Pub Date : 2000-06-01DOI: 10.1080/14610980008721869
P. Staudohar
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Pub Date : 2000-03-01DOI: 10.1080/14610980008721860
R. Stokvis
An understanding of the concept of a world sport system is useful to explain how world-wide changes in society and the meaning of sports affect the relations between local, national and international sports organizations and between individual athletes, coaches and officials. The term system is used to accentuate the interconnectedness of different aspects of sport. In Holland, as in many other western countries, the organization of elite sport is in transition from amateurism to commercialism and each sport is changing at a different rate. The many conflicts and problems that at present arise between top athletes, coaches, officials and sports organizations can be explained by an understanding of the changes taking place world-wide in sport. I shall demonstrate that, since the 1970s, it has been necessary for topclass athletes to make more conscious choices in the construction of their sporting careers. In this new situation they have to become more selfconscious and more self-centred. Coaches and officials usually represent only one of the alternative routes to success for the athletes. This leads to conflicts and allegations of disloyalty are common. From September 1997 to September 1998, I had the opportunity to participate in and observe some of these conflicts and problems. During that period I was part of a small team of three, and later (after a disagreement) of two, amateur coaches, which supervised a group of ten women rowers in Amsterdam, who were trying to obtain a place in the Dutch national rowing squad. One of the women got into the squad and won a bronze medal at the World Championships. Two of the others reached the national under-22 squad and another two, who rowed together, would almost certainly have been selected if one of them had not sustained serious injury a few weeks before the final selection. The other five rowers failed in last phases of selections. But all of them were trying again in 1998/99 to get into the national squad. I myself preferred not to be involved again. My aim in this article is to describe some of my experiences and observations, compare them with descriptions of similar events in other sports and to attempt an explanation of them. The explanation will
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Pub Date : 2000-03-01DOI: 10.1080/14610980008721859
Mitchell A. Silk, T. Slack, J. Amis
There has been a paucity of research that has examined the processes involved in the production of televised sport. Frequently, the content of texts has been used to develop arguments about the political and economic context of media production and the labour process involved in creating televised sport. Recent work, however, has maintained that the conditions of production cannot be inferred by merely scrutinizing the programme, that is to say the text. The use of text to draw conclusions about the labour process means that much of what has been written has been based upon a narrow understanding of how the images and discourses that are broadcast are actually constructed. R. Gruneau has maintained that this textual focus is inadequate in understanding the pressures and limits that structure the production of sport for television. He suggested that:
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Pub Date : 2000-03-01DOI: 10.1080/14610980008721863
P. Darby
The initial analysis contained within this article provides a broadly representative account of the diffusion and early development of football on the African continent by examining the spread of the game to a selection of former colonies that were controlled by three of Europe's primary imperial powers (Britain, Belgium and France). Attention is accorded to illuminating the nature of the linkages between football's diffusion to Africa and the various forms of colonial doctrine and imperialist policy that were prevalent throughout that continent during the first half of the twentieth century and this reveals that the game has featured in colonial exploitation and cultural imperialism. However, as the study goes on to illustrate, towards the latter stages of colonialism in Africa, football increasingly came to represent a forum for protest and resistance against European rule and the economic and cultural imperialisms that it engendered. The functioning of football in Africa as a form of resistance is also highlighted by examining the ways in which the game and its national, regional and international administrative structures were appropriated by newly independent African states, for the purposes of constructing a national identity and communicating that identity on an international basis. FIFA's limited role in mediating football's early growth in Africa and its subsequent reluctance to countenance Africa's lobby for a democratization of the game's global institutional and competition structures is also critically analysed. It is argued that the approach of the world governing body during the first 60 years of its existence was in many ways resonant of the missionary philosophy and, at times, elitist and exploitative attitudes that characterized the administration of the colonies by their European 'masters'. The article concludes by asserting that any understanding of the politicized nature of African football's contemporary aspirations within FIFA and the world game must be informed by an appreciation of the ways in which football in Africa became intertwined with independence, nationalism and the broader struggle for global recognition.
