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On Bauman's Interpretation of Weber 论鲍曼对韦伯的诠释
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.15543/MWS/2016/1/8
Sandro Segre
Abstract:This article provides a re-assessment of Bauman's interpretation of Weber. It refers to this end to Du Gay's critique, which came out in the late 1980s and called into question the accuracy of Bauman's interpretation of Weber as contained in Modernity and the Holocaust. Du Gay objects of Bauman that Weber's ideal type of modern bureaucratic organizations is not incompatible with ethical considerations, and Bauman has therefore misrepresented Weber. The article dwells on and evaluates this objection also in the light of this work, and other and more recent works by Bauman. Bauman has consistently praised Weber for his ability to understand the modern condition, and Bauman considers him as a sociologist of the modern age, but also as an academic outsider. Weber could therefore understand better than other scholars that ‘lighter’ (rather than ‘heavy’) modalities of the capitalist order are conceivable. ‘Lighter capitalism’ is however a trait of Bauman's conception of post modernity (which this article briefly considers), rather than of modernity. Weber has also grasped, according to Bauman, the inconclusiveness of the rationalization process and called attention to a future, which is different from that prefigured by the modernity project. Bauman is accordingly not entirely consistent in considering Weber a sociologist of modernity. It has also been argued here that the scope of Du Gay's critique of Bauman's interpretation of Weber should be extended, as there are for Weber several aspects of modern society that are not compatible with instrumental rationality. In particular, Weber has dwelt on value-rational aspects of modernity — such as the persistence of the values of solidarity and honour in the market, in the workers' unions, and in the bourgeoisie as a status group—which Bauman has neglected to consider.
摘要:本文对鲍曼对韦伯的解释进行了重新评价。它指的是杜盖伊批判的这一结局,这一批判出现在20世纪80年代末,并质疑鲍曼在《现代性与大屠杀》中对韦伯的解释的准确性。杜盖伊反对鲍曼,认为韦伯的现代官僚组织的理想类型与伦理考虑并不矛盾,因此鲍曼歪曲了韦伯。这篇文章也根据鲍曼的这部作品,以及鲍曼最近的其他作品,对这一反对意见进行了讨论和评价。鲍曼一直称赞韦伯理解现代状况的能力,鲍曼认为他既是现代社会学家,也是学术局外人。因此,韦伯可以比其他学者更好地理解资本主义秩序的“轻”(而不是“重”)模式是可以想象的。然而,“更轻的资本主义”是鲍曼的后现代性概念(本文简要讨论)的一个特征,而不是现代性的特征。根据鲍曼的说法,韦伯也抓住了理性化过程的不确定性,并呼吁人们关注一个不同于现代性计划所预示的未来。因此,鲍曼认为韦伯是现代性社会学家的观点并不完全一致。这里也有人认为,杜盖伊对鲍曼对韦伯的解释的批判范围应该扩大,因为对韦伯来说,现代社会的几个方面与工具理性不相容。韦伯特别关注了现代性的价值理性方面——比如市场、工会和资产阶级作为一个地位群体中团结和荣誉的价值观的坚持,而鲍曼却忽略了这一点。
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引用次数: 0
The Editing of Max Weber's Lectures from 1894 to 1900: An Interim Report 马克斯·韦伯1894年至1900年讲座的编辑:中期报告
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.15543/MWS/2009/1-2/10
Rita Aldenhoff-Hübinger
Abstract:Weber's lectures from the 1890s are described as is the work of editing them for the Max Weber Gesamtausgabe. Weber's career is outlined for this period and the history of the lecture manuscripts and why they have remained unknown until very recently. Weber's way of organising his lecture materials is outlined, offering a new reading of Max Weber.
摘要:韦伯自19世纪90年代以来的讲稿被描述为他为马克斯·韦伯全集编辑讲稿的工作。韦伯的职业生涯概述了这一时期和演讲手稿的历史,以及为什么直到最近才为人所知。概述了韦伯组织讲座材料的方式,提供了对马克斯·韦伯的新解读。
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引用次数: 2
Obituary: Professor Dr DLitt (h.c.) Wolfgang J. Mommsen 5 November, 1930-11 August, 2004 讣告:DLitt教授博士(h.c。)沃尔夫冈·j·蒙森,1930年11月5日—2004年8月11日
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.15543/MWS/2005/1/6
Gangolf Hübinger
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引用次数: 0
Transatlantic Connections: A Cosmopolitan Context for Max and Marianne Weber's New York Visit 1904 跨大西洋联系:马克思和玛丽安·韦伯1904年纽约之行的世界性背景
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.15543/MWS/2005/1/5
G. Roth
Abstract:Max Weber's Amerikabild, his 'picture' of the United States, was first shaped by the 1848 exile Friedrich Kapp (1824–1884), a leader of the German Republicans in New York, who after his return in 1870 became a close family friend and a paternal mentor. The first section sketches the relations between Friedrich Kapp and Max Weber senior, and also their sons, in the context of the global economic developments before the First World War. The second deals with the Webers' German-American and German-Jewish contacts in New York, the third with their meeting the Lichtensteins, Kapp daughters and sons-in-law. This served Max as a sounding board for evaluating the tensions between Yankee religious tradition, secularization and assimilation (section 4). Finally, I will turn to the fates of three generations of American and German Kapp descendants, a story of German-Jewish relations on both sides of the Atlantic. This completed a cycle of exile and emigration from the 1848ers to the refugees from Nazi Germany. If with decreasing intensity, relations with the Weber family continued into the 1930s.
