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The Nation as Family 作为家庭的国家
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.47
Nobuko Anan
This chapter examines mother-child love linked to love for the nation within two Japanese plays. In Rio Kishida’s Thread Hell (1984), a pre–World War II silk factory represents the Japanese Empire, where a mother and her daughter are manipulated by the nation. However, they eventually challenge this symbolic realm that forces women to sustain the national lineage through their reproductive function. In Hideki Noda’s MIWA (2015), a homosexual transvestite’s relationship with his mother in the postwar period is depicted. As resistance to heteronormative ideas about family, and the nation as its extension, he commits matricide, but this leads to his melancholia as he cannot fully give up his desire to belong to a “normal” family and nation. These plays explore the ways individuals develop a critical relation to the nation by reconfiguring their love for their mother.
本章考察了两部日本戏剧中与民族之爱相关的母子之爱。在岸田文雄的《线地狱》(1984)中,二战前的丝绸工厂代表了日本帝国,在那里,母亲和女儿被国家操纵。然而,她们最终挑战了这种迫使女性通过生殖功能来维持民族血统的象征性领域。在野田秀树的《MIWA》(2015)中,描绘了一个同性恋异装癖者与他母亲在战后时期的关系。作为对家庭和国家的非正统观念的反抗,他犯下了弑母罪,但这导致了他的忧郁,因为他无法完全放弃属于“正常”家庭和国家的愿望。这些戏剧探索了个人如何通过重新配置对母亲的爱来发展与国家的关键关系。
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引用次数: 2
Constituency Performances 选区的表演
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.25
E. Crewe, Nicholas Sarra
The representation of a constituency is at the heart of most democracies. In many countries an elected representative acts as a bridge between a parliament and a locality, while members of the parliament as a collective mediate between the center and the whole of that nation. This chapter explains why a methodological approach that relies on collaborative ethnography and multidisciplinary theorizing is a powerful way to probe the performances, identities, and emotions underlying the work of elected politicians. Taking a relational and performative approach, the chapter considers how these relationships in politics are not merely about interests, roles, or viewpoints; politicians have the power of evocation and so are important to people’s imagination and feeling of belonging. Politicians who ignore the sacred—the ritual, symbolism, and drama of politics—and merely try to impress voters with their ideological standpoints, will find it harder to secure support.
选区的代表权是大多数民主国家的核心。在许多国家,选举产生的代表是议会和地方之间的桥梁,而议会成员则是中央和全国之间的集体调解人。本章解释了为什么一种依赖于合作民族志和多学科理论的方法论方法是探索当选政治家工作背后的表现、身份和情感的有力方法。本章采用关系和行为的方法,考虑政治中的这些关系如何不仅仅是关于利益、角色或观点;政治家具有感召力,因此对人们的想象力和归属感很重要。那些无视政治的神圣——仪式、象征和戏剧性——而仅仅试图用自己的意识形态立场打动选民的政客,将会发现更难获得支持。
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引用次数: 0
Staging Memorialization 分段Memorialization
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.39
Charlotte Heath-Kelly
This chapter explores the staging of memory in public architecture, emphasizing the spatial and temporal dynamics of commemorative performance. While we are familiar with post-terrorist space being redesigned to perform resilient nationalism, other affected terrain is “off-staged” by recovery planners into the realm of economic regeneration. The chapter reflects upon the spatial staging of 9/11 recovery in Manhattan which splits urban terrain into symbolic and economic zones, ‘off-staging’ the city’s prioritization of business interests during disaster management. Beyond these spatial divisions in the staging of terrorism memory, memorials also conceive of audiences in radically distinct temporal zones. Design teams are presented with briefs that identify their audiences in the contemporary moment but also 100, 150, and even 250 years into the future. The memorial is expected to perform the disaster event, to educate an audience of whom we have no knowledge. The chapter deconstructs this temporal leap, showing that memorializing for the future does not only serve an educational purpose but performatively mitigates anxieties about the erasure of the present from the world stage. By addressing a future audience, the terrorism memorial performatively stages a concern for us from future beings. The chapter analyzes this ritualized address to the future as transferring from burial necrogeography. The terrorism memorial– and its particular staging practices – respond to anxieties about the erasure of traditional foundations for political authority during globalization, which has led to an increased reliance on performative architectural objects.
