Pub Date : 2022-04-12DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340251
A. Quak
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Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340242
Alice Mevis
The Norman Conquest and its tremendous linguistic impact on the English language is widely acknowledged among scholars and triggered a substantial body of literature. The great influx of French loanwords into the lexis of Middle English not only led to a profound restructuring of the lexicon, but also deeply affected the English morphology and patterns of derivation (Kastovsky 1994), as well as the English syntax to some extent (Smith 2012; Haeberli 2010). However, few studies have focused on a detailed analysis of these loans. Most researchers chose to focus on the quantitative aspects of the period of extensive lexical borrowing in Middle English, without dedicating much attention to the way and the extent to which French loanwords actually integrated and interacted with native vocabulary. This study thus sought to examine some excerpts of Middle English texts in more detail with the aim of getting closer to understanding whether these borrowings were already fully integrated in Middle English by the time these texts were written, whether this integration was determined by internal or external factors, and whether the process itself was abrupt or rather continuous.
{"title":"Not So Foreign","authors":"Alice Mevis","doi":"10.1163/18756719-12340242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340242","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The Norman Conquest and its tremendous linguistic impact on the English language is widely acknowledged among scholars and triggered a substantial body of literature. The great influx of French loanwords into the lexis of Middle English not only led to a profound restructuring of the lexicon, but also deeply affected the English morphology and patterns of derivation (Kastovsky 1994), as well as the English syntax to some extent (Smith 2012; Haeberli 2010). However, few studies have focused on a detailed analysis of these loans. Most researchers chose to focus on the quantitative aspects of the period of extensive lexical borrowing in Middle English, without dedicating much attention to the way and the extent to which French loanwords actually integrated and interacted with native vocabulary. This study thus sought to examine some excerpts of Middle English texts in more detail with the aim of getting closer to understanding whether these borrowings were already fully integrated in Middle English by the time these texts were written, whether this integration was determined by internal or external factors, and whether the process itself was abrupt or rather continuous.","PeriodicalId":108095,"journal":{"name":"Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129998901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340246
W. Sayers
The reconstructed name of the early Germanic god *Wōdanaz is generally traced to a Proto-Indo-European root *u̯ā̆t- meaning ‘spiritually aroused, possessed’. The signification contrasts sharply with the attributes of the primal Germanic sky and war god *Tīwaz, whose name references the bright sky. In a cultural development not yet fully explained, the former displaces the latter as the chief god. In this article, a homophone of the above PIE root, designated *u̯ā̆t- (2), and meaning ‘to bow down, bend, stoop’, is posited as the root of a theonym meaning ‘the bent, stooped one’. He is identified as the Germanic psychopomp and lord of the dead with ties to an ancestor cult. From a largely quiescent role as the bowed or bent-knee god, he emerges from the underworld, when Germanic tribes resemanticized the reflex of the *u̯ā̆t- (2) root ‘bent, bowed’ – militarized it. The new chief god was understood as ‘the master of battle rage’, based on the prioritization of the signification inherent in the root *u̯ā̆t- (1).
