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The Crime Reduction Programme in England and Wales 英格兰和威尔士减少犯罪方案
Pub Date : 2004-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048463
M. Maguire
The article contrasts the original vision behind the Crime Reduction Programme - an ambitious plan (initially intended to run for 10 years) to accumulate, disseminate and use research-based knowledge about the effectiveness of a wide variety of interventions - with the reality of the multiple problems experienced during its implementation in England and Wales between 1999 and its premature end in 2002. Ultimately, few projects were implemented as planned, with the knock-on effect of a dearth of conclusive research findings. It is argued that the Crime Reduction Programme benefitted initially from an unusual ‘window of opportunity’ when such a programme appeared attractive to politicians, administrators, practitioners and researchers alike, resulting in a level of funding for pilot projects and evaluation which was unprecedented in the UK in the crime reduction field. However, it was undermined significantly by inherent risks and tensions that became increasingly prominent as circumstances (and the political climate) changed. While initially conceived as research-driven, it was ‘sold’ to politicians as contributing to the government’s challenging crime reduction targets, an aim which progressively took priority over research. It was over-ambitious in scale and raised unrealistic expectations of its outcomes. It suffered from major practical problems caused by unfeasible timescales, slow-moving bureaucratic procedures, and shortages of ‘capacity’. Low commitment to project integrity, cultural resistance among practitioners, and insufficient attention to differences between academics’ and policy makers’ understandings of research, also contributed to its problems. While some useful outcomes can be claimed, the results of the Crime Reduction Programme as a whole were unquestionably disappointing. In the light of these experiences, it might be argued that - tempting as it was to seize the rare opportunity of major funding - the ideal of ‘evidence-based policy’ may be more effectively pursued as a quiet iterative process over the longer term, rather than through a risky investment in one high profile and rapidly implemented ‘programme’ which promises more than it can guarantee to deliver.
这篇文章对比了减少犯罪计划背后的最初愿景——一个雄心勃勃的计划(最初打算运行10年),旨在积累、传播和使用关于各种干预措施有效性的基于研究的知识——与1999年在英格兰和威尔士实施到2002年过早结束期间所经历的多重问题的现实。最终,由于缺乏结论性的研究结果,很少有项目按计划实施。有人认为,减少犯罪计划最初受益于一个不寻常的“机会之窗”,当这样一个计划对政治家、管理人员、从业者和研究人员都有吸引力时,导致试点项目和评估的资金水平在英国减少犯罪领域是前所未有的。然而,随着环境(和政治气候)的变化,内在的风险和紧张局势日益突出,这大大削弱了它。虽然最初被认为是研究驱动的,但它被“卖”给了政治家,因为它有助于政府实现具有挑战性的减少犯罪目标,这一目标逐渐优先于研究。它在规模上过于雄心勃勃,并对其结果提出了不切实际的期望。由于时间表不可行、官僚程序缓慢和“能力”不足,它遭受了重大的实际问题。对项目完整性的不重视、从业者之间的文化阻力以及对学术界和政策制定者对研究的理解差异的重视不足也导致了问题的出现。虽然可以说取得了一些有益的成果,但总体而言,减少犯罪方案的结果无疑令人失望。根据这些经验,可能会有人认为,尽管抓住难得的主要资助机会很诱人,但“循证政策”的理想可能更有效地作为一个安静的长期迭代过程来追求,而不是通过一个高风险的投资,在一个高调和快速实施的“计划”中承诺的比它能保证的要多。
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引用次数: 155
Pretend it works 假装它有效
Pub Date : 2004-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/1466802504048467
Tim Hope
This article is about the use of evidence from evaluation research undertaken on, and as part of, the Home Office Reducing Burglary Initiative. More generally, it is a case study about the uses and status of ‘scientific’ evidence in politics. The article reports methods and findings regarding burglary reduction projects evaluated by the ‘Midlands Consortium’ of academic researchers. These are compared with interpretations derived from re-analysis of the data presented in reports published by the Home Office. Specifically, it illustrates what might happen when responsibility for validating policy - that is, for establishing ‘what works’ - is placed in the hands of (social) science, but the evidence produced is not, apparently, congenial to the particular ‘network of governance’ that is responsible for the policy. The outcome for evidence-based policy making in these circumstances is that scientific discourse and method itself falls victim to policy pressures and values. The concerns of this article are placed in the context of Ulrich Beck’s (1992) discussion of ‘reflexive scientization’ in the governance of risk society.
