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Political Philosophy around Pandemic, or Vice Versa? 围绕流行病的政治哲学,还是相反?
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2021-4-156-160
E. Zakharova
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引用次数: 0
Robo-Revolution: A Marxist Approach to Social Uprising in the High-Tech Age 机器人革命:高科技时代社会起义的马克思主义视角
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2019-3-224-244
L. Rodin
With the increasing role of technological agents in contemporary society, questions surrounding the future of socio-economic organization are intensely debated. A variety of predictions have been made, ranging from conservative views that emphasize the gradual integration of techno-actors into human social collectives to radical outlooks that assume the inevitability of a dramatic historic break. This study employs the method of simulation, exploring the on-going path towards automation with the help of classical Marxism. It seeks to understand whether robots and artificial intelligence (AI) might become new value producers and a revolutionary social class. As demonstrated, the continuity of capitalist relationships may facilitate the formation of new social groups and recast class-based political agendas.
随着技术代理人在当代社会中的作用日益增强,围绕社会经济组织未来的问题引起了激烈的争论。人们做出了各种各样的预测,从强调技术参与者逐渐融入人类社会集体的保守观点,到假设戏剧性的历史性突破不可避免的激进观点。本研究采用模拟的方法,在经典马克思主义的帮助下,探索正在进行的自动化路径。它旨在了解机器人和人工智能(AI)是否有可能成为新的价值生产者和革命性的社会阶层。如上所述,资本主义关系的连续性可能促进新的社会群体的形成,并重塑以阶级为基础的政治议程。
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引用次数: 2
Georg Simmel and Semyon Frank: from Kant to Lebensphilosophie 乔治·齐美尔和谢苗·弗兰克:从康德到利本哲学
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2022-4-57-81
Alexander L. Begrambekov
Georg Simmel’s legacy is traditionally distinguished between sociological and philosophical works so that researchers have little overlap in his areas of interest with their colleagues. Simmel, however, was different in each of these disciplines. It is particularly evident in the context of his relationship with Kant. His sociology, more relevant before 1908, leads to Kant, while his philosophy (the so-called Lebensphilosophie or ‘philosophy of life’) developed after 1908, is opposed to Kant. This research aims to explain this dichotomy. Many thinkers transitioned from Kant to Simmel’s Lebensphilosophie, including Simmel’s student, Semyon Frank, whose fate resembles that of his teacher in many ways. Frank attended his lectures in 1898, translated and reviewed his works, and wrote about Simmel in his own essays. In general, it is difficult to find a figure among the foreign contemporaries of Frank who had a more significant influence on him than Simmel. In many ways, Frank was Simmel’s Russian counterpart: both were baptized Jews in Christian countries; both passed through a school of controversial opinions in many ways fatal to their destiny; both were exiles, despite their prolificacy and significance, and both were unsteady in their academic statuses, but highly appreciated by their colleagues. Frank is a well-known figure in the history of Russian religious philosophу, but his philosophy in the context of his path from Kantianism to his philosophy of life has not been sufficiently studied. This research also aims to fill this gap and to present Frank to Simmel’s readers.