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Pub Date : 2000-03-01DOI: 10.1080/14610980008721861
R. Chappell, Ejeta Seifu
Ethiopia in East Africa, formally known as Abyssinia is a republic. It is bounded on the north-east by Eritrea and Djiboute, on the east and southeast by Somalia, on the south-west by Kenya, and on the west and northwest by Sudan. Ethiopia covers approximately 1,228,176 square kilometres in area, half of which is high tableland, known as the Ethiopian plateau. The capital is Addis Ababa. The population is approximately 52 million. It is estimated that 11 per cent of the population live in urban areas; the vast majority of the population live in rural areas. The official language of the country is Amharic which is spoken by approximately 60 per cent of the population. Over 70 other languages are spoken by the various ethnic groups which comprise Ethiopia, the largest being Oromos. Approximately 50 per cent of the population are Christians, while 40 per cent are Muslims. Ethiopia is one of the world's poorest nations, having a per capita income of only $120 per annum. The life expectancy for men is only 44 years and 47 years for women. The economy is heavily dependent on agriculture which constitutes 40 per cent of the gross domestic product (GDP). Ethiopia is a poor country and consequently adequate health and education provision is not possible. In common with many other developing countries, most of the population has a poor diet, health, housing, welfare and education. Understandably, therefore there are problems in developing a sport system in Ethiopia. The main problem is a lack of a clear sports policy. During the Marxist administration which ended in 1991 the country did not have a clear, nor an appropriate sports policy. It was organized to reflect a socialist ideology and did not take into account Ethiopia's situation as a developing country lacking facilities and equipment. Ethiopia is not only poor, but has a high population growth. The economy cannot provide the necessary resources for sport facilities. There is also a lack of qualified teachers, managers and coaches; a lack of sports clubs in a wide range of activities; a lack of courses and seminars to improve the quality of administrators; an absence of private and voluntary sector investment and funding in sport; and a lack of recognition of sport as an important subject in the national school curriculum. In Ethiopia education is free at all levels, but in reality facilities are only available to approximately one-third of school age children owing to the location of most schools in urban areas; most of the population living
{"title":"Sport, culture and politics in Ethiopia","authors":"R. Chappell, Ejeta Seifu","doi":"10.1080/14610980008721861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14610980008721861","url":null,"abstract":"Ethiopia in East Africa, formally known as Abyssinia is a republic. It is bounded on the north-east by Eritrea and Djiboute, on the east and southeast by Somalia, on the south-west by Kenya, and on the west and northwest by Sudan. Ethiopia covers approximately 1,228,176 square kilometres in area, half of which is high tableland, known as the Ethiopian plateau. The capital is Addis Ababa. The population is approximately 52 million. It is estimated that 11 per cent of the population live in urban areas; the vast majority of the population live in rural areas. The official language of the country is Amharic which is spoken by approximately 60 per cent of the population. Over 70 other languages are spoken by the various ethnic groups which comprise Ethiopia, the largest being Oromos. Approximately 50 per cent of the population are Christians, while 40 per cent are Muslims. Ethiopia is one of the world's poorest nations, having a per capita income of only $120 per annum. The life expectancy for men is only 44 years and 47 years for women. The economy is heavily dependent on agriculture which constitutes 40 per cent of the gross domestic product (GDP). Ethiopia is a poor country and consequently adequate health and education provision is not possible. In common with many other developing countries, most of the population has a poor diet, health, housing, welfare and education. Understandably, therefore there are problems in developing a sport system in Ethiopia. The main problem is a lack of a clear sports policy. During