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“Lest the Faithful Doubt or the Heretics Mock”: Patriarchs, Caliphs and Implementing Excommunication in the Jacobite Church c.650–850 “以免忠实的怀疑或异教徒嘲笑”:族长,哈里发和执行逐出教在雅各派教会c.650-850
Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2124490
Philip R. Wood
ABSTRACT This article considers the role of the Muslim authorities in enforcing Christian excommunication. After setting out late Roman precedents for the use of excommunication, it examines four cases in the period 650-850 in which the patriarch opposed other high-ranking clergy. It argues that Muslim authorities were increasingly willing to intervene in these disputes to support the legitimacy of the patriarch. The significance of this relationship is illustrated by the disintegration of the patriarch's to bring his opponents into line during periods of civil war, where the caliph's government was challenged.
本文考虑了穆斯林当局在执行基督教逐出教会中的作用。在阐述了罗马晚期使用逐出教会的先例之后,它考察了650-850年间牧首反对其他高级神职人员的四个案例。它认为,穆斯林当局越来越愿意干预这些争端,以支持族长的合法性。在内战期间,哈里发的政府受到挑战,为了让对手听话,族长的解体说明了这种关系的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Excommunication and apostasy: re-drawing Jewish communal boundaries in Fāṭimid and Ayyūbid Egypt 逐出教会和叛教:重新绘制犹太人在Fāṭimid和Ayyūbid埃及的公共边界
Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2118501
Moshe Yagur
When Ben al-Qābisī, a Jewish merchant, reached Alexandria, sometime in the early years of the twelfth century, he had already been excommunicated for quite some time on the other side of the Mediterranean, in al-Andalus. He was excommunicated in Granada, as well as in Lucena, the Jewish centre of study in Islamic Iberia, in the presence of “the Rabbi, the righteous, may his memory be a blessing.” The excommunication was likewise reiterated in Cordoba and Seville in the presence of Jewish dignitaries. This much was known in Alexandria when Ben al-Qābisī arrived at the port, and some of his fierce rivals were there, promoting a reiteration of the excommunication in Egypt as well. This was supposedly the normal procedure in cases of excommunication. However, that was easier said than done. Apparently, Ben al-Qābisī had strong and resolute friends and allies even in Alexandria. According to the letter sent from Alexandria to Cairo and found in the Cairo Geniza, a letter which is the only source of information about this incident, several of Ben al-Qābisī’s allies warned that if the local judge excommunicated him, he would apostatise. This threat seemed to have worked, at least temporarily: we are told that the local judge, although receiving full information on Ben alQābisī having already been excommunicated in several places, was hesitant to reiterate the excommunication. Allegedly he wrote to ‘our master’ in Cairo, the head of all
当本al-Qābisī,一个犹太商人,到达亚历山大时,在12世纪早期的某个时候,他已经在地中海的另一边,在安达卢斯被逐出教会很长一段时间了。他在格拉纳达和伊比利亚的犹太人研究中心卢塞纳(Lucena)被逐出教会,当时在场的是“拉比,正义的人,愿他的记忆成为祝福。”科尔多瓦和塞维利亚也同样在犹太显要人物的面前被逐出教会。当本al-Qābisī到达亚历山大港的时候,亚历山大已经知道了很多,他的一些激烈的对手也在那里,在埃及也推动了被逐出教会的重申。这应该是在被逐出教会的情况下的正常程序。然而,说起来容易做起来难。显然,本al-Qābisī即使在亚历山大也有强大而坚定的朋友和盟友。根据从亚历山大寄往开罗的信,并在开罗的Geniza中发现,这封信是关于这一事件的唯一信息来源,Ben al-Qābisī的几个盟友警告说,如果当地法官将他逐出教会,他就会叛教。这种威胁似乎起了作用,至少暂时起了作用:我们被告知,当地法官虽然得到了本alQābisī在几个地方被逐出教会的全部信息,但对重申逐出教会一事犹豫不决。据说他写信给开罗的“我们的主人”,所有人的首领
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引用次数: 0
Minorities in Contact in the Medieval Mediterranean 中世纪地中海地区交往中的少数民族
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2129137
Enrico Boccaccini