乔治·齐美尔的遗产传统上被区分为社会学和哲学著作,因此研究人员在他感兴趣的领域与他们的同事几乎没有重叠。然而,齐美尔在这些学科上都有所不同。这一点在他与康德的关系中尤为明显。他的社会学,在1908年之前更相关,导致康德,而他的哲学(所谓的lebensphiophie或“生命哲学”)在1908年之后发展,是反对康德的。本研究旨在解释这种二分法。许多思想家从康德过渡到齐美尔的lebenphilosophy,包括齐美尔的学生Semyon Frank,他的命运在很多方面与他的老师相似。1898年,弗兰克参加了他的讲座,翻译并评论了他的作品,并在自己的随笔中写了关于齐美尔的文章。总的来说,在与弗兰克同时代的外国人中,很难找到一个比齐美尔对他的影响更大的人。在很多方面,弗兰克是西美尔的俄国翻版:两人都是在基督教国家受洗的犹太人;他们两人都经历了一个充满争议的学派,在许多方面对他们的命运都是致命的;他们都是流亡者,尽管他们的成果丰富,意义重大;他们的学术地位都不稳定,但都受到同事的高度赞赏。在俄罗斯宗教哲学史上,弗兰克是一位著名的人物,但他的哲学在从康德主义到人生哲学的过程中却没有得到充分的研究。本研究也旨在填补这一空白,并将弗兰克呈现给齐美尔的读者。
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引用次数: 0
The Other Kind of Utopia, Or How Social Justice Is Possible in the World of Those Loving One’s Non-Neighbor 另一种乌托邦,或社会正义如何在那些热爱非邻居的人的世界中成为可能
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-2-285-309
I. Trotsuk
Martha Nussbaum is a famous American philosopher and an incredibly prolific author who published more than twenty books and five hundred articles on a wide range of issues of “good living” — from the fragility of goodness and poetic justice, love of country and cultivating humanity to the intelligence of emotions and the new religious intolerance (and this is not an exhaustive list). Unfortunately, only two books have been translated into Russian — Not for Profit: Why Democracy Needs the Humanities (2014) and Political Emotions: Why Love Matters for Justice (2023). The first book is thematically focused and aims at proving both the flawed interpretation of education as an exclusively tool for economic growth and the value of the humanities and arts for the high quality of life and prosperity of democratic states. The second book also emphasizes the importance of education and the arts, compassionate citizenship and the pursuit of the common good, is based on personal observations of life in the United States and India, promotes the ideas of social justice and equality, but on a higher level of generalizations, relying on the author’s previous research and adding the most important emotional “ingredient” of social order — love. The article is an attempt to show the undoubted strengths of this great book (rich in research, concepts and illustrations) and its (more doubtful) limitations which are due primarily to the book’s implicit expectation of the reader’s awareness of its conceptual foundations (previous works of Nussbaum), and the past decade’s peculiar effect on its ideological, conceptual and illustrative content.
玛莎·努斯鲍姆(Martha Nussbaum)是一位著名的美国哲学家,也是一位多产的作家,她出版了20多本书和500多篇文章,涉及“美好生活”的广泛问题——从善良的脆弱和诗意的正义,对国家的热爱和培养人性,到情感的智慧和新宗教的不宽容(这不是一个详尽的清单)。不幸的是,只有两本书被翻译成俄语——《不为利润:为什么民主需要人文》(2014)和《政治情感:为什么爱对正义很重要》(2023)。第一本书以主题为中心,旨在证明教育作为经济增长的唯一工具的错误解释,以及人文艺术对高质量生活和民主国家繁荣的价值。第二本书也强调了教育和艺术的重要性,富有同情心的公民身份和对共同利益的追求,是基于个人对美国和印度生活的观察,促进了社会正义和平等的理念,但在更高层次的概括上,依靠作者以前的研究,并增加了社会秩序最重要的情感“成分”——爱。这篇文章试图展示这本伟大的书无可置疑的优势(丰富的研究,概念和插图)和它的(更值得怀疑的)局限性,这主要是由于这本书隐含的期望读者意识到它的概念基础(努斯鲍姆以前的作品),以及过去十年对其思想,概念和插图内容的特殊影响。
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引用次数: 0
Between the Ethos of Science and “Vice Squad”: Max Weber as Polеmicist 在科学精神与“副队”之间:马克思·韦伯的极端主义者
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-2-71-84
Oleg Kil'dyushov
The article deals with the uniquely specific public profile of Max Weber, who, on the one hand, entered the history of social thought as a staunch supporter of the value-free scientific work, and on the other hand, was a passionate polemicist ready to cause a public scandal even for a minor occasion. At the outset, Weber’s ambivalent understanding of the ethos of modern science as a methodically-controlled search for objective knowledge of the world at the edge of the scientist’s self-denial and free from the influence of extra-scientific motives is pointed out. In so doing, the paradoxical combination in Weber’s anthropology of science of the imperatives of analytical sobriety and passionate loyalty to one’s “daemon” is recorded. It has been argued that his ambivalence was a specific trait of the classicist of German and world sociology, combining his titanic personality with the extremes of a scholarly hermit and a world celebrity with a reputation for unbalanced scandals. Following then are the judgments about the eminent social thinker made by representatives of opposing political currents, both right-wing conservatives and left-wing extremists. On the basis of a number of high-profile scandals that became known to the scientific and general public in early-20th century Germany, the mechanism of Weber’s involvement in conflicts with various opponents at the personal and institutional level is demonstrated. The practical significance for Weber himself of his scientific-theoretical and methodological principles, which became canonical for the self-understanding of the modern scholarly profession, is questioned. Finally, the passionate controversy surrounding Weber’s famous work Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism is analyzed, reconstructed on the example of historian F. Raphael’s critique and the response of Weber’s First Anticritique.
