Pub Date : 2005-02-01DOI: 10.1177/1466802505050978
D. Best, K. Eves
An analysis of 64 investigations of pursuits undertaken by the police between 1998 and 2001, resulting in 71 deaths, highlighted a number of concerns about the post-incident management of pursuits by police forces in England and Wales. The current article examines the investigations from the same set of incidents to assess what actions the police forces have taken to prevent such incidents from occurring in future. However, evidence of learning is sparse— with few officers disciplined for their actions, infrequent recommendations for policy change and little sign of systematic organizational learning. The article concludes by considering the consequences for organizational culture of this apparent learning failure and challenges the effectiveness of the current system and the willingness of police forces to change their practices in the light of such large numbers of police-related fatalities.
{"title":"Why are there no lessons learned from road traffic incidents involving the police?","authors":"D. Best, K. Eves","doi":"10.1177/1466802505050978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1466802505050978","url":null,"abstract":"An analysis of 64 investigations of pursuits undertaken by the police between 1998 and 2001, resulting in 71 deaths, highlighted a number of concerns about the post-incident management of pursuits by police forces in England and Wales. The current article examines the investigations from the same set of incidents to assess what actions the police forces have taken to prevent such incidents from occurring in future. However, evidence of learning is sparse— with few officers disciplined for their actions, infrequent recommendations for policy change and little sign of systematic organizational learning. The article concludes by considering the consequences for organizational culture of this apparent learning failure and challenges the effectiveness of the current system and the willingness of police forces to change their practices in the light of such large numbers of police-related fatalities.","PeriodicalId":10793,"journal":{"name":"Criminal Justice","volume":"9 1","pages":"37 - 53"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86626960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-11-01DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048654
T. Hartnagel
This article reviews some of the recent political rhetoric and public opinion on the controversial subject of youth crime and how to deal with it, particularly the Young Offenders Act of 1984 and the new Youth Criminal Justice Act of 2002, from a social constructionist perspective. Recent controversy over youth crime and justice is nothing new, reflecting differing views about the causes of crime and the appropriate ways of responding to it as specific manifestations of more fundamental and conflicting ideological assumptions regarding views of human nature, the degree of individual responsibility for behavior, and the fundamental values of society. The debates surrounding the new Youth Criminal Justice Act continue to reflect these ideological conflicts. Generally, there is a substantial gap between much of the rhetoric and the reality of youth crime and justice. Youth crime and justice in Canada is certainly an important issue that requires serious attention, but it is hardly the crisis that some would have us believe. Much depends upon how the new Youth Criminal Justice Act is actually implemented. A failure to alter the usual political rhetoric surrounding youth crime and justice obscures the reality in this area and will contribute to an on-going cycle of controversy that does little to advance efforts of effective crime prevention.
{"title":"The rhetoric of youth justice in Canada","authors":"T. Hartnagel","doi":"10.1177/1466802504048654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1466802504048654","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews some of the recent political rhetoric and public opinion on the controversial subject of youth crime and how to deal with it, particularly the Young Offenders Act of 1984 and the new Youth Criminal Justice Act of 2002, from a social constructionist perspective. Recent controversy over youth crime and justice is nothing new, reflecting differing views about the causes of crime and the appropriate ways of responding to it as specific manifestations of more fundamental and conflicting ideological assumptions regarding views of human nature, the degree of individual responsibility for behavior, and the fundamental values of society. The debates surrounding the new Youth Criminal Justice Act continue to reflect these ideological conflicts. Generally, there is a substantial gap between much of the rhetoric and the reality of youth crime and justice. Youth crime and justice in Canada is certainly an important issue that requires serious attention, but it is hardly the crisis that some would have us believe. Much depends upon how the new Youth Criminal Justice Act is actually implemented. A failure to alter the usual political rhetoric surrounding youth crime and justice obscures the reality in this area and will contribute to an on-going cycle of controversy that does little to advance efforts of effective crime prevention.","PeriodicalId":10793,"journal":{"name":"Criminal Justice","volume":"27 1","pages":"355 - 374"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89054924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-11-01DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048655
J. Terpstra, I. Bakker
‘Justice in the Community’ in The Netherlands promotes the cooperation between criminal justice and other organizations. It increases the visibility of the Public Prosecution to other partners and has an important symbolic function for citizens in multi-problem urban areas, which the state has not left alone with their problems. The scheme also promotes the use of more integrated and extra-judicial reactions to crime and, by using a range of mediation methods, more attention is paid to the position of victims of crime. ‘Justice in the Community’ creates more rapid interventions and settlements of criminal cases. However, there is no evidence that ‘Justice in the Community’ results in a higher levels of ‘objective and subjective safety’ in the neighbourhoods concerned. Some fundamental issues with regard to ‘Justice in the Community’ are discussed, for example, the blurring of boundaries between organizations and their responsibilities, the legitimation of the exchange of information between the participating organizations and the question to what extent the introduction of ‘Justice in the Community’ should be understood as the symptom of a process of juridification.