这篇文章是关于使用评估研究的证据,作为内政部减少入室盗窃倡议的一部分。更一般地说,这是一个关于“科学”证据在政治中的使用和地位的案例研究。本文报告了由学术研究人员组成的“米德兰兹联盟”评估的减少入室盗窃项目的方法和发现。这些数据与英国内政部(Home Office)发布的报告中对数据进行重新分析后得出的解释进行了比较。具体地说,它说明了当验证政策的责任——也就是确定“什么是有效的”——被置于(社会)科学的手中时,可能会发生什么,但是产生的证据显然与负责政策的特定“治理网络”不相符。在这种情况下,基于证据的政策制定的结果是,科学话语和方法本身成为政策压力和价值观的牺牲品。本文的关注点放在乌尔里希·贝克(Ulrich Beck, 1992)关于风险社会治理中的“反思性科学化”的讨论的背景下。
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引用次数: 54
Reinventing Tradition? 改造传统?
Pub Date : 2004-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/1466802504044914
M. Innes
Focusing upon the trajectory of emergence of reassurance policing, this article seeks to interrogate the symbolic and material dimensions of contemporary policing reform programmes. It considers how a need for something labelled ‘Reassurance Policing’ was identified and the various social forces that coalesced to bring it into being. Exploring the contested meanings of reassurance policing, the article details how it has come to be defined as a strategy composed of three constitutive components: high visibility patrols performed by officers who are known to the local public; the targeting of ‘signal crimes’ and ‘signal disorders’; and informal social control performed by communities. The article concludes by postulating what the emergence of the reassurance policing perspective indicates about the future of policing reform.
聚焦于安心警务出现的轨迹,本文试图询问当代警务改革方案的象征和物质层面。它考虑了对某种被称为“保证警务”的东西的需求是如何被确定的,以及各种社会力量联合起来使其成为现实。本文探讨了“保证警务”有争议的含义,详细介绍了它是如何被定义为一种由三个组成部分组成的策略:由当地公众熟悉的警官进行高能见度巡逻;针对“信号犯罪”和“信号紊乱”;以及由社区执行的非正式社会控制。文章最后提出了安心警务视角的出现对警务改革未来的启示。
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引用次数: 120
‘Mission Impossible’? ‘Impossible’任务?
Pub Date : 2004-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/1466802504044912
G. Hughes, D. Gilling
It is difficult to ignore the growing salience of the new governance of crime and disorder in many late modern societies. To date there has been limited empirical exploration of the practices and experiences of these new local actors and institutions. This article aims to correct this neglect in the criminological literature by its exploration of the knowledge and skills base and habitus of one of the new partnership experts, the community safety manager (CSM). In particular, the article involves an engagement with recent research findings from Britain together with the more abstract conceptual tools opened up by current debates in critical social and political theory. It begins with a brief history of the community safety occupation during which the key features of the ‘profession’ are explored. Next, the thesis of a hegemonic risk management governmental logic in the field of community safety is critically examined. By exploring specific sites and contexts of community safety ‘work’, doubt is cast on totalizing narratives of neo-liberal transformation currently popular in criminology and sociology. Finally, the possible futures of community safety and crime and disorder reduction when viewed from the contemporary experiences of CSMs are considered.
在许多晚期现代社会中,对犯罪和混乱的新治理日益突出,这一点很难忽视。迄今为止,对这些新的地方行动者和机构的实践和经验进行了有限的实证探索。本文旨在通过对新伙伴关系专家之一社区安全管理者(CSM)的知识、技能基础和习惯的探索,纠正犯罪学文献中的这一忽视。特别地,这篇文章涉及到英国最近的研究成果,以及在批判社会和政治理论的当前辩论中开辟的更抽象的概念工具。它从社区安全职业的简史开始,在此期间探索了“职业”的主要特征。其次,对社区安全领域的霸权风险管理政府逻辑论题进行了批判性的考察。通过探索社区安全“工作”的具体地点和背景,对目前在犯罪学和社会学中流行的新自由主义转型的总体叙述提出了质疑。最后,从csm的当代经验来看,考虑了社区安全、犯罪和混乱减少的可能未来。
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引用次数: 34
Interpreting Penal Change 解释刑罚变化
Pub Date : 2004-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/1466802504044915
I. O’Donnell
A number of recent commentators, most notably and perhaps most elegantly David Garland, have outlined the contours of a new crime control dispensation that is said to characterize modern society. One strand of the evidence for this development is the upward trend in countries’ per capita prison populations. The purpose of this research note is to highlight some of the difficulties associated with any analysis carried out at this level of abstraction, especially with respect to the USA.
