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Artifacts and Identity: Exploring Race and Ethnicity through Anthropology in a World History Classroom 文物与身份:在世界历史课堂上通过人类学探索种族和人种
Pub Date : 2021-03-08 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2020.1884478
Shannon Marie Peck-Bartle
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引用次数: 0
Open “Secrets” and Uncomfortable Truths: Druze, Jews and Israel’s New Nationality Law 公开“秘密”和令人不安的真相:德鲁兹、犹太人和以色列的新国籍法
Pub Date : 2021-03-06 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2021.1886500
William F. S. Miles
Of all the ethno-religious minorities pained by the passage of Israel’s “nation-state” Basic Law of July 2018, none have expressed as much hurt as the Druze citizens of the Jewish state.1 Colloquially known as the “nationality law,” the legislation both defines Israel as the “nation state of the Jewish people” and reserves only to Jews the “right to self-determination in the State of Israel.” Understanding the depth of Druze outrage requires an understanding of the evolution of Israeli Druze society and the implications of this populist legislation. It also requires a historical sense of consequences of the colonial partition of the Druze into Syria, Lebanon and Palestine-Israel. This analysis is based on more than seven months of fieldwork, spanning five years, in a Druze village near the Israeli-Lebanese border. Hundreds of hours in discussion with interlocutors spanned the four years leading up to passage of the nationality law as well as the year following it. For sure, parliamentary ratification of a collective destiny for Israel’s Jewish citizens alone, and the concomitant elimination of Arabic as an official language, outrage those Israeli citizens who identify with Islam and Christianity rather than with Judaism and Jewry. Along with the Druze, these other first-language speakers of Arabic make up a full 20 percent of the Israeli population. But neither of these other groups has identified so closely with the Jewish majority as have the Druze. Coincidentally comprising virtually the same percentage of the Israeli population as do Jews of the United States (around 1.8%), rightly or wrongly the Druze are known in the wider societies they inhabit by three generalities. The first is the secret nature of their religion. The second is their loyalty to the state in which they live. (In Israel, this takes the form of willingness to serve in the security services of the Jewish State: the Israel Defence Forces [IDF], the Border Patrol, the police, the prison services.) The third is Druze attachment to their land (mostly in the Galilee, for those of Israel). Superficial understanding of these long-standing stereotypes, however, leads to misconceptions that threaten the famous “blood pact” between Druze and Jews.
在因2018年7月以色列“民族国家”基本法的通过而感到痛苦的所有少数民族宗教中,没有人像犹太国家的德鲁兹公民那样表达了如此大的伤害。1该立法被称为“国籍法”,既将以色列定义为“犹太人民的民族国家”,又只保留犹太人“在以色列国自决的权利”。“了解德鲁兹愤怒的深度需要了解以色列德鲁兹社会的演变以及这项民粹主义立法的影响。它还需要对德鲁兹人被殖民地划分为叙利亚、黎巴嫩和巴勒斯坦-以色列的后果有一种历史感。这项分析是基于在以色列-黎巴嫩边境附近的德鲁兹村进行的为期五年的七个多月的实地调查。在国籍法通过前的四年和通过后的一年里,与对话者进行了数百个小时的讨论。毫无疑问,议会批准了以色列犹太公民的集体命运,并随之取消了阿拉伯语作为官方语言的地位,激怒那些认同伊斯兰教和基督教而不是犹太教和犹太人的以色列公民。与德鲁兹人一样,这些讲阿拉伯语的第一语言的人占以色列人口的20%。但这两个其他群体都没有像德鲁兹人那样与大多数犹太人有如此密切的联系。巧合的是,德鲁兹人在以色列人口中所占的比例几乎与美国犹太人(约1.8%)相同,无论对错,他们在所居住的更广泛的社会中都有三个共性。首先是他们宗教的秘密性质。第二是他们对他们所生活的国家的忠诚。(在以色列,这表现为愿意在犹太国家的安全部门服务:以色列国防军、边境巡逻队、警察、监狱服务。)第三种是德鲁兹人对自己土地的依恋(对以色列人来说,主要是在加利利)。然而,对这些长期存在的刻板印象的肤浅理解会导致误解,威胁到德鲁兹和犹太人之间著名的“血缘协议”。
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引用次数: 1
Fear, Contradiction, and Coloniality in Settler Archaeology 移民考古学中的恐惧、矛盾和殖民主义
Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2020.1884483
Valerie Bondura
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引用次数: 2
Shit’s Getting Real: A Cultural Analysis of Toilet Paper 大便越来越真实:厕纸的文化分析
Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2020.1884487
G. Otsuki
Since its first detection in China in December 2019, COVID-19 has spread with alarming speed and lethality, thoroughly transforming daily life around the world in ways that few could have foreseen. As of late 2020, millions have been infected and hundreds of thousands have been killed. There is little doubt that this decade will be defined by the pandemic. But while COVID has caused much confusion, anxiety and uncertainty, it has inspired little bemusement. Except for what it did to toilet paper. Soon after the disease began breaching international borders, the internet was inundated with photos and videos of store shelves emptied of toilet paper by harried customers. The shelves were empty not just in the places where