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On the Concepts of the “Family” and the “Household” in the Political Theory of Jean Bodin 论让·博丹政治理论中的“家庭”与“家庭”概念
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2019-4-130-148
G. Bayazitova
The article examines the tradition of formation of the concepts “family” (famille) and “household” (ménage) in the political theory of the French lawyer, Jean Bodin. The article looks into different editions of Six Books of the Commonwealthto explore the connotations of the key concepts and the meaning that Bodin ascribed to them. As secondary sources, Bodin uses the works by Xenophon, Aristotle, Apuleus, and Marcus Junianus Justin, as well as the Corpus Juris Civilis. Bodin examines three different traditions, those of Ancient Greece, Ancient Hebrew, and Ancient Rome. Each of these traditions has its own history of the concepts of the “family” and of the “household”. Bodin refers to ancient traditions for polemics, but eventually offers his own understanding, not only of the concepts of “famille” and “ménage”, but also of the term «République», defined as the Republic, a term that (with some reservations) refers to the modern notion of state. The very fact that these concepts are being used signifies the division of the political space into the spheres of the private and the public. Furthermore, the concepts of the “family” and of the “household” are key to understand the essence of sovereignty as the supreme authority in the Republic. The author concludes that the difference between Bodin’s concepts of the “family” and the “household” lies not only in the possession of property and its legal manifestation, but also in the fact that the “household” is seen by Bodin as the basis of the Republic, the first step in the system of subordination to the authority.
本文考察了法国法学家让·博丹政治理论中“家庭”(famille)和“家庭”(m)概念的形成传统。本文以不同版本的《六书》为研究对象,探讨其核心概念的内涵及其所赋予的意义。作为次要资料来源,博丹使用色诺芬、亚里士多德、阿普勒斯和犹斯丁的著作,以及《民法大全》。Bodin考察了三种不同的传统,即古希腊、古希伯来和古罗马。每一种传统都有自己的“家庭”和“家庭”概念的历史。Bodin引用了古代的传统进行辩论,但最终提出了他自己的理解,不仅是“家庭”和“m”的概念,而且还有“r公共”一词,定义为共和国,这个词(有一些保留)指的是现代的国家概念。这些概念被使用的事实本身就意味着政治空间被划分为私人和公共领域。此外,“家庭”和“家庭”的概念是理解作为共和国最高权威的主权本质的关键。作者的结论是,博丹的“家庭”概念与“家庭”概念的区别不仅在于财产的占有及其法律表现形式,还在于“家庭”被博丹视为共和国的基础,即服从权威制度的第一步。
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引用次数: 0
Victims of Their Own Fear: the Perceived Safety and Crime Victim Experience in Russia 自我恐惧的受害者:俄罗斯的感知安全与犯罪受害者经验
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-2-179-206
Arseny Verkeev, D. Serebrennikov
In recent decades, criminologists around the world have observed a decrease in the level of crime, especially violent crime, that is, the so-called “great crime drop”. However, the actual safety may not correspond to subjective safety, i.e., how people perceive their safety against various threats. In this article, we use the Russian Crime Victimization Survey(2021) conducted by the Institute for the Rule of Law at the European University at St. Petersburg to study the relationships between fear of crime, and the sociodemographic and the criminological characteristics of the respondents. These data make it possible to assess how the experience of victims of various crimes and their fear of different types of crimes are related. We find that the relationships between socio-demographic characteristics and fear of crime in Russia are broadly similar to those observed in other countries. At the same time, we identify a number of noteworthy features regarding crime victims. First, the victim experience increases the level of fear of crime on average. Second, the more serious the crime incidents people have experienced in the past, the higher their level of fear of crime. Third, victims of classic in-person crimes (such as theft or assault) often fear future crime. Moreover, in case of property crime, they tend to fear future property crime but not violence. At the same time, victims of violence can fear future property crime along with violence. The fact that the incident was remote (committed via the Internet or telephone) is not related to the fear of crime. Thus, the fear of “classic” crimes is experienced differently by the victims as compared to remote crimes which poses broader questions about the dynamics of perceived safety and the demand for the law enforcement involvement in the future.