{"title":"‘Justice in the Community’ in The Netherlands","authors":"J. Terpstra, I. Bakker","doi":"10.1177/1466802504048655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1466802504048655","url":null,"abstract":"‘Justice in the Community’ in The Netherlands promotes the cooperation between criminal justice and other organizations. It increases the visibility of the Public Prosecution to other partners and has an important symbolic function for citizens in multi-problem urban areas, which the state has not left alone with their problems. The scheme also promotes the use of more integrated and extra-judicial reactions to crime and, by using a range of mediation methods, more attention is paid to the position of victims of crime. ‘Justice in the Community’ creates more rapid interventions and settlements of criminal cases. However, there is no evidence that ‘Justice in the Community’ results in a higher levels of ‘objective and subjective safety’ in the neighbourhoods concerned. Some fundamental issues with regard to ‘Justice in the Community’ are discussed, for example, the blurring of boundaries between organizations and their responsibilities, the legitimation of the exchange of information between the participating organizations and the question to what extent the introduction of ‘Justice in the Community’ should be understood as the symptom of a process of juridification.","PeriodicalId":10793,"journal":{"name":"Criminal Justice","volume":"1 1","pages":"375 - 393"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89969258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-11-01DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048653
P. Rock
Despite substantial misgivings about the activities and character of private prosecutors in England and Wales, the office of Director of Public Prosecutions was established only reluctantly and hesitantly in 1879. Tracing the history and aftermath of the decision to create that office reveals something of the manner in which victims and the state were represented officially throughout much of the nineteenth century, and it may help to explain why there is such a continuing reluctance to cede the victim a greater role in criminal procedure.
{"title":"Victims, prosecutors and the State in nineteenth century England and Wales","authors":"P. Rock","doi":"10.1177/1466802504048653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1466802504048653","url":null,"abstract":"Despite substantial misgivings about the activities and character of private prosecutors in England and Wales, the office of Director of Public Prosecutions was established only reluctantly and hesitantly in 1879. Tracing the history and aftermath of the decision to create that office reveals something of the manner in which victims and the state were represented officially throughout much of the nineteenth century, and it may help to explain why there is such a continuing reluctance to cede the victim a greater role in criminal procedure.","PeriodicalId":10793,"journal":{"name":"Criminal Justice","volume":"67 1","pages":"331 - 354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77810692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-11-01DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048656
L. Moran, Andrew N. Sharpe
The call by transgender people for the police to take violence against them more seriously has some familiar attributes. In general it is a violence characterized as hate crime. Transgender activism has highlighted many problems, for example, under-reporting, lack of trust and confidence in policing, lack of police recognition, low detection rates, clear up rates and infrequent judicial determinations of guilt. This activism might be characterized as another instance of identity politics emerging within the field of policing and criminal justice. While we welcome its emergence some scholars have been critical of the impact of identity politics upon policing and criminal justice bodies, suggesting it promotes further social and community divisions. Although we share some of these concerns, in this article we argue that these problems are the effect of particular assumptions about the nature of identity. We offer an analysis of identity politics that seeks to challenge this position, as well as an analysis of empirical data of transgender experiences of violence and insecurity arising out of research undertaken in Sydney, Australia. Our analysis exposes the multiple and simultaneous operation of many different social and cultural divisions at work in the context of transgender identity. We explore the significance of this approach to identity for policing.