本文论述了马克斯·韦伯独特的公众形象,一方面,他作为一个价值自由的科学工作的坚定支持者进入社会思想史,另一方面,他是一个充满激情的辩论家,准备为一个小场合引起公众丑闻。一开始,韦伯就指出了他对现代科学精神的矛盾理解,即在科学家自我否定的边缘有系统地控制着对世界客观知识的探索,并且不受非科学动机的影响。在这样做的过程中,韦伯的科学人类学中分析性清醒的必要性和对一个人的“精灵”的激情忠诚的矛盾结合被记录下来。有人认为,他的矛盾心理是这位德国和世界社会学古典主义者特有的特征,将他的巨大个性与学术隐士的极端以及以不平衡丑闻闻名的世界名人相结合。接下来是右翼保守派和左翼极端分子这两种对立政治派别的代表对这位杰出社会思想家的评价。以20世纪初德国科学界和公众所知的一系列引人注目的丑闻为基础,从个人和机构层面论证了韦伯卷入与各种对手冲突的机制。韦伯的科学理论和方法论原则对他自己的实际意义受到质疑,这些原则已成为现代学术职业自我理解的规范。最后,以历史学家拉斐尔的《新教伦理与资本主义精神》为例,对围绕韦伯的著名著作《新教伦理与资本主义精神》的激烈争论进行了分析和重构,并对韦伯的《第一批判》进行了回应。
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引用次数: 0
Back to Representations: in Search of Grounds for Collective Memory 回到表象:寻找集体记忆的依据
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2022-3-59-83
O. Golovashina
The article substantiates the need to return to collective representations as optics for understanding collective memory, which will allow the bringing of the foundations under the concept of collective memory, and expand the theoretical and methodological base of research. As the first step, the author distinguishes between E. Durkheim’s “collective representations” and M. Halbwax’s interpretation of “collective memory”. Justifying the heuristic potential of the category “collective representations” for understanding collective memory, the author shows that the origins of this idea were connected with Durkheim’s acquaintance with the school of V. Wundt: 1) the idea of collective representations is connected with the views of the German psychologist; and 2) the development of the method of sociology bears traces of Wundt’s positivism. Furthermore, the author’s concerns are the ways of preserving and translating collective representations, showing the possibilities of substantiating commemorative practices as performative acts and the need to abandon reflection as a source of collective memory research. In conclusion, the author proves that the return to the idea of collective representations as a basis for understanding collective memory allows us to move away from the metaphorical concept, as well as to reconsider the ways of researching and interpreting the politics of memory, the relationship between individual and collective memory, the study of the place of the image of specific events in collective memory, and the place of psychological explanations.
文章论证了回归集体表征作为理解集体记忆的光学的必要性,这将为集体记忆的概念带来基础,并扩展研究的理论和方法基础。作为第一步,作者区分了涂尔干的“集体表征”和哈尔布瓦克斯对“集体记忆”的解释。为了证明“集体表征”这一范畴对理解集体记忆的启发式潜力,作者表明,这一概念的起源与迪尔凯姆对冯特学派的认识有关:1)集体表征的概念与这位德国心理学家的观点有关;(2)社会学方法的发展有冯特实证主义的痕迹。此外,作者关注的是集体表征的保存和翻译方式,展示了将纪念实践作为表演行为进行实体化的可能性,以及放弃反思作为集体记忆研究来源的必要性。综上所述,作者证明,回归集体表征的观念作为理解集体记忆的基础,使我们能够摆脱隐喻概念,并重新思考研究和解释记忆的政治、个人与集体记忆的关系、研究特定事件的形象在集体记忆中的地位以及心理解释的地位。
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引用次数: 1
The Digital Transformation of the Public Sphere, Its Features in the Context of Various Political Regimes, and Its Possible Influence on Political Processes 公共领域的数字化转型及其在不同政治制度背景下的特征,及其对政治进程的可能影响
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2019-4-149-163
A. Salikov
The question of how the digital transformation of the public sphere affects political processes has been of interest to researchers since the spread of the Internet in the early 1990s. However, today there is no clear or unambiguous answer to this question; expert estimates differ radically, from extremely positive to extremely negative. This article attempts to take a comprehensive approach to this issue, conceptualizing the transformations taking place in the public sphere under the influence of Internet communication technologies, taking their political context into account, and identifying the relationship between these changes and possible transformations of political regimes. In order to achieve these goals, several tasks are tackled during this research. The first section examines the issue as to whether the concept of the public sphere can be used in a non-democratic context. It also delineates two main types of the public sphere, the “democratic public sphere” and the “authoritarian public sphere,” in order to take into account the features of public discourse in the context of various political regimes. The second section discusses the special aspects of the digital transformation of the public sphere in a democratic context. The third section considers the special aspects of the digital transformation of the public sphere in a non-democratic context. The concluding section summarizes the results of the study, states the existing gaps and difficulties, outlines the ways for their possible extension, and raises questions requiring attention from other researchers.