早期日耳曼神*Wōdanaz的重建名字通常可以追溯到原始印欧语系的词根*u ' u ' u ' u ' t,意思是“精神上被唤醒,被占有”。这一含义与原始日耳曼天空和战神特瓦兹的属性形成鲜明对比,特瓦兹的名字指的是明亮的天空。在一种尚未完全解释的文化发展中,前者取代后者成为主要的神。在这篇文章中,上面的PIE词根的一个同音字,被指定为*u ' u ' u ' t-(2),意思是“鞠躬,弯曲,弯腰”,被假定为一个意为“弯曲,弯曲的人”的神名词根。他被认为是日耳曼精神错乱者和死者之主,与祖先崇拜有联系。他从一个很大程度上是沉默的角色——屈膝或屈膝的神——出现在地下世界,当时日耳曼部落类似于*u ' u ' ā u ' t的反射——(2)词根“弯曲,鞠躬”——将其军事化。新的主神被理解为“战斗愤怒的主人”,这是基于词根*u ' u ' ā u ' t-(1)所固有的意义的优先次序。
{"title":"Divine Displacement","authors":"W. Sayers","doi":"10.1163/18756719-12340246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340246","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The reconstructed name of the early Germanic god *Wōdanaz is generally traced to a Proto-Indo-European root *u̯ā̆t- meaning ‘spiritually aroused, possessed’. The signification contrasts sharply with the attributes of the primal Germanic sky and war god *Tīwaz, whose name references the bright sky. In a cultural development not yet fully explained, the former displaces the latter as the chief god. In this article, a homophone of the above PIE root, designated *u̯ā̆t- (2), and meaning ‘to bow down, bend, stoop’, is posited as the root of a theonym meaning ‘the bent, stooped one’. He is identified as the Germanic psychopomp and lord of the dead with ties to an ancestor cult. From a largely quiescent role as the bowed or bent-knee god, he emerges from the underworld, when Germanic tribes resemanticized the reflex of the *u̯ā̆t- (2) root ‘bent, bowed’ – militarized it. The new chief god was understood as ‘the master of battle rage’, based on the prioritization of the signification inherent in the root *u̯ā̆t- (1).","PeriodicalId":108095,"journal":{"name":"Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125381206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340231
John M. Jeep
For the first time, the alliterating word-pairs in Wirnt’s von Gravenberg “Wigalois” are completely listed and analyzed, especially in comparison with previous attestations in Old and Middle High German. Thus, the comprehensive history of the alliterating word-pair in German moves into the second decade of the thirteenth century, by which time over 1,500 such pairs are recorded. References to Ulrich’s von Zatzikhoven “Lanzelot,” often considered together with “Wigalois,” are included. Texts thought to be similar do not necessarily reveal a comparable phraseological inventory, while the authors appear to employ a similar strategy of creating new pairings.
{"title":"Wirnt von Grafenberg, Wigalois","authors":"John M. Jeep","doi":"10.1163/18756719-12340231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340231","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000For the first time, the alliterating word-pairs in Wirnt’s von Gravenberg “Wigalois” are completely listed and analyzed, especially in comparison with previous attestations in Old and Middle High German. Thus, the comprehensive history of the alliterating word-pair in German moves into the second decade of the thirteenth century, by which time over 1,500 such pairs are recorded. References to Ulrich’s von Zatzikhoven “Lanzelot,” often considered together with “Wigalois,” are included. Texts thought to be similar do not necessarily reveal a comparable phraseological inventory, while the authors appear to employ a similar strategy of creating new pairings.","PeriodicalId":108095,"journal":{"name":"Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik","volume":"113 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125442786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340232
Davide Bertagnolli
From verse 2593 to the end, the Middle Dutch Ferguut becomes a more independent adaptation of its model, the Old French Fergus: the author starts to operate on a deeper level, namely giving more space and importance to the main female character and, for instance, humanizing the hero’s figure. This article investigates the rewriting strategy adopted in the second part of the romance in order to understand what could have motivated the choices of the unknown poet.
{"title":"Rewriting the Arthurian Romance","authors":"Davide Bertagnolli","doi":"10.1163/18756719-12340232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340232","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000From verse 2593 to the end, the Middle Dutch Ferguut becomes a more independent adaptation of its model, the Old French Fergus: the author starts to operate on a deeper level, namely giving more space and importance to the main female character and, for instance, humanizing the hero’s figure. This article investigates the rewriting strategy adopted in the second part of the romance in order to understand what could have motivated the choices of the unknown poet.","PeriodicalId":108095,"journal":{"name":"Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik","volume":"33 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"113978787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340243
C. Cataldi
Old Frisian religious texts are relatively scarce. In fact, several pastoral pieces survive amongst the large body of Old Frisian legal texts. In this context, the fifteenth-century legal collection known as Thet Autentica Riocht (‘The Authentic Law’) is of special interest because it includes a sequence of short didactic texts, dealing with Christian topics. The present study focuses on The Ten Signs in the Host, one of the catechetical texts of Thet Autentica Riocht. It presents a discussion of the text, its Latin sources, their manuscript tradition, and a Middle High German analogue of the Old Frisian text.