{"title":"Violence, identity and policing","authors":"L. Moran, Andrew N. Sharpe","doi":"10.1177/1466802504048656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1466802504048656","url":null,"abstract":"The call by transgender people for the police to take violence against them more seriously has some familiar attributes. In general it is a violence characterized as hate crime. Transgender activism has highlighted many problems, for example, under-reporting, lack of trust and confidence in policing, lack of police recognition, low detection rates, clear up rates and infrequent judicial determinations of guilt. This activism might be characterized as another instance of identity politics emerging within the field of policing and criminal justice. While we welcome its emergence some scholars have been critical of the impact of identity politics upon policing and criminal justice bodies, suggesting it promotes further social and community divisions. Although we share some of these concerns, in this article we argue that these problems are the effect of particular assumptions about the nature of identity. We offer an analysis of identity politics that seeks to challenge this position, as well as an analysis of empirical data of transgender experiences of violence and insecurity arising out of research undertaken in Sydney, Australia. Our analysis exposes the multiple and simultaneous operation of many different social and cultural divisions at work in the context of transgender identity. We explore the significance of this approach to identity for policing.","PeriodicalId":10793,"journal":{"name":"Criminal Justice","volume":"99 1","pages":"395 - 417"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90824341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-08-01DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048465
N. Tilley
The Crime Reduction Programme began in April 1999 and was largely finished by March 2002. It went through a number of major changes. It also incorporated an ambitious initial evaluation component and a range of forms of evaluation activity. This article traces the changing theories in and of the programme as a whole and the changing forms of evaluation that were conducted under its auspices. It attempts to explain how and why the programme metamorphosed and how and why provisions for evaluation activity evolved as they did. It tries to distil realistic lessons for the conduct of informative evaluation in the context of large-scale government programmes. It also attempts to locate the potential for realist evaluation within such programmes.
{"title":"Applying theory-driven evaluation to the British Crime Reduction Programme","authors":"N. Tilley","doi":"10.1177/1466802504048465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1466802504048465","url":null,"abstract":"The Crime Reduction Programme began in April 1999 and was largely finished by March 2002. It went through a number of major changes. It also incorporated an ambitious initial evaluation component and a range of forms of evaluation activity. This article traces the changing theories in and of the programme as a whole and the changing forms of evaluation that were conducted under its auspices. It attempts to explain how and why the programme metamorphosed and how and why provisions for evaluation activity evolved as they did. It tries to distil realistic lessons for the conduct of informative evaluation in the context of large-scale government programmes. It also attempts to locate the potential for realist evaluation within such programmes.","PeriodicalId":10793,"journal":{"name":"Criminal Justice","volume":"83 1","pages":"255 - 276"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75947794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-08-01DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048464
M. Hough
This article examines the Home Office Crime Reduction Programme, mounted in England and Wales between 1999 and 2002. The programme failed fully to meet the expectations that it would substantially improve the knowledge-base about crime control, and the article considers possible reasons. There were problems of implementation limiting what could be learnt. Underlying this poor implementation was an oversimplified view of order maintenance that was implicit in the design of the programme. Those programme strands that were concerned with policing overemphasized the crime control function and underemphasized other features of policing that preoccupy middle-level police managers, such as organizational legitimacy. As the programme failed to engage with these everyday preoccupations, the projects funded under it tended to receive little priority from those who were in a position to determine their success.
