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Not Just Mother, Wife, and Queen: The Ethical and Political Strategies of Female Characters in George R. R. Martin’s A Song of Ice and Fire 不只是母亲、妻子和王后:乔治·r·r·马丁《冰与火之歌》中女性角色的伦理与政治策略
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2020-1-209-226
M. Marey
The article is a study of the ethical and political motives of the behavioral strategies of the main female characters in the cycle of novels of A Song of Ice and Fire by George Martin. The author of the article identifies three such characters; Caitilin Stark, Daenerys Targaryen, and Cersei Lannister. The article considers their gender and social identity, compliance or non-compliance with the stereotypes of behavior expected from them, as well as the life-building practices they choose, ways to justify the chosen behavioral strategies, and the reasons for their success or failure. It is then assumed that the fulfillment of one’s duty and service, to one’s business, family, or people are no less important for the realization of oneself and the achievement of goals (including imperious ones) than the possession of other resources such as strength, the power of the army, chivalrous valor, cunning, or wealth. This is especially true for those who seek to possess and retain political power. This does not mean that those who are kind and noble do not perish or emerge victorious from conflicts. A correct understanding of the goals and meaning of the ruler’s power is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition. Since it is necessary, one who does not possess these qualities does not have a chance for a long-term retention of power. However, owning only it and nothing more gives the applicant for power an undeniable advantage. It is also significant that the gender of the character does not give any long-term advantage in the political game, which is shown in the series of Martin’s novels. The author of the article convincingly proves that either a man and or a woman can be an ideal ruler with equal success in Martin’s world.
本文研究了乔治·马丁《冰与火之歌》系列小说中主要女性角色行为策略的伦理和政治动机。本文作者确定了三个这样的特征;凯特琳·史塔克,丹妮莉丝·坦格利安,瑟曦·兰尼斯特。文章考虑了他们的性别和社会身份,遵守或不遵守对他们的刻板印象的行为,以及他们选择的生活建设实践,证明所选择的行为策略的方法,以及他们成功或失败的原因。因此,人们认为,对自己的事业、家庭或人民履行职责和服务,对于实现自我和实现目标(包括专横的目标)的重要性不亚于拥有其他资源,如力量、军队的力量、侠义的勇气、狡猾或财富。对于那些寻求拥有和保持政治权力的人来说尤其如此。这并不意味着那些善良和高尚的人不会灭亡,也不会在冲突中取得胜利。正确理解统治者权力的目标和意义是必要条件,但不是充分条件。因为这是必要的,一个不具备这些品质的人就没有机会长期保持权力。然而,只拥有它而不拥有其他,给了权力申请者一个不可否认的优势。同样重要的是,角色的性别在政治游戏中并没有给予任何长期的优势,这在马丁的系列小说中表现出来。这篇文章的作者令人信服地证明,在马丁的世界里,男人和女人都可以成为理想的统治者,同样成功。
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引用次数: 0
“God without Sovereignty” and “Sacred Anarchy” of the Kingdom: Weak Theology as a Theo-political Project 王国的“无主权的上帝”与“神圣的无政府状态”:作为神学-政治计划的弱神学
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2022-2-214-229
Svetlana A. Konacheva
The paper is devoted to the political dimensions of John Caputo’s “weak theology”. We analyze his understanding of the weakness of God and trace the evolution of his theo-poetics as an adequate method of theological hermeneutics. We argue that in Caputo’s early works, theo-poetics is based on the Kantian reading of Derrida; this means the opposition between faith and knowledge, and emphasizing the undecidability. The political implications of a theology which is focused on the “God to come” are linked to messianic hope, and the promise of an event of justice. At the same time, justice is not interpreted as a thing that exists in the present or foreseeable future. Caputo proclaims the non-programmable future of event: justice “to come”, democracy “to come”, or hospitality “to come”. In later works, Caputo turns to Hegelian theo-poetics based on the concept of Vorstellung. It focuses on the world-life and the event of poieisis. The ontological aspects of the new mode of theological thinking are characterized through the transition from God’s existence to insistence. We analyze the concept of the Kingdom of God as “sacred anarchy”, and indicate that this Kingdom establishes the order that is opposed to hierarchical logic. The interpretation of the Kingdom of God based on the radical theology of the cross characterized as the deconstruction of the metaphysics of power, the mythology of the higher heavenly powers, and the politics of sovereignty. The ethical and political implications of the concept “Kingdom of God” are analyzed as a pragmatic and prophetic transformation of the world. We argue that the theo-poetics of the sacred anarchic Kingdom is a way of thinking on the hyper-reality of the impossible in the real world. The “politics of the cross” that is presented in the last works of Caputo can thus be characterized as a project of actualization and materialization, that is, the material embodiment of God in the world.