近几十年来,世界各地的犯罪学家都观察到犯罪水平,特别是暴力犯罪水平的下降,即所谓的“犯罪率大幅下降”。然而,实际的安全可能不符合主观安全,即人们如何看待自己面对各种威胁的安全。在本文中,我们使用由圣彼得堡欧洲大学法治研究所进行的俄罗斯犯罪受害调查(2021)来研究犯罪恐惧与受访者的社会人口学和犯罪学特征之间的关系。这些数据使评估各种犯罪受害者的经历与他们对不同类型犯罪的恐惧之间的关系成为可能。我们发现,俄罗斯社会人口特征与犯罪恐惧之间的关系与在其他国家观察到的情况大致相似。与此同时,我们发现了一些关于犯罪受害者的值得注意的特征。首先,受害者的经历增加了对犯罪的平均恐惧程度。第二,人们过去经历的犯罪事件越严重,他们对犯罪的恐惧程度就越高。第三,典型的面对面犯罪(如盗窃或袭击)的受害者往往害怕未来的犯罪。此外,在财产犯罪的情况下,他们倾向于害怕未来的财产犯罪,而不是暴力。与此同时,暴力的受害者可能会担心未来的财产犯罪和暴力。事实上,事件是远程的(通过互联网或电话进行的),这与害怕犯罪无关。因此,与远程犯罪相比,受害者对“经典”犯罪的恐惧体验是不同的,这对感知安全的动态和未来执法参与的需求提出了更广泛的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Some Sociodemographic Factors of the Intensity of Anti-Government Demonstrations: Youth Bulges, Urbanization, and Protests 反政府示威强度的社会人口因素:青年膨胀、城市化和抗议
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2021-3-98-128
Andrey Korotayev, Patrick S Sawyer, M. Gladyshev, Daniil M. Romanov, A. Shishkina
Demographic changes associated with the transition from traditional to modern economies underlie many modern theories of protest formation. Both the level of urbanization and the “Youth Bulge” effect have proven to be particularly reliable indicators for predicting protest events. However, given that in the course of economic development these processes often occur simultaneously, it seems logical to put forward the hypothesis that the combined effect of urbanization growth and an increase in the number of young people will be a more relevant factor for predicting protests. Our study of cross-national time series from 1950 to 2016 shows that the combined effect of these two parameters is an extremely strong predictor of anti-government protests in a single country, even more so than traditional indicators such as democratization, per capita GDP, and the level of education.
与从传统经济向现代经济过渡相关的人口变化是许多现代抗议形成理论的基础。城市化水平和“青年膨胀”效应已被证明是预测抗议事件的特别可靠的指标。然而,鉴于在经济发展过程中,这些过程往往同时发生,提出这样一种假设似乎是合乎逻辑的,即城市化增长和年轻人数量增加的综合影响将是预测抗议活动的一个更相关的因素。我们对1950年至2016年的跨国时间序列的研究表明,这两个参数的综合效应是对单个国家反政府抗议活动的极强预测,甚至比民主化、人均GDP和教育水平等传统指标更强。
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引用次数: 5
The concept of messianic time by Walter Benjamin and its political implications 本雅明的弥赛亚时间概念及其政治意涵
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-1-29-47
I. Inshakov
Despite Benjamin’s “renaissance” in contemporary research literature, the meaning of the concept of Jetztzeit(“Now-time”), one of his key political and philosophical concepts, remains vague, largely due to the tendency of researchers to follow Benjamin‘s narrative and metaphorical style. The author of this article purposely uses a strict analytical approach to capture the key characteristics of the concept and their relationship to each other. To do this, the concept is analyzed in the first part of the article through the prism of the related concepts of “messianic time” and “kairos time”. In the second part, the author traces the possible political implications of different interpretations of the concept itself and its connection with Benjamin’s concept of “divine violence”, showing that different interpretations lead to diametrically-opposite perceptions of Benjamin’s position, from a supporter of “pure criticism” to an activist of “direct actions”. In conclusion, the significant role of the Benjamin project as an alternative to the “mainstream” of the Frankfurt School (Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer) is pointed out in the context of today’s prospects for the revival of the Marxist political utopia.