这一章探讨了公共建筑中记忆的分期,强调纪念表演的空间和时间动态。当我们熟悉后恐怖主义空间被重新设计以执行有弹性的民族主义时,其他受影响的领域被复苏规划者“脱离舞台”进入经济再生领域。这一章反映了曼哈顿9/11恢复的空间分期,将城市地形划分为象征性和经济区,“脱离”了城市在灾难管理期间优先考虑商业利益的阶段。除了恐怖主义记忆的这些空间划分之外,纪念馆还将观众设想为截然不同的时间区域。设计团队会收到一份简报,以确定他们在当代的受众,以及未来100年、150年甚至250年的受众。纪念馆将表演灾难事件,教育我们不了解的观众。这一章解构了这种时间上的飞跃,表明为未来而纪念不仅具有教育目的,而且在表演上减轻了人们对从世界舞台上抹去现在的焦虑。通过向未来的观众致辞,恐怖主义纪念馆表现出了未来人类对我们的关注。本章分析了这种仪式化的对未来的称呼是从墓葬墓地地理学转移过来的。恐怖主义纪念馆及其特殊的舞台实践回应了人们对全球化过程中政治权威的传统基础被抹去的焦虑,这导致人们越来越依赖于表现性建筑对象。
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引用次数: 0
Scripts, Authority, and Legitimacy 脚本、权威和合法性
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.53
Julia C. Strauss
Although it is widely recognized that performance permeates politics, there is surprisingly little agreement on how politics in performance plays out across different political and cultural environments. Focusing on the script as both written text and mutually constituted social role that attempts to reinforce legitimacy, this chapter develops two typologies. The first considers the script itself as either optimistic or pessimistic and that appeals to either reason or the emotions; the second how the script is imbricated with its prospective target audience(s) and the degree to which it attempts to divide or unite and either is closed or permits room for improvisation. It develops these typologies by comparing and contrasting the political performances of Xi Jinping and his optimistic and unifying “China Dream” in the increasingly authoritarian People’s Republic of China with the divisive, antitechnocratic jeremiad performances of Donald Trump and Boris Johnson in the United States and the United Kingdom. It concludes that in other political contexts the substance of political performance scripts, the ways in which scripts engage audiences, and how they are modified over time are likely to vary, but to do so in patterned ways.
尽管人们普遍认为表演会渗透到政治中,但令人惊讶的是,人们对表演中的政治如何在不同的政治和文化环境中发挥作用的看法却很少。剧本既是书面文本,又是相互构成的社会角色,试图加强合法性,本章发展了两种类型。第一种认为剧本本身要么乐观,要么悲观,要么诉诸理性,要么诉诸情感;第二,剧本如何与潜在的目标观众相结合,以及它试图分裂或团结的程度,要么是封闭的,要么是允许即兴创作的空间。它的结论是,在其他政治背景下,政治表演剧本的实质,剧本吸引观众的方式,以及它们如何随着时间的推移而修改,可能会有所不同,但都是以模式的方式进行的。
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引用次数: 0
Music 音乐
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.44
M. Franklin
A number of women who made their name as punk musicians and experimental performers have published their memoirs in quick succession. Taken together these books offer a rescripting of the dominant narrative of punk and related independent—indie—music scenes. The memoirs considered here—by Viv Albertine, Carrie Brownstein, Kim Gordon, Chrissie Hynde, Patti Smith, Brix Smith Start, and Cosey Fanni Tutti—go some way in challenging androcentric stereotypes in the “story of punk,” its politics and furious male icons. These memoirs provide rich insights into the complex, underground sexual politics of making it in a male-dominated industry. In so doing they rewrite the official record of punk registers of musical and political protest as groundbreaking experimental artists who also excel at playing fast, loudly, and with the libidinous energy usually attributed to masculine performance.
许多以朋克音乐家和实验表演者闻名的女性很快相继出版了她们的回忆录。这些书合在一起,为朋克和相关的独立音乐场景提供了一个主导叙事的重写。维芙·艾伯丁、卡丽·布朗斯坦、金·戈登、克里斯·海德、帕蒂·史密斯、布里克斯·史密斯·斯塔特和科西·范尼·图蒂在这里讨论的回忆录,在一定程度上挑战了“朋克故事”中的男性中心主义刻板印象,以及朋克的政治和愤怒的男性偶像。这些回忆录提供了丰富的见解,让我们了解到在一个男性主导的行业中,如何在复杂的地下性政治中取得成功。在这样做的过程中,他们改写了朋克音乐和政治抗议的官方记录,作为开创性的实验艺术家,他们也擅长快速、大声地演奏,并带有通常被认为是男性表演的性欲。
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引用次数: 0
Political Leadership 政治领导
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.19
John Uhr
This chapter draws on the fields of politics and performance to analyze the nature of leadership performance in contemporary political societies. It recovers neglected themes about leadership performance originally articulated by two political thinkers deeply interested in the role of public performance by political leaders, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Walter Bagehot, both of whom can help strengthen contemporary appraisals of leadership performance. The two thinkers evaluate leadership performance quite differently, using different performance standards. The eighteenth-century philosopher Rousseau devised a moral critique of modern liberalism, including a detailed evaluation of underdeveloped modes of leadership performance typical of modern liberal political regimes. Rousseau’s alternative leadership morality sketched in The Social Contract remains a powerful source for contemporary analysis of the limits of liberalism and of the options for more egalitarian, republican alternatives.