这篇论文致力于探讨约翰·卡普托“软弱神学”的政治层面。我们分析了他对上帝软弱的理解,并追溯了他的神诗学作为一种适当的神学解释学方法的演变。我们认为,在卡普托的早期作品中,神学是基于康德对德里达的解读;这意味着信仰与知识的对立,强调信仰的不确定性。专注于“即将到来的上帝”的神学的政治含义与弥赛亚的希望和正义事件的承诺联系在一起。与此同时,正义不被解释为存在于现在或可预见的未来的事物。卡普托宣称事件的未来是不可编程的:正义“即将到来”,民主“即将到来”,或者热情好客“即将到来”。在后来的作品中,卡普托转向黑格尔的神诗学,以“Vorstellung”的概念为基础。它关注的是世界生活和危机事件。新神学思维模式的本体论方面表现为从上帝的存在到上帝的坚持的过渡。我们将上帝王国的概念分析为“神圣的无政府状态”,并指出这个王国建立了与等级逻辑相反的秩序。以十字架的激进神学为基础的对上帝王国的解释,其特征是对权力的形而上学、更高的天堂权力的神话和主权政治的解构。“上帝之国”概念的伦理和政治含义被分析为世界的实用主义和预言性转变。我们认为,神圣的无政府王国的神权诗学是对现实世界中不可能的超现实性的一种思考方式。因此,在卡普托的最后几部作品中呈现的“十字架的政治”可以被描述为一个实现和物质化的项目,也就是说,上帝在世界上的物质体现。
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引用次数: 0
Religion in the Mediatized Public Spaces in Scandinavian Countries: Between Secular Neutrality and Nationalism 斯堪的纳维亚国家媒介化公共空间中的宗教:在世俗中立与民族主义之间
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2019-4-299-319
E. Grishaeva
The following article presents a systematic review of the studies of religion in the mediatized public sphere of Scandinavian countries. The mediatized public sphere is tackled as constituted by interrelated media spaces, those of mass media, the Internet, and religious media and media of popular culture which are specifically organized public spaces, each of which varies in their degree of openness to different publics. A review of the empirical research reveals the specificity of the public (re)presentations of religion in each media space. In the Scandinavian mass media, religious issues are covered within the political frame, and “banalized” (Hjavard, 2013), while religious organizations have few opportunities to influence the representation of religious content. Due to its’ non-strict “entrance fee” and the spread of horizontal links, religious issues are articulated by agents though different ideologies on the Internet. Religious media space is an environment where religious organizations seek to maintain an institutional version of the religious narrative. In the media of popular culture, religious themes as a part of popular culture are interpreted aesthetically, and thus, makes this space a repository of religious meanings and identities that can be used in the course of political and public discussions about religion. The variety of media spaces enables the public circulation of diverse representations of religion, and allows various groups to discuss their ideological articulations of religion. However, this results in the polarization of public debates about religion and the fragmentation of the audience. The proposed model of the media spheres’ division into political spaces can be used as a framework for the analysis of the (re)presentation of religion in the Russian media.