自20世纪90年代初互联网普及以来,公共领域的数字化转型如何影响政治进程一直是研究人员感兴趣的问题。然而,今天对这个问题没有明确或明确的答案;专家们的估计大相径庭,有的非常积极,有的非常消极。本文试图对这一问题采取全面的方法,概念化在互联网传播技术影响下公共领域发生的变革,考虑到它们的政治背景,并确定这些变化与政治制度可能的变革之间的关系。为了实现这些目标,本研究解决了几个任务。第一部分探讨了公共领域的概念是否可以在非民主的背景下使用的问题。它还描述了公共领域的两种主要类型,“民主公共领域”和“威权公共领域”,以便考虑到各种政治制度背景下公共话语的特征。第二部分讨论了民主背景下公共领域数字化转型的特殊方面。第三部分考虑了非民主背景下公共领域数字化转型的特殊方面。结语部分总结了研究结果,指出了存在的差距和困难,概述了可能的推广途径,并提出了需要其他研究人员注意的问题。
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引用次数: 4
The First Anti-Criticism on the “Spirit of Capitalism” 对“资本主义精神”的第一次反批判
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-2-85-107
M. Weber
A polemical article by the classic of sociology Max Weber in the genre of “anti-criticism” contains his response to a series of critical publications by the principal German historian Felix Rachfahl. As a specialist in the history of the Dutch Revolution in the second half of the 16th century, Rachfahl wrote five articles under the general title “Calvinism and Protestantism” that he sought to rebut Weber’s views on the genesis of capitalism from the spirit of the Puritan work ethic. In a rather harsh retort, Weber in turn tries to show the reader the entire inconsistency of Rachfal’s criticism. On the whole, he assesses the discussion as unfair on the part of his opponent and, therefore, as insufficient from the point of view of the subject itself — the cultural significance of the Protestant economic ethics for the emergence of the capitalist economy of the modern type. He accuses Rachfal of deliberately distorting both Weber’s own argument and the views of his friend and colleague, the eminent theologian and church historian E. Troelch. In attempting to defend his arguments advanced in the articles in the series “Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism”, Weber rhetorically chooses an extremely aggressive tone, while allowing a number of insulting epithets to the recognized expert in his field. His general strategy in the polemic is aimed at discrediting the criticizing historian himself as a typical representative of a related academic discipline, clearly exceeding the limits of his competence. At the same time, Weber assigns the role of objective arbiter in this dispute to his reader, urging him to perceive the arguments put forward impartially. Weber concludes by claiming that Rachfal’s lengthy critique is so off-target that he need not change a single word in his writings.