摘要:马克斯·韦伯的美国图景,最初是由1848年流亡纽约的德国共和党领袖弗里德里希·卡普(Friedrich Kapp, 1824-1884)塑造的,他在1870年回国后成为马克斯·韦伯的亲密朋友和父亲般的导师。第一部分概述了在第一次世界大战前全球经济发展的背景下,弗里德里希·卡普和老马克斯·韦伯以及他们的儿子之间的关系。第二部讲述了韦伯夫妇在纽约与德裔美国人和德裔犹太人的联系,第三部讲述了他们与利希滕斯坦夫妇、卡普的女儿和女婿的会面。这为马克思评价洋基宗教传统、世俗化和同化之间的紧张关系提供了一个声音板(第4节)。最后,我将转向美国和德国的卡普三代后裔的命运,这是一个关于大西洋两岸德国-犹太人关系的故事。这就完成了一个从1848年移民到纳粹德国难民的流亡和移民循环。他与韦伯家族的关系一直持续到20世纪30年代。
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引用次数: 6
R.H. Tawney, Ernst Troeltsch and Max Weber on Puritanism and Capitalism r.h.t awney, Ernst Troeltsch和Max Weber对清教主义和资本主义的研究
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.15543/MWS/2005/2/8
S. Whimster
Abstract:The social reform, theological and political backgrounds of R.H. Tawney and Max Weber are compared. These background influences are traced in respect to Religion and the Rise of Capitalism and The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Troeltsch's account of Protestantism and progress is considered. Weber's view of Puritanism and capitalism is considered as particularistic in terms of validity even though modern capitalism would seem to be universalizable. In contrast, Troeltsch and Tawney are seen as arguing for a more universal image of Protestantism.
摘要:本文比较了托尼和韦伯的社会改革、神学和政治背景。这些背景影响可以追溯到宗教和资本主义的兴起以及新教伦理和资本主义精神。本文将考虑特洛尔施对新教及其进步的描述。韦伯关于清教主义和资本主义的观点在有效性方面被认为是特殊的,尽管现代资本主义似乎是普遍适用的。相反,Troeltsch和Tawney被认为是在为一个更普遍的新教形象而争论。
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引用次数: 2
The German Idea of Democracy 德国的民主思想
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/max.2022.0005
Gangolf H�binger
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引用次数: 0
Max Weber's "The City" and the Islamic City 马克斯·韦伯的《城市》和伊斯兰城市
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.15543/MWS/2006/1/5
S. Zubaida
Abstract:Wolfgang Mommsen noted that Weber, despite his rejection of any philosophy of history, implicitly advanced one of his own. This article explores one aspect of this philosophy: the teleology of a unique Western history, which serves as a grid in terms of which other histories are read. In effect, other histories are considered in terms of what the West had and they lacked: a sociology of absence. The City discussed one crucial link in this teleology of the West. I consider this essay in relation to the Islamic city, and how Weber characterized it in different parts of his essay, in contrast with the Western city. I argue that Weber essentialized Islam, like he did China and India, in ways which eliminated history and geography and their considerable range of variation, in favour of implicit 'ideal types'. The consequences are explored in relation to themes at different points in the history of Muslim cities.
摘要:沃尔夫冈·蒙森指出,尽管韦伯拒绝任何一种历史哲学,但他含蓄地提出了自己的一种历史哲学。本文探讨了这种哲学的一个方面:一种独特的西方历史的目的论,这种目的论作为解读其他历史的网格。实际上,其他历史是根据西方拥有和缺乏的东西来考虑的:一种缺失的社会学。伦敦金融城讨论了西方目的论中的一个关键环节。我会考虑这篇文章与伊斯兰城市的关系,以及韦伯如何在文章的不同部分,将伊斯兰城市与西方城市进行对比。我认为韦伯将伊斯兰教本质化,就像他对中国和印度所做的那样,以消除历史和地理及其相当大的变化范围的方式,支持隐含的“理想类型”。在穆斯林城市的不同历史时期探讨了相关的主题。
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引用次数: 14
Max and Alfred Weber II: From Führerdemokratie to Führernation A Comparative Synthesis of Their Political Sociology 马克思与阿尔弗雷德·韦伯二世:从<s:1>极端民主主义到<s:1>极端民主主义——政治社会学比较综合
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/max.2022.0002
E. Demm
Abstract:In their Führerdemokratie Max and Alfred Weber assigned the key decision-making influence to an oligarchical elite of political leaders, in the caesarist version of Max's conception also to a 'plebiscitary dictator'. In Max's view, the leaders should be appointed by a party apparatus, win the elections through their charisma and distribute power, posts and profits to their followers. In Alfred's version, the voters were directly involved in the selection of the leaders. According to Max, the individual was in an 'iron cage', bound by command and obedience and at the mercy of political authority and bureaucracy. Alfred rather considered the individual as a 'person destined for freedom' and sought ways to release him from the economic, social and political pressures of modern life. A quantitative keyword content analysis of two relevant texts confirms that Max's conception of political will was based on power and force, while Alfred set store by freedom, human rights and political self-determination.Both brothers criticized the weak role played by the Reichstag in German politics; they demanded a parliamentarization that should lead to a better selection of political leaders. However, after the Revolution Max advocated the direct plebiscitary election of a strong Reich President who should keep in check the power of the Reichstag. Alfred rejected this and advocated a chancellor democracy.Before the war Max propagated a German imperialist policy and a naval rearmament in order to maintain the export of German industrial products. Alfred refused this strategy and favoured the establishment of larger economic areas without customs barriers. During the First World War, both conceptions merged in the project of 'Mitteleuropa', a union of semi-independent states in Central and Eastern Europe under the political, military and economic control of the German Führernation (Alfred Weber) respectively Herrenvolk (Max Weber). In conclusion, the differences between the sociological concepts of the brothers are summed up as 'Sociology of Power' (Max Weber) versus 'Sociology of Freedom' (Alfred Weber).