下面这篇文章对斯堪的纳维亚国家的公共领域的宗教研究进行了系统的回顾。媒介化的公共领域是由相互关联的媒体空间构成的,大众媒体、互联网、宗教媒体和流行文化媒体是专门组织的公共空间,每个公共空间对不同公众的开放程度各不相同。对实证研究的回顾揭示了宗教在每个媒体空间的公共(再)呈现的特殊性。在斯堪的纳维亚的大众媒体中,宗教问题是在政治框架内被覆盖的,并且被“平庸化”(Hjavard, 2013),而宗教组织几乎没有机会影响宗教内容的表现。由于其不严格的“入场费”和横向链接的传播,宗教问题被代理人通过不同的意识形态在互联网上表达出来。宗教媒体空间是宗教组织寻求维持宗教叙事制度版本的环境。在大众文化的媒介中,宗教主题作为大众文化的一部分被美学地诠释,从而使这个空间成为宗教意义和身份的仓库,可以在政治和公共讨论宗教的过程中使用。媒体空间的多样性使宗教的各种表现形式在公众中流通,并允许不同的群体讨论他们对宗教的意识形态表达。然而,这导致了公众对宗教辩论的两极分化和听众的分裂。媒体领域划分为政治空间的模型可以作为分析俄罗斯媒体中宗教(再)呈现的框架。
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引用次数: 0
Post-Truth and Its Threats 后真相及其威胁
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2022-1-284-297
A. Salin
Book Review: Steve Fuller. Postpravda: znanie kak bor’ba za vlast’ [Post-Truth: Knowledge as a Power Game] (Moscow: HSE, 2021) (in Russian).
书评:史蒂夫·富勒。Postpravda: znanie kak bor ' ba za vlast '[后真相:知识作为权力游戏](莫斯科:HSE, 2021)(俄文)。
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引用次数: 0
The Economy of Qualities in a Cross-Border Market: Shopping Tourism as a Performative Practice 跨境市场中的品质经济:购物旅游作为一种表演实践
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2021-2-200-223
T. Zhuravskaia, N. Ryzhova
The article discusses the performativity of shopping tourism on the Russian-Chinese border using the terminology of M. Callon’s and his co-authors’ economy of qualities. The 2014 crisis has changed the parity of the ruble and the yuan, and has also changed the vector of cross-border tourism in the opposite direction. The authors show how observation of the residents of Blagoveshchensk regarding the purchases of Chinese tourists performs the perception of their social time and sends them “into the past”. They compared their everyday “here and now” knowledge with the knowledge accumulated during the operation of the cross-border local market. The usage of the language of the economy of qualities allows for the expansion of the boundaries of this concept for another type of market, that of the buyer’s market. We also ask about the dynamics of power in the wake of the assertion about the nature of market dynamics. The article consists of three main sections. The first section is a theoretical overview of the use of the concept of performativity in tourism research and the choice of the descriptive language for this empirical case. In the second section, we describe the “Chinese market” and trade practices before the 2014 crisis. The third section contains a reflection on the post-crisis changes and the processes of (re)qualification of goods and themselves. Empirical materials were gathered by the authors in the course of long-term studies in the twin-cities of Blagoveshchensk and Heikhe located on two banks of the Amur River, mainly through observation and interviews.