社会学经典马克斯·韦伯的一篇论战性文章,以“反批评”的形式,包含了他对德国主要历史学家菲利克斯·拉赫法尔的一系列批评出版物的回应。作为16世纪下半叶荷兰革命史的专家,拉赫法尔以“加尔文主义和新教”为总标题,写了五篇文章,试图从清教徒的职业道德精神来反驳韦伯关于资本主义起源的观点。在一个相当严厉的反驳中,韦伯反过来试图向读者展示拉赫法尔的批评完全不一致。总的来说,他认为对手的讨论是不公平的,因此,从主题本身的角度来看——新教经济伦理对现代类型资本主义经济的出现的文化意义——是不够的。他指责拉赫法尔故意歪曲韦伯自己的观点,以及他的朋友和同事,著名神学家和教会历史学家E. Troelch的观点。在试图为他在“新教伦理与资本主义精神”系列文章中提出的论点辩护时,韦伯在修辞上选择了一种极端激进的语气,同时允许对他所在领域公认的专家使用一些侮辱性的绰号。他在这场辩论中的总体策略是,诋毁批评历史学家本人是相关学科的典型代表,显然超出了他的能力范围。同时,韦伯将这场争论中的客观仲裁者的角色赋予了读者,敦促他公正地看待所提出的论点。韦伯的结论是,拉赫法尔冗长的批评是如此偏离目标,以至于他不需要在他的作品中修改一个词。
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引用次数: 0
Violence against Female Domestic Workers in Kuwait 科威特对家庭女工的暴力行为
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2022-4-106-119
Fawaz Alanezi, Amer Al Saleh
This study aims to examine the types and severity of violence and abuse encountered by female domestic workers in Kuwait. Methodologically, the study employed a quantitative approach. This study found that in terms of ethnicity and origin, Philippine and Sri-Lankan females dominated the social care and domestic workers sector in Kuwait. The statistical analysis showed that 82 % encountered physical abuse; 45%, sexual abuse; 88 %, psychological abuse; and 70 %, battering abuse. The paper recommends changes to Kuwaiti criminal laws to include proper prosecution of those who abuse domestic workers. It also recommends the implementation of proper protective mechanisms for these female workers.
这项研究的目的是审查科威特家庭女工所遭受的暴力和虐待的类型和严重程度。在方法上,本研究采用了定量方法。这项研究发现,就种族和原籍而言,菲律宾和斯里兰卡妇女在科威特的社会护理和家庭佣工部门占主导地位。统计分析显示,82%的人遭受过身体虐待;45%,性虐待;88%是心理虐待;70%是殴打虐待。该文件建议修改科威特的刑法,包括对虐待家庭佣工的人进行适当起诉。委员会还建议对这些女工实施适当的保护机制。
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引用次数: 0
Urban History: between History and Social Sciences 都市史:介于历史与社会科学之间
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2022-3-250-285
I. Stas
The article analyzes the formation and development of Urban History as a branch of historical science before and immediately after the era of the Urban Crisis of the 1950s and 1960s. The concept of the article suggests that urban history was formed in a constant dialogue with the social sciences. At the beginning, academic urban historians appeared in the 1930s as opponents of American “agrarian” and frontier histories. Drawing their ideas from the Chicago School of sociology, they reproduced the national history of civic local communities that expressed the achievements of Western civilization. However, in the context of the impending Urban Crisis, social sciences, together with urban historians, have declared the importance of generalizing social phenomena. A group of rebels soon formed among historians. They called their movement ‘New Urban History’ and advocated the return of historical context to urban studies, and were against social theory. However, in an effort to reconstruct history “from the bottom up” through a quantitative study of social mobility, new urban historians have lost the city as an important variable of their analysis. They had to abandon the popular name and recognize themselves as representatives of social history and interested in the problems of class, culture, consciousness, and conflicts. In this situation, some social scientists have tried to try on the elusive brand ‘New Urban History’, but their attempt also failed. As a result, only those who remained faithful to the national narrative or interdisciplinary approach remained urban historians, but continued to remain in the bosom of historical science, rushing around conventional urban sociology and its denial.
本文分析了20世纪五六十年代城市危机前后城市史作为一门历史科学的形成与发展。文章的概念表明,城市史是在与社会科学的不断对话中形成的。起初,学术城市历史学家在20世纪30年代作为美国“农业”和边疆历史的反对者出现。他们从芝加哥社会学学派汲取思想,再现了体现西方文明成就的公民地方社区的国家历史。然而,在即将到来的城市危机的背景下,社会科学与城市历史学家一起宣布了概括社会现象的重要性。历史学家中很快形成了一群反叛者。他们称自己的运动为“新城市史”,主张将历史语境回归到城市研究中,反对社会理论。然而,在通过社会流动性的定量研究“自下而上”重构历史的过程中,新城市历史学家失去了城市作为其分析的重要变量。他们不得不放弃这个流行的名字,承认自己是社会历史的代表,对阶级、文化、意识和冲突等问题感兴趣。在这种情况下,一些社会科学家试图尝试“新城市历史”这个难以捉摸的品牌,但他们的尝试也失败了。因此,只有那些忠实于国家叙事或跨学科方法的人仍然是城市历史学家,但继续留在历史科学的怀抱中,围绕着传统的城市社会学及其否认而奔走。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review
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