摘要:马克思和阿尔弗雷德·韦伯在他们的民主主义理论中,将关键的决策影响力赋予了政治领袖的寡头精英,而在马克思概念的凯撒主义版本中,也赋予了“全民公决独裁者”。在马克思看来,领导人应该由一个政党机构任命,通过他们的魅力赢得选举,并将权力、职位和利润分配给他们的追随者。在阿尔弗雷德的版本中,选民直接参与了领导人的选择。马克思认为,个人被关在“铁笼子”里,受命令和服从的束缚,受政治权威和官僚主义的摆布。阿尔弗雷德认为个体是“命中注定自由的人”,并寻求将其从现代生活的经济、社会和政治压力中释放出来的方法。通过对两篇相关文本的定量关键词内容分析,可以发现马克思的政治意志概念是以权力和武力为基础的,而阿尔弗雷德则是以自由、人权和政治自决为基础的。两兄弟都批评了德国国会在德国政治中扮演的软弱角色;他们要求议会化,以便更好地选择政治领导人。然而,在革命后,马克思主张直接由公民投票选举一个强大的帝国总统,以制约国会的权力。阿尔弗雷德拒绝了这一提议,并主张实行大法官民主制。战前,马克思宣传德国的帝国主义政策和海军重整军备,以维持德国工业产品的出口。阿尔弗雷德拒绝了这一策略,并倾向于建立更大的没有关税壁垒的经济区。在第一次世界大战期间,这两个概念在“中欧”计划中合并,中欧和东欧的半独立国家联盟,分别由德国元首(阿尔弗雷德·韦伯)Herrenvolk(马克斯·韦伯)控制政治,军事和经济。总之,兄弟俩的社会学概念之间的差异可以概括为“权力社会学”(马克斯·韦伯)和“自由社会学”(阿尔弗雷德·韦伯)。
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引用次数: 1
In Memory of Professor Wolfgang J. Mommsen 纪念沃尔夫冈·j·蒙森教授
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.15543/MWS/2005/1/8
T. Ishida, H. Orihara, Yukitaka Sasabe, K. Sumiya, Kenichi Tominaga, Y. Uchida, Yasutoshi Ueyama, Y. Yano, Katsuhiko Yoshime
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引用次数: 0
On the Conclusion of the Max Weber Gesamtausgabe: A meta-critical Review 马克思·韦伯的《概论》结语:一个元批判的回顾
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/max.2022.0004
Klaus Lichtblau, S. Whimster
The Max Weber Gesamtausgabe, which started publication in 1984, has been brought to a successful completion in June 2020. In total it comprises 45 hefty volumes—some of which are divided into half volumes— and two index volumes. The first Section of the Gesamtausgabe has published all the known writings and lectures, and the second Section has published all the letters that have come down to us. The third Section has documented the various lecture courses that Max Weber gave at the universities of Freiburg im Breisgau, Heidelberg and Munich over the period 1894 to 1920.2 Behind these numbers lies a long history and, above all, a huge amount of work by the Gesamtausgabe editors, by the editors and their assistants of the individual volumes, and, in addition, the permanent office of the general redaction of the Gesamtausgabe, which has been based in the Bavarian Academy of Sciences and without
1984年开始出版的《马克斯·韦伯全书》于2020年6月圆满完成。它总共包括45个大卷——其中一些被分成半卷——和两个索引卷。Gesamtausgabe的第一部分出版了所有已知的著作和演讲,第二部分出版了所有流传下来的信件。第三部分记录了1894年至1920年间马克斯·韦伯在弗莱堡大学,海德堡大学和慕尼黑大学所做的各种讲座。在这些数字的背后是一段漫长的历史,最重要的是,《全书》的编辑们所做的大量工作,每卷的编辑们和他们的助手们所做的大量工作,此外,还有《全书》总编的常设办公室,它的总部设在巴伐利亚科学院,没有吗
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引用次数: 0
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Max Weber Studies
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