本文运用卡伦等人提出的质量经济理论,探讨了中俄边境购物旅游的实效性。2014年的危机改变了卢布和人民币的平价,也改变了跨境旅游的方向。作者展示了布拉戈维申斯克居民对中国游客购物的观察如何影响他们对社交时间的感知,并将他们“带回过去”。他们将日常生活中“此时此地”的知识与跨境当地市场运营过程中积累的知识进行了比较。质量经济这一术语的使用允许将这一概念的边界扩展到另一种类型的市场,即买方市场。在断言市场动态的本质之后,我们还询问了权力的动态。这篇文章由三个主要部分组成。第一部分是在旅游研究中使用表演性概念的理论概述,以及对这一实证案例的描述性语言的选择。在第二部分中,我们描述了2014年危机前的“中国市场”和贸易行为。第三部分反思了危机后的变化以及商品和自身(重新)资格认证的过程。作者在位于阿穆尔河两岸的双城布拉戈维申斯克和黑河进行了长期研究,主要通过观察和访谈的方式收集了实证资料。
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引用次数: 0
On the Concepts of the “Family” and the “Household” in the Political Theory of Jean Bodin 论让·博丹政治理论中的“家庭”与“家庭”概念
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2019-4-130-148
G. Bayazitova
The article examines the tradition of formation of the concepts “family” (famille) and “household” (ménage) in the political theory of the French lawyer, Jean Bodin. The article looks into different editions of Six Books of the Commonwealthto explore the connotations of the key concepts and the meaning that Bodin ascribed to them. As secondary sources, Bodin uses the works by Xenophon, Aristotle, Apuleus, and Marcus Junianus Justin, as well as the Corpus Juris Civilis. Bodin examines three different traditions, those of Ancient Greece, Ancient Hebrew, and Ancient Rome. Each of these traditions has its own history of the concepts of the “family” and of the “household”. Bodin refers to ancient traditions for polemics, but eventually offers his own understanding, not only of the concepts of “famille” and “ménage”, but also of the term «République», defined as the Republic, a term that (with some reservations) refers to the modern notion of state. The very fact that these concepts are being used signifies the division of the political space into the spheres of the private and the public. Furthermore, the concepts of the “family” and of the “household” are key to understand the essence of sovereignty as the supreme authority in the Republic. The author concludes that the difference between Bodin’s concepts of the “family” and the “household” lies not only in the possession of property and its legal manifestation, but also in the fact that the “household” is seen by Bodin as the basis of the Republic, the first step in the system of subordination to the authority.
本文考察了法国法学家让·博丹政治理论中“家庭”(famille)和“家庭”(m)概念的形成传统。本文以不同版本的《六书》为研究对象,探讨其核心概念的内涵及其所赋予的意义。作为次要资料来源,博丹使用色诺芬、亚里士多德、阿普勒斯和犹斯丁的著作,以及《民法大全》。Bodin考察了三种不同的传统,即古希腊、古希伯来和古罗马。每一种传统都有自己的“家庭”和“家庭”概念的历史。Bodin引用了古代的传统进行辩论,但最终提出了他自己的理解,不仅是“家庭”和“m”的概念,而且还有“r公共”一词,定义为共和国,这个词(有一些保留)指的是现代的国家概念。这些概念被使用的事实本身就意味着政治空间被划分为私人和公共领域。此外,“家庭”和“家庭”的概念是理解作为共和国最高权威的主权本质的关键。作者的结论是,博丹的“家庭”概念与“家庭”概念的区别不仅在于财产的占有及其法律表现形式,还在于“家庭”被博丹视为共和国的基础,即服从权威制度的第一步。
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 and the Grey Zone of Rule-Following COVID-19和遵守规则的灰色地带
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2021-4-15-28
A. Korbut
The paper deals with the phenomenon of the grey zone of rule-following — actions that may be perceived as both corresponding to some rule and as breaking this rule. The pandemic of COVID-19 brought the grey zone into relief because a significant part of the responses to imposed anti-COVID measures consists in following new rules less than completely, with the typical example being a lowered mask that covers only the mouth and not the nose. It is argued here that grey-zone actions, if viewed as public activities, have specific spatial and temporal social organization: they are designed to be flexible and oriented toward the possibility of completing them if necessary. At the same time, they are produced to be observably accountable as actions-according-to-the-rule, to prevent an attribution to the actor rule-breaking. The paper also describes some properties of situations where grey-zone actions produce tension, forcing the actor and other participants to initiate an argument or a conflict. The main point of the paper is that performing actions belonging to the grey zone of rule-following does not testify to the actor’s non-observance of the rule. It is better to describe grey-zone actions as rule-oriented and not rule-following or not-following. This suggests that social scientists should abandon dichotomic approach when analyzing rule-following activities, and pay more attention to the participants’ own practices of making sense and order of rules.