最近的一些评论家,最著名的也许是最优雅的大卫·加兰,概述了一种新的犯罪控制分配的轮廓,据说这是现代社会的特征。这一发展的证据之一是各国人均监狱人口呈上升趋势。本研究报告的目的是强调在这个抽象层次上进行任何分析的一些困难,特别是关于美国。
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引用次数: 7
Contingency and Politics 偶然性与政治
Pub Date : 2004-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/1466802504044911
Adrian Cherney
Community safety officers have become central to the delivery of crime prevention and community safety policy both in Australia and elsewhere. This article reviews the community safety officer (CSO) role in local government and provides results from interviews with CSOs in the Australian state of Victoria. The experiences, challenges and problems faced by CSOs in implementing Victorian schemes are outlined. It is argued that the focus by governments and criminologists on developing training packages, competencies and identifying ‘what works’ discounts the administrative and political environments in which local level CSOs work. These contexts present obstacles to strategy development and implementation. Likewise a similar criticism is made of the governmentality thesis, that it too fails to engage with and interrogate local practice, overlooking issues of contingency and agency that encompass the CSO role. It is concluded that this role is one concerned with change management, and that building CSO capacity requires the devolution of authority, resources and decision-making powers. Understanding how CSOs manage the barriers and ‘crisis’ they face in crime prevention and community safety will tell us more about ‘what works’ that is germane to effective policy development and implementation.
在澳大利亚和其他地方,社区安全官员已成为实施预防犯罪和社区安全政策的核心。本文回顾了社区安全官员(CSO)在地方政府中的作用,并提供了对澳大利亚维多利亚州CSO的访谈结果。概述了公民社会组织在实施维多利亚州计划时所面临的经验、挑战和问题。有人认为,政府和犯罪学家将重点放在开发培训包、能力和确定“有效的方法”上,忽视了地方一级公民社会组织工作的行政和政治环境。这些情况对战略的制定和实施构成障碍。同样,对治理理论也提出了类似的批评,认为它也未能参与和质疑地方实践,忽视了包含公民社会组织角色的偶然性和代理问题。结论是,这一作用与变革管理有关,建立公民社会组织的能力需要权力、资源和决策权的下放。了解公民社会组织如何管理他们在预防犯罪和社区安全方面面临的障碍和“危机”,将使我们更多地了解与有效政策制定和实施相关的“有效措施”。
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引用次数: 21
Evidence-Led Policy or Policyled Evidence? 证据导向的政策还是政策导向的证据?
Pub Date : 2004-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/1466802504044913
D. Gadd
This article critiques the move towards establishing standardized cognitive behavioural interventions for violent men within the National Probation Service of England and Wales. The article queries the persuasiveness of the research evidence informing this policy decision, and argues that in practice a narrow focus on cognition can detract from those aspects of masculinity that are implicated in the perpetration of domestic violence. Having first explored the limits of the evaluation research that has been conducted on cognitive behavioural programmes for domestic violence perpetrators in the UK, the article utilizes a case study to illustrate the complex challenges confronting those who wish to help violent men to change. In particular, the notion that denial is only implicated in mitigating responsibility for violence is exposed as unduly simplistic. The article concludes that without greater acknowledgement of the criminal justice system’s tendency to further brutalize violent offenders, court-mandated perpetrators will continue to expect probation interventions to provide ‘cures’, and become increasingly resistant to engage when no such cures are found.
这篇文章批评了在英格兰和威尔士国家缓刑服务中心为暴力男性建立标准化认知行为干预的举措。这篇文章质疑了为这一政策决定提供信息的研究证据的说服力,并认为在实践中,对认知的狭隘关注可能会减损与家庭暴力犯罪有关的男性气概的那些方面。本文首先探讨了对英国家庭暴力施暴者认知行为项目进行的评估研究的局限性,并利用一个案例研究来说明那些希望帮助暴力男性改变的人所面临的复杂挑战。特别是,否认只涉及减轻暴力责任的观念被暴露为过分简单化。这篇文章的结论是,如果没有对刑事司法系统进一步残酷对待暴力罪犯的倾向有更大的认识,法院授权的犯罪者将继续期望缓刑干预提供“治疗”,并且在没有找到这种治疗方法时变得越来越抗拒参与。
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引用次数: 24
期刊
Criminal Justice
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