COVID had become established but also in places such as New Zealand, where I am based and where the disease had yet to materially impact the day-to-day lives of most people. Almost overnight, there was an explosion of memes ridiculing the irrationality of toilet paper hoarders and of blog posts and news stories addressing the strangeness of the phenomenon. To be sure, toilet paper was not the only item in short supply. Surgical masks and alcohol-based hand sanitizers were also difficult to find. But a run on those items was understandable. For toilet paper, it was less so. What was the meaning, then, behind this flurry of attention, talk, meme-ing, writing and photographing focused on toilet paper? Much of the early academic commentary came from psychologists, who suggested that the run on toilet paper was a combined consequence of herd behavior and people’s need for psychological security during deeply uncertain times. But little of it addressed the basic question, Why toilet paper? It turns out that toilet paper has many layers. Some have to do with the symbolic meanings that modern societies (or at least their Western versions) have assigned to it. Others have to do with the particular political and psychological security that toilet paper gives people. And of course, toilet paper is very useful. These layers considered together begin to reveal why toilet paper should become what the anthropologist Sherry Ortner once called a “key symbol” during troubled times.1
自2019年12月在中国首次发现以来,新冠肺炎以惊人的速度和致命性传播,以很少有人能预见到的方式彻底改变了世界各地的日常生活。截至2020年底,已有数百万人感染,数十万人死亡。毫无疑问,这十年将由新冠疫情决定。尽管新冠肺炎造成了很多困惑、焦虑和不确定性,但它并没有引起什么困惑。除了它对卫生纸的影响。在这种疾病开始突破国际边界后不久,互联网上就充斥着商店货架上被骚扰的顾客清空厕纸的照片和视频。货架上空空如也,不仅在新冠肺炎流行的地方,而且在我所在的新西兰等地,这种疾病尚未对大多数人的日常生活产生实质性影响。几乎在一夜之间,嘲笑厕纸囤积者不合理的模因激增,博客文章和新闻报道也在讨论这一现象的怪异之处。可以肯定的是,厕纸并不是唯一短缺的物品。外科口罩和含酒精的洗手液也很难找到。但这些项目的挤兑是可以理解的。对于厕纸来说,情况并非如此。那么,在这一系列关注、谈论、模因、写作和摄影的背后,厕纸的意义是什么呢?早期的学术评论大多来自心理学家,他们认为厕纸上的挤兑是群体行为和人们在极度不确定的时期对心理安全需求的综合结果。但其中很少涉及到一个基本问题,为什么要用卫生纸?原来卫生纸有很多层。有些与现代社会(或者至少是西方社会)赋予它的象征意义有关。另一些则与厕纸给人们带来的特殊政治和心理安全有关。当然,卫生纸是非常有用的。这些层次结合在一起,开始揭示为什么卫生纸应该成为人类学家Sherry Ortner在困难时期所说的“关键符号”。1
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引用次数: 3
Photo Editor Introduction 图片编辑简介
Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2020.1884474
S. Silverstein
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引用次数: 0
Doni the Anthropologist’s Dog: A Scent of Ethnographic Fieldwork 人类学家多尼的狗:民族志田野调查的气味
Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2020.1884482
G. Kunnath
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引用次数: 0
Anthropology’s Reckoning with Radical Humanism 人类学与激进人道主义的清算
Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2020.1886502
Dwaipayan Banerjee
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引用次数: 0
Age, Isolation and Inequality in the Time of COVID-19 新冠肺炎时代的年龄、孤立与不平等
Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2020.1884485
E. Buch, Jessica C. Robbins
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 in Bulgaria: Moral Economy as Pandemic Relief 新冠肺炎在保加利亚:道德经济作为大流行病的救济
Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2020.1885874
J. Tsoneva
In the wake of the COVID-19 outbreak in early spring 2020, the Bulgarian economy shed a record 120,000 jobs in just six weeks. The unemployed stormed the offices of the National Employment Agency, overburdening its underprotected employees. While other affected countries rolled out variants of basic income or debt freezing, the Bulgarian government elided labor-friendly economic measures by maligning them as “populism.”1 Relying on little to no savings, the newly unemployed coped with the rapidly contracting labor markets and unresponsive welfare state in observable ways. With a faltering formal economy, a moral economy enmeshing people in dependencies on kin and friends kicked in to provide “firebreaks” to rapidly deteriorating living standards. This article focuses on these dynamics and asks what possibilities for progressive social change inhere in the moral economy.
2020年初春新冠肺炎爆发后,保加利亚经济在短短六周内减少了创纪录的12万个工作岗位。失业者冲击了国家就业局的办公室,使保护不力的员工负担过重。当其他受影响的国家推出基本收入或债务冻结的变体时,保加利亚政府却将有利于劳工的经济措施斥为“民粹主义”,从而忽略了这些措施。1新失业者依靠很少甚至根本没有储蓄,以可观察到的方式应对迅速收缩的劳动力市场和反应迟钝的福利国家。随着正规经济的衰退,一种让人们陷入对亲友依赖的道德经济开始为迅速恶化的生活水平提供“防火带”。本文关注这些动态,并询问道德经济中存在哪些渐进社会变革的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Violence Exchange 暴力交换
Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/19428200.2021.1903533
Ieva Jusionyte
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引用次数: 0
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Anthropology now
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