本文讨论了遵循规则的灰色地带现象,即可能被认为既符合某些规则又违反该规则的行为。COVID-19大流行使灰色地带得到了缓解,因为对强制实施的抗COVID-19措施的很大一部分反应是不完全遵守新规则,典型的例子是降低口罩,只遮住嘴而不遮住鼻子。这里认为,灰色地带的行动,如果被视为公共活动,具有特定的空间和时间的社会组织:它们被设计为灵活的,并以必要时完成它们的可能性为导向。与此同时,它们被产生为可观察到的根据规则的行为,以防止归因于参与者违反规则。本文还描述了灰色地带的行为产生紧张的情况的一些特性,迫使演员和其他参与者发起争论或冲突。本文的主要观点是,执行属于规则遵循灰色地带的行为并不能证明行为人不遵守规则。最好将灰色地带的行为描述为面向规则,而不是遵循规则或不遵循规则。这表明,社会科学家在分析遵守规则的活动时,应该放弃二分法,更多地关注参与者自己对规则的理解和秩序的实践。
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引用次数: 0
Victims of Their Own Fear: the Perceived Safety and Crime Victim Experience in Russia 自我恐惧的受害者:俄罗斯的感知安全与犯罪受害者经验
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-2-179-206
Arseny Verkeev, D. Serebrennikov
In recent decades, criminologists around the world have observed a decrease in the level of crime, especially violent crime, that is, the so-called “great crime drop”. However, the actual safety may not correspond to subjective safety, i.e., how people perceive their safety against various threats. In this article, we use the Russian Crime Victimization Survey(2021) conducted by the Institute for the Rule of Law at the European University at St. Petersburg to study the relationships between fear of crime, and the sociodemographic and the criminological characteristics of the respondents. These data make it possible to assess how the experience of victims of various crimes and their fear of different types of crimes are related. We find that the relationships between socio-demographic characteristics and fear of crime in Russia are broadly similar to those observed in other countries. At the same time, we identify a number of noteworthy features regarding crime victims. First, the victim experience increases the level of fear of crime on average. Second, the more serious the crime incidents people have experienced in the past, the higher their level of fear of crime. Third, victims of classic in-person crimes (such as theft or assault) often fear future crime. Moreover, in case of property crime, they tend to fear future property crime but not violence. At the same time, victims of violence can fear future property crime along with violence. The fact that the incident was remote (committed via the Internet or telephone) is not related to the fear of crime. Thus, the fear of “classic” crimes is experienced differently by the victims as compared to remote crimes which poses broader questions about the dynamics of perceived safety and the demand for the law enforcement involvement in the future.
近几十年来,世界各地的犯罪学家都观察到犯罪水平,特别是暴力犯罪水平的下降,即所谓的“犯罪率大幅下降”。然而,实际的安全可能不符合主观安全,即人们如何看待自己面对各种威胁的安全。在本文中,我们使用由圣彼得堡欧洲大学法治研究所进行的俄罗斯犯罪受害调查(2021)来研究犯罪恐惧与受访者的社会人口学和犯罪学特征之间的关系。这些数据使评估各种犯罪受害者的经历与他们对不同类型犯罪的恐惧之间的关系成为可能。我们发现,俄罗斯社会人口特征与犯罪恐惧之间的关系与在其他国家观察到的情况大致相似。与此同时,我们发现了一些关于犯罪受害者的值得注意的特征。首先,受害者的经历增加了对犯罪的平均恐惧程度。第二,人们过去经历的犯罪事件越严重,他们对犯罪的恐惧程度就越高。第三,典型的面对面犯罪(如盗窃或袭击)的受害者往往害怕未来的犯罪。此外,在财产犯罪的情况下,他们倾向于害怕未来的财产犯罪,而不是暴力。与此同时,暴力的受害者可能会担心未来的财产犯罪和暴力。事实上,事件是远程的(通过互联网或电话进行的),这与害怕犯罪无关。因此,与远程犯罪相比,受害者对“经典”犯罪的恐惧体验是不同的,这对感知安全的动态和未来执法参与的需求提出了更广泛的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Some Sociodemographic Factors of the Intensity of Anti-Government Demonstrations: Youth Bulges, Urbanization, and Protests 反政府示威强度的社会人口因素:青年膨胀、城市化和抗议
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2021-3-98-128
Andrey Korotayev, Patrick S Sawyer, M. Gladyshev, Daniil M. Romanov, A. Shishkina
Demographic changes associated with the transition from traditional to modern economies underlie many modern theories of protest formation. Both the level of urbanization and the “Youth Bulge” effect have proven to be particularly reliable indicators for predicting protest events. However, given that in the course of economic development these processes often occur simultaneously, it seems logical to put forward the hypothesis that the combined effect of urbanization growth and an increase in the number of young people will be a more relevant factor for predicting protests. Our study of cross-national time series from 1950 to 2016 shows that the combined effect of these two parameters is an extremely strong predictor of anti-government protests in a single country, even more so than traditional indicators such as democratization, per capita GDP, and the level of education.
