to pathological gambling. A cursory review of the literature supports that argument. A search of the PsycINFO database using the term "gambling" in an all-text search (conducted on September 8, 2007) yielded a total of 3,354 references. An identical search that cross referenced "gambling" with "experiment" identified 166 sources. A separate search that cross referenced "gambling" and "behavior analysis" yielded only 14 citations. One that cross referenced "gambling" and "reinforcement" yielded a total of 87. These searches suggest that less than 5% of the research literature on pathological gambling even mentions the word experiment, let alone uses experimental methodology. The importance of this small percentage cannot be overstated given that experiments represent the strongest and most straightforward method of determining cause-and-effect relationships. The searches also suggest that less than 3% of the published work on gambling is coming from a behavior-analytic perspective. This percentage is disturbing because behavior analysis has been successfully applied to serious behavioral disorders (e.g., Autism), yet little has been done to apply behavior analysis to pathological gambling. That is not to say that behavior analysts have completely ignored the study of gambling. They have not. For instance, Rachlin (1997) forwarded behaviorally oriented theories of addiction. Although discussed in the context of substance abuse, these theories can certainly be applied to pathological gambling. More recently, Fantino, Navarro, and O'Daly (2005) and Madden, Ewan, and Lagorio (2007) have argued that behavioral research perspectives and techniques can potentially forward our understanding of gambling behavior relative to other approaches. Petry and Roll (2001) suggested some treatments for pathological gambling from a behavioral perspective. Unfortunately, these significant contributions have not led to
对许多人来说，赌博是一种娱乐的休闲活动。然而，对于一小部分人来说，赌博代表了一种严重的行为障碍，会产生非常负面的、改变生活的后果。尽管对一般人群中病态赌博频率的估计可能看起来很小(例如，1-3%;参见Petry, 2005，以获得评论)，这些估计转化为数百万人。此外，某些人群患病态赌博的比率远高于一般人群。例如，数据表明，美洲印第安人表现出病态赌博症状的频率是大多数人的10倍以上(Wardman, el-Guebaly， & Hodgins, 2001)。简而言之，病态和问题赌博是一个严重的社会问题，值得研究关注。尽管这种疾病很严重，但可以提出一个论点，即研究界，特别是行为分析，在确定导致病态赌博的潜在原因(或偶然事件)方面做得很少。对文献的粗略回顾支持了这一观点。在2007年9月8日进行的一次全文搜索中，在PsycINFO数据库中使用“赌博”一词进行了搜索，总共得到了3354篇参考文献。一项相同的搜索将“赌博”与“实验”交叉引用，确定了166个来源。另一项交叉引用“赌博”和“行为分析”的单独搜索只得到14条引用。其中一个交叉引用“赌博”和“强化”的结果是87。这些搜索表明，只有不到5%的病态赌博研究文献提到“实验”这个词，更不用说使用实验方法了。考虑到实验是确定因果关系的最有力和最直接的方法，这个小比例的重要性怎么强调都不为过。搜索结果还表明，在已发表的有关赌博的研究中，只有不到3%是从行为分析的角度出发的。这一比例令人不安，因为行为分析已经成功地应用于严重的行为障碍(如自闭症)，但将行为分析应用于病态赌博却很少。这并不是说行为分析师完全忽略了对赌博的研究。但事实并非如此。例如，Rachlin(1997)提出了行为导向的成瘾理论。虽然在药物滥用的背景下讨论，这些理论当然可以应用于病态赌博。最近，Fantino, Navarro, and O'Daly(2005)和Madden, Ewan, and Lagorio(2007)认为行为研究的视角和技术可以潜在地推动我们对赌博行为的理解。Petry和Roll(2001)从行为的角度提出了一些病态赌博的治疗方法。不幸的是，这些重要的贡献并没有导致大量的行为分析研究。最近的两项努力有望启动这类研究。首先是建立一份专门研究赌博行为的行为分析杂志。《赌博行为分析》杂志于2007年出版了第一期。第二次尝试是在第一期杂志上发表的一篇文章。具体来说，Weatherly和Dixon(2007)试图提出一个赌博行为的综合行为分析模型。他们认为，通过将研究注意力集中在特定变量上，并为在更广泛的文献中进行以行为为导向的研究提供一般理论基础，这样做可能有助于赌博研究。他们还建议，这种模式还可能促进从机构和基金会获得研究经费，因为这些实体往往严重依赖理性主义的科学方法。．..