尽管本雅明在当代研究文献中“复兴”,但他的重要政治和哲学概念之一“当下”(Jetztzeit)的含义仍然模糊,这在很大程度上是由于研究者倾向于遵循本雅明的叙事和隐喻风格。本文作者有意使用严格的分析方法来捕捉概念的关键特征及其相互关系。为此,文章的第一部分通过“弥赛亚时间”和“凯洛斯时间”的相关概念来分析这一概念。在第二部分中,作者追溯了对该概念本身的不同解释及其与本雅明“神圣暴力”概念的联系可能产生的政治含义,表明不同的解释导致了对本雅明立场的截然相反的看法,从“纯粹批评”的支持者到“直接行动”的活动家。总之,本雅明计划作为法兰克福学派(西奥多·阿多诺和马克斯·霍克海默)“主流”的替代方案的重要作用是在今天马克思主义政治乌托邦复兴前景的背景下指出的。
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引用次数: 0
The Origin of Management Ideas in Sociology in Chinese Society at the Turn of the 19th and 20th Centuries 19、20世纪之交中国社会社会学管理思想的起源
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2019-3-116-142
E. Kremnyov
n the beginning of the 20th century, China faced the need to look for new ways of development and, like other countries, turned towards the resources provided by social sciences in the attempt to comprehend and interpret this experience. This article reviews and analyzes Chinese sociological thought of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, focusing on management issues. The subject of this work is the genesis of management ideas in sociology in Chinese society. The material for the study comprises the works of thinkers, publicists, and political figures of that time who set themselves the task of applying sociological theories to the development of the country. The main problem discussed in the article is the ratio of Western and native Chinese views and ideas in sociological approaches to the study of managerial processes in China. The analysis of materials from that time shows three different tendencies in the formation of management ideas in sociology; identifying the prerequisites for a new science to be used in traditional ideas about management, demonstrating the predominance of Western science over Chinese traditional sciences, and the attempts at synthesizing the first two tendencies. The conclusion of the article is that, by the time of the fall of the Qing Dynasty in 1911, the nascent management ideas in sociology in China were a heterogeneous fusion of Western and traditional Chinese concepts, and was closely related to other sciences such as political science, sociology, philosophy, etc. During this period, traditional ideas that were largely distinguished by speculation and ideology bore the function of an ideological “shield” to preserve the integrity of the Chinese nation in the context of the growing influence of Western powers on Chinese society.
20世纪初,中国面临着寻找新的发展道路的需要,并像其他国家一样,转向社会科学提供的资源,试图理解和解释这一经验。本文回顾和分析了19、20世纪之交的中国社会学思想,重点关注管理学问题。本文的研究主题是中国社会社会学管理思想的起源。该研究的材料包括当时思想家、政论家和政治人物的著作,他们把自己的任务是将社会学理论应用于国家的发展。本文讨论的主要问题是西方和中国本土的观点和思想在社会学方法中对中国管理过程研究的比例。通过对当时资料的分析,可以看出社会学管理思想形成的三种不同倾向;确定一门新科学用于传统管理思想的先决条件,证明西方科学对中国传统科学的优势,并试图综合前两种趋势。文章的结论是,到1911年清朝灭亡时,中国社会学中新生的管理思想是西方与中国传统观念的异质融合,并与政治学、社会学、哲学等其他科学密切相关。在这一时期,以思辨和意识形态为主要特征的传统思想,在西方列强对中国社会影响日益扩大的背景下,承担了维护中华民族完整的意识形态“盾牌”的功能。
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引用次数: 0
(In)authentic Tourist Attractions: How Chinese Tourists Perceive Russian “Fakelore” 正宗旅游景点:中国游客如何看待俄罗斯的“冒牌货”
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2021-2-138-156
Alina A. Karelina
The study investigates the concept of authenticity empirically as constructed by Chinese tourists when they visit tourist attractions in Russia with distinct ethnic or local attributes. The corpus of tourists’ reviews has been examined, using a corpus-assisted methodology supported by Wmatrix. A linguistic level of authenticity representation appears to be only a source domain for the conceptual construction of authenticity. Chinese tourists reflect on outer ‘objective’ attributes of authenticity to construct an authenticity of another type. These mental constructs are organized based on the primary ontological and spatial experience. Semantic categories serve as a conceptual source domain that organizes a target domain. The findings show a Chinese tourist conceptualizes authenticity through the metaphors of primary experience, including time-space orientation — PLACE IS A FAR DISTANCE, PAST IS BACK, GOOD IS UP and an ontological metaphor — A TOURED OBJECT IS A CONTAINER. The content of a container is qualified and quantified through a conceptual metaphor of AUTHENTICATING IS LEARNING A CONTAINER. A container is qualified as THE SUPERNATURAL IS A MAGIC PERSON and quantified by a conceptual metaphor UNUSUAL IS LESS.