与从传统经济向现代经济过渡相关的人口变化是许多现代抗议形成理论的基础。城市化水平和“青年膨胀”效应已被证明是预测抗议事件的特别可靠的指标。然而,鉴于在经济发展过程中,这些过程往往同时发生,提出这样一种假设似乎是合乎逻辑的,即城市化增长和年轻人数量增加的综合影响将是预测抗议活动的一个更相关的因素。我们对1950年至2016年的跨国时间序列的研究表明,这两个参数的综合效应是对单个国家反政府抗议活动的极强预测,甚至比民主化、人均GDP和教育水平等传统指标更强。
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引用次数: 5
The Origin of Management Ideas in Sociology in Chinese Society at the Turn of the 19th and 20th Centuries 19、20世纪之交中国社会社会学管理思想的起源
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2019-3-116-142
E. Kremnyov
n the beginning of the 20th century, China faced the need to look for new ways of development and, like other countries, turned towards the resources provided by social sciences in the attempt to comprehend and interpret this experience. This article reviews and analyzes Chinese sociological thought of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, focusing on management issues. The subject of this work is the genesis of management ideas in sociology in Chinese society. The material for the study comprises the works of thinkers, publicists, and political figures of that time who set themselves the task of applying sociological theories to the development of the country. The main problem discussed in the article is the ratio of Western and native Chinese views and ideas in sociological approaches to the study of managerial processes in China. The analysis of materials from that time shows three different tendencies in the formation of management ideas in sociology; identifying the prerequisites for a new science to be used in traditional ideas about management, demonstrating the predominance of Western science over Chinese traditional sciences, and the attempts at synthesizing the first two tendencies. The conclusion of the article is that, by the time of the fall of the Qing Dynasty in 1911, the nascent management ideas in sociology in China were a heterogeneous fusion of Western and traditional Chinese concepts, and was closely related to other sciences such as political science, sociology, philosophy, etc. During this period, traditional ideas that were largely distinguished by speculation and ideology bore the function of an ideological “shield” to preserve the integrity of the Chinese nation in the context of the growing influence of Western powers on Chinese society.
20世纪初,中国面临着寻找新的发展道路的需要,并像其他国家一样,转向社会科学提供的资源,试图理解和解释这一经验。本文回顾和分析了19、20世纪之交的中国社会学思想,重点关注管理学问题。本文的研究主题是中国社会社会学管理思想的起源。该研究的材料包括当时思想家、政论家和政治人物的著作,他们把自己的任务是将社会学理论应用于国家的发展。本文讨论的主要问题是西方和中国本土的观点和思想在社会学方法中对中国管理过程研究的比例。通过对当时资料的分析,可以看出社会学管理思想形成的三种不同倾向;确定一门新科学用于传统管理思想的先决条件,证明西方科学对中国传统科学的优势,并试图综合前两种趋势。文章的结论是,到1911年清朝灭亡时,中国社会学中新生的管理思想是西方与中国传统观念的异质融合,并与政治学、社会学、哲学等其他科学密切相关。在这一时期,以思辨和意识形态为主要特征的传统思想,在西方列强对中国社会影响日益扩大的背景下,承担了维护中华民族完整的意识形态“盾牌”的功能。
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引用次数: 0
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Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review
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