{"title":"The Old Frisian Ten Signs in the Host","authors":"C. Cataldi","doi":"10.1163/18756719-12340243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340243","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Old Frisian religious texts are relatively scarce. In fact, several pastoral pieces survive amongst the large body of Old Frisian legal texts. In this context, the fifteenth-century legal collection known as Thet Autentica Riocht (‘The Authentic Law’) is of special interest because it includes a sequence of short didactic texts, dealing with Christian topics. The present study focuses on The Ten Signs in the Host, one of the catechetical texts of Thet Autentica Riocht. It presents a discussion of the text, its Latin sources, their manuscript tradition, and a Middle High German analogue of the Old Frisian text.","PeriodicalId":108095,"journal":{"name":"Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik","volume":"105 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124828162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340245
E. Afros
The B text of the Old English Bede copied in the first half of the eleventh century into CCCC 41 by two scribes differs editorially, linguistically, and rhetorically from other witnesses. Although the two B scribes are generally credited with the alterations, Campbell (1951), Scragg (1990), and Waite (2014) point out that some of the distinctive traits of the B version may have originated in an anterior copy or copies. Waite (2014) also objects to the indiscriminate treatment of the work of the two B scribes as it obscures the contribution of each copyist. The present study examines seven distinctive linguistic characteristics of the B text. To determine which traits may derive from an anterior copy and which ones may be attributed to the B scribes, it compares and contrasts the Bede manuscripts and the B scribes’ practices. This inquiry not only sheds light on the methods of scribal revision but also the English of the first half of the eleventh century.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340248
B. Mees
The Batavian name Pero is best understood as a derivative of Germanic *perō ‘pear’. Names that also feature the root per- are recorded from other parts of the Roman Empire in connection with Germanic speakers and seem to reflect the influence of pear growing in the Roman provinces. This influence was so great that the name of the p-rune also appears to have been derived from *perō ‘pear’. The early Germanic names Pero, Uxperus and Gamuxperus seem to represent occupation names, and are consistent with archaeobotanical evidence for the development of pear cultivation in the Germanic-speaking provinces of the Empire.
巴达维亚人的名字Pero最好被理解为日耳曼语* peri“梨”的衍生词。以per-为词根的名字从罗马帝国的其他地方记录下来,与日耳曼人有关,似乎反映了罗马行省种植梨的影响。这种影响是如此之大,以至于p-符文的名字似乎也源于* peri ' '梨'。早期的日耳曼名字Pero, Uxperus和Gamuxperus似乎代表了职业名称,并且与帝国日耳曼语省份发展梨种植的考古植物学证据一致。
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Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340241
K. Dekker
The use of Evoke and the Thesaurus of Old English (TOE) in the classroom at beginners’ level is not self-evident, since both are electronic tools designed to facilitate lexicological research for more advanced users. Nonetheless, there is an advantage in acquainting students with modern electronic tools allowing relevant, piecemeal investigations into the lexicon. This contribution focuses on the usage of Evoke in the classroom, suggesting the types of assignments that may be designed for this purpose and exploring further possibilities.
在初学者的课堂上使用Evoke和Thesaurus of Old English (TOE)并不是不言自明的,因为它们都是电子工具,旨在为更高级的用户提供便利的词源学研究。尽管如此,让学生熟悉现代电子工具是有好处的,这些工具允许他们对词汇进行相关的、零碎的调查。这篇文章的重点是在课堂上使用Evoke,提出了可能为此目的而设计的作业类型,并探讨了进一步的可能性。
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Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1163/18756719-12340238
Fahad Khan, Javier E. Díaz-Vera, F. J. Minaya Gómez, Rafael Cruz González, M. Monachini
The topic of figurative language in Old English (OE) has recently become the focus of substantial research. In this article, the authors will describe work on the semantic description of the lexicon of shame words in OE and in particular the taxonomical organisation of this lexicon on the basis of different kinds of semantic mappings (metonymic, metaphorical). Next, they will explore the use of the Evoke platform as a means of visualising and navigating this lexicon and show how it can be used to enrich A Thesaurus of Old English (TOE). The authors also describe ongoing work on the modelling and publication of this data as a linked data resource consisting of a lexicon and a taxonomy in SKOS of different kinds of metaphoric/metonymic sense shifts.
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