本章借鉴政治和绩效领域来分析当代政治社会中领导绩效的性质。它恢复了被忽视的关于领导表现的主题,这些主题最初是由两位对政治领导人的公共表现的作用非常感兴趣的政治思想家提出的,让-雅克卢梭和沃尔特白芝浩,他们都可以帮助加强当代对领导表现的评价。这两位思想家使用不同的绩效标准,对领导力绩效的评估截然不同。18世纪的哲学家卢梭提出了对现代自由主义的道德批判,其中包括对现代自由主义政治体制中典型的不发达的领导表现模式的详细评估。卢梭在《社会契约论》中概述的另类领导道德,仍然是当代分析自由主义局限性和更平等的共和主义选择的有力来源。
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引用次数: 0
Colonial Theatricality 殖民夸张
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.31
Lisa Skwirblies
This chapter argues that references to the theater are never merely innocent metaphors but instead are historically and culturally determined modes of perception that allow us to see certain problems in the political realm such as authenticity, representation, and spectatorship as essentially theatrical problems. This is particularly the case in nineteenth century colonial discourse with its technique of theatricalizing the colonized people and places. As a “travelling concept,” theatricality is not bound exclusively to the realm of the theater nor to the discourses of theater and performance studies; it holds meaning and potential as an instrument for analysis in the field of political science as well. The cross-disciplinary possibilities of the term theatricality lie in the term’s applicability for a better understanding of both the theater-like character of the political and social domain as well as of the grammar of performance as an aesthetic medium.
本章认为,对戏剧的提及绝不仅仅是单纯的隐喻,而是历史和文化决定的感知模式,它使我们能够看到政治领域中的某些问题,如真实性、代表性和观赏性,本质上是戏剧问题。在19世纪的殖民话语中尤其如此,它将被殖民的人民和地方戏剧化。作为一个“流动的概念”,戏剧性不仅局限于戏剧领域,也不局限于戏剧和表演研究的话语;它也具有作为政治学领域分析工具的意义和潜力。“戏剧性”一词的跨学科可能性在于,它适用于更好地理解政治和社会领域的戏剧特征,以及作为审美媒介的表演语法。
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引用次数: 0
National Identity 国家认同
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.35
Edgaras Klivis
This chapter aims at presenting the complex correlations between nationalism and modern theater with a special focus on performative construction of national identity. Whether seen as primordial essence or as a social construction national identity is grounded on public rituals and artistic practices (rather than rational ideological systems) which makes theatrical stage, along with print, museums, other media, central to understanding how imagined communities come into being and continue their existence into the global contemporary society. The chapter addresses the question of how the theatrical apparatus of bourgeois theater and staged representations in national theaters function in forming theatrical nationhood as well as concepts (postcolonialism), strategies (theatrical public sphere), artists (Jean Genet), and practices (interweaving performance cultures) that contest the dominant modes of performing national identity.
本章旨在呈现民族主义与现代戏剧之间的复杂关系,并特别关注民族认同的表演建构。无论是作为原始本质还是作为一种社会建构,国家认同都是以公共仪式和艺术实践(而不是理性的意识形态系统)为基础的,这使得戏剧舞台、印刷品、博物馆和其他媒体成为理解想象中的社区如何形成并继续存在于全球当代社会的核心。本章探讨了资产阶级戏剧的戏剧装置和国家剧院中的舞台表现如何在形成戏剧国家以及概念(后殖民主义),策略(戏剧公共领域),艺术家(让·热内)和实践(交织表演文化)方面发挥作用的问题,这些都与表演国家身份的主导模式相抗衡。
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引用次数: 0
Empire 帝国
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.15
C. Charrett
Frontiers on land and bodies are performative of imperial expansion and acceleration. This chapter argues that frontier sites are especially productive of imperial formations, as they expose inconsistencies and excesses that are met with a particular rage and discipline. As such, frontier sites are productive of iterations of imperial violence, which includes the construction of new infrastructures and technologies of violence, as well as the discursive justification for this violent apparatus. Palestine is a frontier of imperial formations that is productive of war technologies, but also a site where debates over the legitimization of the use of this violence takes place. Performances on the frontiers of empire such as Palestine are constitutive of subject and subjectivities on resistance and settler colonialism in global politics. The marking of Hamas as terrorists is central to the coding and interpretations of Palestine in public discourses. The democratic election of Hamas troubled the coding of the movement as an illegitimate terrorist Other, which was met with a performative anxiety and rage by the European Union. The EU had headed the election-monitoring mission in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and they had declared the elections transparent, free. and fair. Their response, however, was to diplomatically and financially sanction Hamas, which had profound consequences for Palestinian governance. Hamas and Gaza exposed fault lines in empire’s attempt to defend its use of violence. and as such they are also productive of new forms of enacting imperial violence. The chapter explores the performances of Tania El Khoury, whose work uses intimate scenes and audience interactivity to foreground the pain and oppression of imperial violence. Performance acts as a cultural frontier that negotiates and expresses subversive and resistant meanings of violence in global politics.