{"title":"Facing the Challenge: The Behavior Analysis of Gambling","authors":"J. Weatherly, K. Flannery","doi":"10.1037/H0100652","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100652","url":null,"abstract":"For many, gambling is an entertaining, leisure-time activity. For a small percentage of individuals, however, gambling represents a severe behavioral disorder that has very negative, life-changing consequences. Although estimates of the frequency of pathological gambling in the general population may seem small (e.g., 1-3%; see Petry, 2005, for a review), those estimates translate into millions of individuals. Furthermore, there are certain populations who suffer from pathological gambling at rates well above those seen in the general population. For instance, data suggest that American Indians display the symptoms of pathological gambling at well over 10 times the frequency of the majority population (Wardman, el-Guebaly, & Hodgins, 2001). In short, pathological and problem gambling is a serious societal problem that deserves research attention. Despite the seriousness of the disorder, an argument could be made that the research community, and specifically behavior analysis, has done little to identify the underlying causes (or contingencies) that lead to pathological gambling. A cursory review of the literature supports that argument. A search of the PsycINFO database using the term \"gambling\" in an all-text search (conducted on September 8, 2007) yielded a total of 3,354 references. An identical search that cross referenced \"gambling\" with \"experiment\" identified 166 sources. A separate search that cross referenced \"gambling\" and \"behavior analysis\" yielded only 14 citations. One that cross referenced \"gambling\" and \"reinforcement\" yielded a total of 87. These searches suggest that less than 5% of the research literature on pathological gambling even mentions the word experiment, let alone uses experimental methodology. The importance of this small percentage cannot be overstated given that experiments represent the strongest and most straightforward method of determining cause-and-effect relationships. The searches also suggest that less than 3% of the published work on gambling is coming from a behavior-analytic perspective. This percentage is disturbing because behavior analysis has been successfully applied to serious behavioral disorders (e.g., Autism), yet little has been done to apply behavior analysis to pathological gambling. That is not to say that behavior analysts have completely ignored the study of gambling. They have not. For instance, Rachlin (1997) forwarded behaviorally oriented theories of addiction. Although discussed in the context of substance abuse, these theories can certainly be applied to pathological gambling. More recently, Fantino, Navarro, and O'Daly (2005) and Madden, Ewan, and Lagorio (2007) have argued that behavioral research perspectives and techniques can potentially forward our understanding of gambling behavior relative to other approaches. Petry and Roll (2001) suggested some treatments for pathological gambling from a behavioral perspective. Unfortunately, these significant contributions have not led to ","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"130-142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58472038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is a significant relationship between adherence to psychotherapy between-sessions assignments and treatment outcome (Addis & Jacobson, 2003; Bryant, Simons, & Thase, 1999; Edelman & Chambless, 1995; Kazantzis & Lampropoulos, 2002; Startup & Edmond, 1994). However, clients often do not complete assignments. Thus, it can be good practice for psychotherapists to use methods to maximize the chances that clients will carry out assigned tasks. Although many therapists have offered suggestions about how to increase the chances that clients will complete therapy assignments (e.g., Malouff & Schutte, 2004), only a few studies show that specific methods help. In a noteworthy study, Cox, Tisdale, and Culbert (1988) found that giving clients psychological-medical assignments in writing as well as orally led to more adherence than assignments given only orally. Beyond this one finding, to our knowledge the only evidence supporting the value of any specific strategy to increase rates of mental health assignment completion have come from our studies on vicarious reinforcement. Vicarious reinforcement involves an observer emulating the behavior of another individual (a model) because that individual benefited from performing the behavior (Malouff & Rooke, 2008). Vicarious reinforcement can occur either through direct observation of modeled behavior, or symbolic modeling, such as through a story, told orally or in writing. For example, symbolic vicarious reinforcement may occur when a model tells a personal anecdote about how she or he behaved in a particular way and experienced positive outcomes. The behavior analytic perspective on vicarious reinforcement holds that a focus on mediating cognitive factors is not needed and that the essential element of vicarious learning is the relationship between an individual's learning history and his or her current environment (Deguchi, 1984; Masia & Chase, 1997). Masia and Chase (1997) argued that a behavior analytic approach to vicarious learning is especially useful for