{"title":"Modernization, scientific rationalism and the Crime Reduction Programme","authors":"M. Hough","doi":"10.1177/1466802504048464","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1466802504048464","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the Home Office Crime Reduction Programme, mounted in England and Wales between 1999 and 2002. The programme failed fully to meet the expectations that it would substantially improve the knowledge-base about crime control, and the article considers possible reasons. There were problems of implementation limiting what could be learnt. Underlying this poor implementation was an oversimplified view of order maintenance that was implicit in the design of the programme. Those programme strands that were concerned with policing overemphasized the crime control function and underemphasized other features of policing that preoccupy middle-level police managers, such as organizational legitimacy. As the programme failed to engage with these everyday preoccupations, the projects funded under it tended to receive little priority from those who were in a position to determine their success.","PeriodicalId":10793,"journal":{"name":"Criminal Justice","volume":"4 1","pages":"239 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74005804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-08-01DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048466
Elizabeth A. Stanko
This article outlines the lessons from one of the projects from the Home Office Crime Reduction Programme, which focused on hate crime and domestic violence. Funded near the end of the initiative, the project differed from many of the interventions. Rather than proposing to test an intervention to see ‘what worked’, it set out to produce the evidence upon which decisions about intervention could be made. Led by a senior academic criminologist (Stanko), housed within the largest police service in the UK - the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) - the project had sponsorship from influential members of the uniformed management team. The project further employed a team of social science researchers - some of whom had worked within the MPS and others who had no experience of working inside the police organization - to work on transforming routine police crime records into evidence to inform policy and strategy. The article argues that the project achieved its aims: police crime records can and do provide evidence sufficiently robust for the driving policy, strategy and police practice.
{"title":"Reviewing the evidence of hate","authors":"Elizabeth A. Stanko","doi":"10.1177/1466802504048466","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1466802504048466","url":null,"abstract":"This article outlines the lessons from one of the projects from the Home Office Crime Reduction Programme, which focused on hate crime and domestic violence. Funded near the end of the initiative, the project differed from many of the interventions. Rather than proposing to test an intervention to see ‘what worked’, it set out to produce the evidence upon which decisions about intervention could be made. Led by a senior academic criminologist (Stanko), housed within the largest police service in the UK - the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) - the project had sponsorship from influential members of the uniformed management team. The project further employed a team of social science researchers - some of whom had worked within the MPS and others who had no experience of working inside the police organization - to work on transforming routine police crime records into evidence to inform policy and strategy. The article argues that the project achieved its aims: police crime records can and do provide evidence sufficiently robust for the driving policy, strategy and police practice.","PeriodicalId":10793,"journal":{"name":"Criminal Justice","volume":"1 1","pages":"277 - 286"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87720677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-08-01DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048468
P. Raynor
Part of the programme of research funded under the Crime Reduction Programme was a group of evaluative studies of innovative probation service projects known as ‘Pathfinders’. These projects were developed as part of the ‘What Works’ initiative which had been pursued by the Probation Service since the mid-1990s, and need to be understood in that context as well as in the context of the Crime Reduction Programme. ‘What Works’ was an attempt to achieve a rapid step-change in the effectiveness of probation work in England and Wales through systematic application of international research on effective methods for the rehabilitation of offenders. The studies carried out with the Crime Reduction Programme support represented a resurgence of research interest in the effective supervision of offenders, after a period of relative neglect. However, the results of the studies have been less positive than was hoped and expected by Probation Service leaders. This article explores some of the arguments which are currently being put forward to account for this, and considers in particular the problems of implementation and time-scale which afflicted the projects, the narrow model of evaluation which informed the research strategy, and the limited role of evidence in a criminal justice context dominated by politically driven initiatives.
{"title":"The Probation Service ‘Pathfinders’","authors":"P. Raynor","doi":"10.1177/1466802504048468","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1466802504048468","url":null,"abstract":"Part of the programme of research funded under the Crime Reduction Programme was a group of evaluative studies of innovative probation service projects known as ‘Pathfinders’. These projects were developed as part of the ‘What Works’ initiative which had been pursued by the Probation Service since the mid-1990s, and need to be understood in that context as well as in the context of the Crime Reduction Programme. ‘What Works’ was an attempt to achieve a rapid step-change in the effectiveness of probation work in England and Wales through systematic application of international research on effective methods for the rehabilitation of offenders. The studies carried out with the Crime Reduction Programme support represented a resurgence of research interest in the effective supervision of offenders, after a period of relative neglect. However, the results of the studies have been less positive than was hoped and expected by Probation Service leaders. This article explores some of the arguments which are currently being put forward to account for this, and considers in particular the problems of implementation and time-scale which afflicted the projects, the narrow model of evaluation which informed the research strategy, and the limited role of evidence in a criminal justice context dominated by politically driven initiatives.","PeriodicalId":10793,"journal":{"name":"Criminal Justice","volume":"1 1","pages":"309 - 325"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85888757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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