本研究实证地考察了中国游客在俄罗斯具有鲜明民族或地方属性的旅游景点时所构建的真实性概念。使用Wmatrix支持的语料库辅助方法,对游客评论的语料库进行了检查。语言层面的真实性表征似乎只是真实性概念建构的一个源域。中国游客反思真实性的外在“客观”属性,构建另一种类型的真实性。这些心理构念是根据主要的本体论和空间经验组织起来的。语义类别作为组织目标域的概念源域。研究结果表明,中国游客对真实性的概念化主要通过原始经验隐喻,包括时空取向隐喻——“地方是遥远的距离”、“过去是回来的”、“好是上来的”和本体论隐喻——“游览的物体是容器”。容器的内容通过“认证即学习容器”的概念隐喻被限定和量化。一个容器被限定为“超自然的是一个有魔力的人”,并被一个概念隐喻量化为“不寻常的是更少的”。
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引用次数: 0
Censorship and Censors in the Russian Literary Process of the 2nd Half of the 1850s — 1860s 19世纪50年代至60年代下半叶俄国文学进程中的审查制度与审查者
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-2-320-327
A. Teslya
Book review: Zubkov K. (2023). Enlighten and Punish: The Functions of Censorship in the Russian Empire in the Middle of the 19th Century. Moscow: New Literary Review. — 520 s. (Series: “Scientific Application”, vol. CCL). ISBN 978-5-4448-1956-2. (In Russian).
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引用次数: 0
The Political Choice of Orthodox Believers in Russia: Strengths and Limitations of Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches to Research 俄罗斯东正教信徒的政治选择:定性与定量研究方法的优势与局限
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2021-2-48-69
Yuliya Karpich
Previous studies have shown that religiosity is a heterogeneous concept combining identities, practices, and beliefs. At the same time, most of these studies are based on a quantitative methodology. It allows a relationship between religiosity and the political choice of believers to be found, but imposes a limitation on the analysis. The quantitative methodology does not control the interactions of aspects of religiosity, and cannot explain the discovered relationships. This paper proposes an alternative research strategy, specifically, (1) the proposed model allows an analysis of the multiple influences of both religious and non-religious identities, practices and beliefs, and that (2) the qualitative data collected from in-depth interviews with believers complements previous research of the mechanisms of religious influence on political choice. A subjective assessment of one’s position and the actions of the authorities are the most important aspects to the voter (the role of beliefs). An assessment leads to a political choice when (1) a group-identity intensifies the significance of the political problem and poses questions for the individual, and (2) a set of norms and practices provides clues on how to solve a problem. An empirical test of the model was carried out in 2019 in three settlements in the Lipetsk region. The findings illustrate the sufficient potential of the chosen research strategy. The different political choice among respondents, who were expected to have the same political attitudes by quantitative indicators, are explained through the choice of motives and context.
先前的研究表明,宗教信仰是一个结合身份、实践和信仰的异质概念。同时,这些研究大多基于定量方法。它允许发现宗教虔诚度与信徒的政治选择之间的关系,但对分析施加了限制。定量方法不能控制宗教信仰各方面的相互作用,也不能解释所发现的关系。本文提出了另一种研究策略,具体而言,(1)提出的模型允许分析宗教和非宗教身份、实践和信仰的多重影响,(2)从对信徒的深度访谈中收集的定性数据补充了先前关于宗教影响政治选择机制的研究。对一个人的立场和当局的行动的主观评价是选民最重要的方面(信仰的作用)。当(1)群体认同强化了政治问题的重要性并向个人提出问题,以及(2)一套规范和实践为如何解决问题提供线索时,评估会导致政治选择。2019年,在利佩茨克地区的三个定居点对该模型进行了实证检验。研究结果说明了所选择的研究策略的充分潜力。通过对动机和背景的选择,解释了定量指标预期具有相同政治态度的受访者的不同政治选择。
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引用次数: 0
Why Poetry Matters beyond Figures 为什么诗歌比人物更重要
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2019-3-359-363
A. Markov
Book Review: Olga Sedakova, Vescshestvo chelovechnosti [A Matter of Humanity] (Moscow: New Literary Observer, 2019) (in Russian).
书评:Olga Sedakova, Vescshestvo chelovechnosti [A Matter of Humanity](莫斯科:新文学观察者,2019)(俄文)。
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引用次数: 0
Excessive Faith in Certainty and Its Public Proponents in the Non-linear Uncertain World: Reasons and . . . More Reasons 非线性不确定世界中对确定性的过度信仰及其公众支持者:原因和…更多的原因
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2021-4-144-155
I. Trotsuk
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review
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