the Marxist administration which ended in 1991 the country did not have a clear, nor an appropriate sports policy. It was organized to reflect a socialist ideology and did not take into account Ethiopia's situation as a developing country lacking facilities and equipment. Ethiopia is not only poor, but has a high population growth. The economy cannot provide the necessary resources for sport facilities. There is also a lack of qualified teachers, managers and coaches; a lack of sports clubs in a wide range of activities; a lack of courses and seminars to improve the quality of administrators; an absence of private and voluntary sector investment and funding in sport; and a lack of recognition of sport as an important subject in the national school curriculum. In Ethiopia education is free at all levels, but in reality facilities are only available to approximately one-third of school age children owing to the location of most schools in urban areas; most of the population living","PeriodicalId":105095,"journal":{"name":"Culture, Sport, Society","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134072041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-03-01DOI: 10.1080/14610980008721862
J. Segrave
Metaphor is one of the most distinctive and salient features of language. Nietzsche in fact took the metaphor so seriously that he considered it the basic principle of all language: so-called literal talk remained a sort of frozen sediment of metaphor.' Ortega y Gasset also valued the metaphor considering it, like Nietzsche, a principle component of reality: far from being the deformation of reality, it was rather its organization. As both Nietzsche and Ortega y Gasset realized, the metaphor is nuclear rather than atomistic, an intellectual device that links rather than isolates the distinctive features of everyday experiences. It is therefore through rhetorical devices like metaphor that we communicate a common set of symbols; language, communication, symbolism and communal life become inseparable and interrelated components of an identifiable cultural perspective. As a result, culture becomes encoded in metaphor. One of the sources of metaphor, and hence one of the mechanisms by which our communal reality is mediated, is the world of sport. The language of sport 'sportspeak' as Robert Lipsyte once called it has penetrated our entire national language system. R. Palmatier and H. Ray, in fact, have identified as many as 1700 commonly used sports metaphors, taken from more than 100 games and sports ranging from boxing ('catch someone off guard') to bull-fighting ('take the bull by the horns'), cricket ('shiver my timbers') to rowing ('pull your weight'), polo ('come a cropper') to wrestling ('no holds barred'). The idea of sport as a metaphor for life ('life is a game') is so common in America and American literature that it has become a part of our conventional wisdom. But as frequently as we use the sports metaphor, often unwittingly, its omnipresence must be qualified by specificity. Metaphors from particular sports predominate in particular cultural discourses. The purpose of this article is to identify and account for the sports metaphors that dominate particular cultural discourses, often noting a change over time. In my analysis, I will uncover patterns of metaphor use and in so doing I will explore the nexus of shared values and assumptions that undergird our collective way of life. The four discourses I am most concerned with are warfare, politics, business and sexual relations, those discourses that have most readily embraced the sports metaphor.
隐喻是语言最鲜明、最突出的特征之一。尼采实际上非常认真地对待隐喻，他认为这是所有语言的基本原则，所谓的字面谈话，仍然是一种隐喻的冻结沉淀奥尔特加·加塞特也重视隐喻，认为它像尼采一样，是现实的主要组成部分:远非是现实的变形，而是它的组织。正如尼采和奥尔特加·加塞特(Ortega y Gasset)所认识到的那样，隐喻是核心的而不是原子的，是一种将日常经验的鲜明特征联系起来而不是孤立起来的智力手段。因此，通过隐喻等修辞手段，我们传达了一套共同的符号;语言、交流、象征和公共生活成为一个可识别的文化视角中不可分割和相互关联的组成部分。因此，文化被编码在隐喻中。隐喻的来源之一，因此也是我们共同现实的中介机制之一，就是体育世界。罗伯特·利普西特曾称体育语言为“体育语言”，这种语言已经渗透到我们整个国家的语言体系中。事实上，R. Palmatier和H. Ray已经确定了多达1700个常用的体育隐喻，这些隐喻来自100多种游戏和体育项目，从拳击(“猝不及防”)到斗牛(“抓住公牛的角”)，从板球(“抖抖我的骨头”)到赛艇(“尽你所能”)，从马球(“干掉一个人”)到摔跤(“毫不留情”)。把体育作为生活的隐喻(“生活是一场游戏”)的想法在美国和美国文学中是如此普遍，以至于它已经成为我们传统智慧的一部分。但是，尽管我们经常无意识地使用体育比喻，但它的无所不在必须有特殊性。来自特定体育运动的隐喻在特定文化话语中占主导地位。本文的目的是识别和解释主导特定文化话语的体育隐喻，经常注意到随着时间的变化。在我的分析中，我将揭示隐喻使用的模式，并以此探索支撑我们集体生活方式的共同价值观和假设之间的联系。我最关心的四种话语是战争、政治、商业和性关系，这些话语最容易接受体育隐喻。
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