土地和身体的边界是帝国扩张和加速的表现。本章认为,边疆地区特别容易产生帝国主义的形成,因为它们暴露了不一致和过度行为,这些行为受到了特别的愤怒和纪律的约束。因此,边疆地区是帝国暴力迭代的产物,包括新的暴力基础设施和技术的建设,以及对这种暴力机器的话语辩护。巴勒斯坦是帝国形成的前沿,是战争技术的生产地,但也是关于使用这种暴力的合法性的辩论发生的地方。在巴勒斯坦等帝国边界的表现,构成了全球政治中抵抗和殖民主义的主体性和主体性。将哈马斯标记为恐怖分子是公共话语中对巴勒斯坦的编码和解释的核心。哈马斯的民主选举让该组织被认定为非法的恐怖主义“他者”感到不安,欧盟对此表现出了焦虑和愤怒。欧盟领导了巴勒斯坦被占领土的选举监督团,他们宣布选举是透明和自由的。和公平的。然而,他们的反应是在外交和财政上制裁哈马斯,这对巴勒斯坦的治理产生了深远的影响。哈马斯和加沙暴露了帝国试图为其使用暴力辩护的断层线。正因为如此,他们也产生了新形式的帝国暴力。这一章探讨了塔尼亚·埃尔·库利的表演,她的作品用亲密的场景和观众的互动来突出帝国暴力的痛苦和压迫。表演作为一个文化边界,在全球政治中协商和表达暴力的颠覆性和抵抗性意义。
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引用次数: 0
Care 护理
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863456.013.28
Narelle Warren
Care is a concept characterized by its multiplicity of meanings, uses, and practices. It is deeply shaped by the affective contexts in which care take place. Political and social processes determine who can and does care—the work of care—and the recognition of this work. While grounded in individual relationships, care is performative insofar as it is made and remade through its provision and practice, which tells much about the power structures that surround its practice. This chapter examines these affective and performative dimensions of care through vignettes with Australian informal (unpaid) spousal caregivers. Care, as described by the participants, operates in two distinct ways. First, as they explicitly describe, their acts of care reflect what matters to them, their affective ties to another—their spouse who lives with Parkinson’s disease. All discussed care as a mutual endeavor characterized by reciprocity and meaning, resonating with Puig de la Bellacasa’s constitutive elements of care as commitment, doing, and obligation. Second, participants described their care practices as reflecting a deeply unequal gendered order in which the allocation of limited economic, social, and political resources were laid bare: who does and does not get paid in the delivery of care reinforces social and household inequalities. Attending to performativity allows a consideration of how such competing priorities are negotiated in everyday encounters of care.
关心是一个概念,其特点是其含义、用途和实践的多样性。它深受护理发生的情感环境的影响。政治和社会进程决定了谁能够和做关怀——关怀的工作——以及对这项工作的认可。虽然护理是建立在个人关系的基础上的,但就其通过提供和实践而产生和重塑而言,它是表现性的,这在很大程度上说明了围绕其实践的权力结构。本章通过澳大利亚非正式(无薪)配偶照顾者的小插曲检查了这些情感和行为方面的照顾。正如参与者所描述的那样,护理以两种不同的方式运作。首先,正如他们明确描述的那样,他们的关怀行为反映了对他们来说重要的事情,他们与另一个人的情感联系——他们患有帕金森病的配偶。所有人都认为护理是一种相互的努力,其特点是互惠和意义,与Puig de la Bellacasa关于护理的构成要素如承诺、行动和义务产生共鸣。其次,参与者将他们的护理实践描述为反映了一种严重不平等的性别秩序,在这种秩序中,有限的经济、社会和政治资源的分配暴露无遗:谁在提供护理中得到报酬,谁没有得到报酬,加剧了社会和家庭的不平等。参加表演允许考虑如何在日常护理中协商这些竞争的优先事项。
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引用次数: 0
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The Oxford Handbook of Politics and Performance
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