clinicians drawing on vicarious learning as part of therapeutic interventions. Research on Vicarious Reinforcement in Increasing Assignment Completion Our first study on vicarious reinforcement found that providing individuals with video models of psychotherapy clients who talked about how they benefitted from treatment led to increases in positive attitude toward obtaining mental health treatment (Buckley & Malouff, 2004). We have since completed the only published studies on the value of vicarious reinforcement in increasing the rate of client completion of assigned tasks. In the first of these studies (Rooke and Malouff, 2006), individuals in the experimental condition received information about how to use expressive writing to reduce distress and received a written anecdote about a person who used the method and benefitted. They also viewed a video of three individuals who described the beneficial consequences expressive writing had for them. In
{"title":"Using Vicarious Reinforcement to Increase Client Completion of Between-Session Assignments","authors":"J. Malouff, N. Schutte, S. Rooke","doi":"10.1037/H0100654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100654","url":null,"abstract":"There is a significant relationship between adherence to psychotherapy between-sessions assignments and treatment outcome (Addis & Jacobson, 2003; Bryant, Simons, & Thase, 1999; Edelman & Chambless, 1995; Kazantzis & Lampropoulos, 2002; Startup & Edmond, 1994). However, clients often do not complete assignments. Thus, it can be good practice for psychotherapists to use methods to maximize the chances that clients will carry out assigned tasks. Although many therapists have offered suggestions about how to increase the chances that clients will complete therapy assignments (e.g., Malouff & Schutte, 2004), only a few studies show that specific methods help. In a noteworthy study, Cox, Tisdale, and Culbert (1988) found that giving clients psychological-medical assignments in writing as well as orally led to more adherence than assignments given only orally. Beyond this one finding, to our knowledge the only evidence supporting the value of any specific strategy to increase rates of mental health assignment completion have come from our studies on vicarious reinforcement. Vicarious reinforcement involves an observer emulating the behavior of another individual (a model) because that individual benefited from performing the behavior (Malouff & Rooke, 2008). Vicarious reinforcement can occur either through direct observation of modeled behavior, or symbolic modeling, such as through a story, told orally or in writing. For example, symbolic vicarious reinforcement may occur when a model tells a personal anecdote about how she or he behaved in a particular way and experienced positive outcomes. The behavior analytic perspective on vicarious reinforcement holds that a focus on mediating cognitive factors is not needed and that the essential element of vicarious learning is the relationship between an individual's learning history and his or her current environment (Deguchi, 1984; Masia & Chase, 1997). Masia and Chase (1997) argued that a behavior analytic approach to vicarious learning is especially useful for clinicians drawing on vicarious learning as part of therapeutic interventions. Research on Vicarious Reinforcement in Increasing Assignment Completion Our first study on vicarious reinforcement found that providing individuals with video models of psychotherapy clients who talked about how they benefitted from treatment led to increases in positive attitude toward obtaining mental health treatment (Buckley & Malouff, 2004). We have since completed the only published studies on the value of vicarious reinforcement in increasing the rate of client completion of assigned tasks. In the first of these studies (Rooke and Malouff, 2006), individuals in the experimental condition received information about how to use expressive writing to reduce distress and received a written anecdote about a person who used the method and benefitted. They also viewed a video of three individuals who described the beneficial consequences expressive writing had for them. In","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"150-152"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58472127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Resurgence refers to the recovery of previously extinguished responding when a recently reinforced response is extinguished (e.g., Epstein, 1983, 1985). Figure 1 illustrates resurgence using hypothetical data. In the first condition, only Response A is reinforced. Response A is extinguished in the second condition concurrent with the reinforcement of Response B. Response B is extinguished in the third condition, and the subsequent recovery of Response A is resurgence. The degree of recovery of Response A can be compared to a different (control) response that never was reinforced (Response C). Measuring Response C in this third condition serves as a measure of extinction-induced response variability (e.g., Antonitis, 1951). Thus, resurgence provides a more refined characterization of extinction-induced behavior. That is, responses predicted to occur in extinction are those responses that previously were reinforced under comparable stimulus conditions. Although resurgence and related extinction-induced phenomena were investigated in the 1970s (e.g., Mulick, Leitenberg, & Rawson, 1976; Pacitti, & Smith, 1977; Rawson, Leitenberg, Mulick, & Lefebvre, 1977), as well as earlier (see Epstein, 1985), Epstein (1983, 1985) usually is viewed as being the most forceful commentator regarding the utility of understanding the determinants and consequences of resurgence (see also Epstein & Skinner, 1980). Epstein argued that resurgence provides behavior analysts with a more descriptive means of understanding findings sometimes attributed to Freud's concept of regression. For Freud, regression involved an individual regressing to previously demonstrated behavior considered acceptable earlier in the individual's development. In addition to linking resurgence and regression, Epstein also summarized much of the experimental findings related to resurgence. The aim of the present paper, therefore, is to describe more recent experimental findings related to resurgence. By showing the relevance of the topic to a variety of topics in and outside behavior analysis (behavioral history, drug relapse, severe problem behavior, communication disorders, and cognition), this paper urges both basic and applied behavior analysts to continue the analysis of resurgence. Behavioral history Appealing to the behavioral history of an organism often provides behavior analysts with a means of explaining complex behavior (e.g., Barrett, 1986; Doughty, Cirino, Mayfield, da Silva, Okouchi, & Lattal, 2005; Lattal, & Neef, 1996; Tatham, & Wanchisen, 1998; Wanchisen, & Tatham, 1991). Broadly speaking, resurgence is a behavioral-history effect in that current behavior only can be understood by appealing to contingencies of reinforcement exposed to the organism previously. A primary issue, therefore, in the study of resurgence is: what are the necessary and sufficient conditions to produce resurgence, in terms of both past experiences and current environmental conditions? Lieving and Lattal (2003)
{"title":"Extinction-Induced Response Resurgence: A Selective Review","authors":"Adam H. Doughty, Gabriella Oken","doi":"10.1037/H0100644","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/H0100644","url":null,"abstract":"Resurgence refers to the recovery of previously extinguished responding when a recently reinforced response is extinguished (e.g., Epstein, 1983, 1985). Figure 1 illustrates resurgence using hypothetical data. In the first condition, only Response A is reinforced. Response A is extinguished in the second condition concurrent with the reinforcement of Response B. Response B is extinguished in the third condition, and the subsequent recovery of Response A is resurgence. The degree of recovery of Response A can be compared to a different (control) response that never was reinforced (Response C). Measuring Response C in this third condition serves as a measure of extinction-induced response variability (e.g., Antonitis, 1951). Thus, resurgence provides a more refined characterization of extinction-induced behavior. That is, responses predicted to occur in extinction are those responses that previously were reinforced under comparable stimulus conditions. Although resurgence and related extinction-induced phenomena were investigated in the 1970s (e.g., Mulick, Leitenberg, & Rawson, 1976; Pacitti, & Smith, 1977; Rawson, Leitenberg, Mulick, & Lefebvre, 1977), as well as earlier (see Epstein, 1985), Epstein (1983, 1985) usually is viewed as being the most forceful commentator regarding the utility of understanding the determinants and consequences of resurgence (see also Epstein & Skinner, 1980). Epstein argued that resurgence provides behavior analysts with a more descriptive means of understanding findings sometimes attributed to Freud's concept of regression. For Freud, regression involved an individual regressing to previously demonstrated behavior considered acceptable earlier in the individual's development. In addition to linking resurgence and regression, Epstein also summarized much of the experimental findings related to resurgence. The aim of the present paper, therefore, is to describe more recent experimental findings related to resurgence. By showing the relevance of the topic to a variety of topics in and outside behavior analysis (behavioral history, drug relapse, severe problem behavior, communication disorders, and cognition), this paper urges both basic and applied behavior analysts to continue the analysis of resurgence. Behavioral history Appealing to the behavioral history of an organism often provides behavior analysts with a means of explaining complex behavior (e.g., Barrett, 1986; Doughty, Cirino, Mayfield, da Silva, Okouchi, & Lattal, 2005; Lattal, & Neef, 1996; Tatham, & Wanchisen, 1998; Wanchisen, & Tatham, 1991). Broadly speaking, resurgence is a behavioral-history effect in that current behavior only can be understood by appealing to contingencies of reinforcement exposed to the organism previously. A primary issue, therefore, in the study of resurgence is: what are the necessary and sufficient conditions to produce resurgence, in terms of both past experiences and current environmental conditions? Lieving and Lattal (2003)","PeriodicalId":88717,"journal":{"name":"The behavior analyst today","volume":"9 1","pages":"27-33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58471914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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