Kotán’s examination of the surviving evidence of catapult ammunition and impact marks on several castles including Margat. This piece engages with the ongoing discussion surrounding counter-weight trebuchets – their development and power. Kotán’s work identifies the range of ammunition used by these engines (including one projectile which apparently weighed 250kg!) and reaches the conclusion that the heaviest catapults of this kind were powerful enough to bring destruction to both walls and towers. Peter Edbury builds on his existing work on the Chronique d’Ernoul, in this case by looking its presentation of the Ayyubid Sultan al-Kamil. He argues that the author’s depiction of the sultan was designed to serve as a ‘foil’ for its presentation of Emperor Frederick II of Germany, especially during the negotiations which led to the return of Jerusalem in 1229. Júlia Sárközi turns to Egypt to provide a study on the influence of Frankish architecture on buildings in Cairo, especially under the Mamluks. Denys Pringle’s article then looks at the problems surrounding the dating of two linked pilgrim itineraries, an anonymous account and one named Visio Othmari presbyteri. He ascribes the former to the period 1104-c.1120 and the latter to the 1050s-1080s. The redating of Othmar’s Visio is especially notable given that it was formerly thought to date to the 1160s. Finally, this collection concludes with a thought-provoking article by Dániel Bácsatyai concerning the presence of two smaller military orders (the order of St Sampson and the order of Santiago) in Hungary during the thirteenth century. It explores the scant evidence for their development and their ultimate fate but this piece also shows how these institutions linked the kingdom closely to the territories conquered by the Fourth Crusaders after 1204. Taken overall, this collection has many strengths, perhaps most importantly the considerable corpus of analysis it offers on northern Syria. Very little research has been conducted on topics such as Eastern Christian churches in Lebanon, the port city of Latakia and Near Eastern bridges and so many of these articles make important, even ground-breaking, contributions. The ongoing work on Margat and Krak des Chevaliers is, likewise, very impressive, drawing upon a wide range of different approaches and techniques (reminiscent in many ways of recent work on the Teutonic Order’s fortress of Montfort). Splicing together an impressive range of textual and non-textual sources, Bridge of Civilizations provides inspiring glimpses into the complex, brutal and vibrant world of the medieval Near East.
Kotán对包括玛格丽特在内的几座城堡的弹射器弹药和撞击痕迹的幸存证据的检查。这篇文章与正在进行的关于配重投石机的讨论有关——它们的发展和力量。Kotán的工作确定了这些发动机使用的弹药范围(包括一枚明显重达250公斤的弹射器!)并得出结论,这种最重的弹射器足以摧毁墙壁和塔楼。彼得·埃德伯里(Peter Edbury)以他现有的《埃尔努尔纪事》(Chronique d 'Ernoul)为基础,在这种情况下,他看了看它对阿尤比王朝苏丹卡米尔(Ayyubid Sultan al-Kamil)的介绍。他认为,作者对苏丹的描述是为了“衬托”其对德国皇帝腓特烈二世的描述,特别是在1229年导致耶路撒冷回归的谈判期间。Júlia Sárközi转向埃及,提供了关于法兰克建筑对开罗建筑的影响的研究,特别是在马穆鲁克时期。Denys Pringle的文章接着探讨了两个相互关联的朝圣行程的日期问题,一个是匿名的,另一个是Visio Othmari presbyteri。他认为前者发生在公元1104年。1120,后者是1050 -1080。考虑到它以前被认为可以追溯到11世纪60年代,奥斯马尔的Visio的年代尤其值得注意。最后,这个集合以Dániel Bácsatyai的一篇发人深省的文章结束,该文章涉及13世纪匈牙利两个较小的军事修会(圣桑普森修会和圣地亚哥修会)的存在。它探索了他们的发展和最终命运的证据,但这篇文章也展示了这些机构是如何将王国与1204年后第四次十字军征服的领土紧密联系在一起的。总的来说,这本合集有很多优点,也许最重要的是它提供了大量关于叙利亚北部的分析。关于黎巴嫩的东方基督教教堂、港口城市拉塔基亚和近东桥梁等主题的研究很少,而这些文章中的许多都做出了重要的、甚至是开创性的贡献。同样,正在进行的关于Margat和Krak des Chevaliers的工作也非常令人印象深刻,它借鉴了各种不同的方法和技术(在许多方面让人想起最近关于条顿骑士团的蒙特福特堡垒的工作)。《文明之桥》将一系列令人印象深刻的文字和非文字资料拼接在一起,为中世纪近东复杂、残酷和充满活力的世界提供了鼓舞人心的一瞥。
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引用次数: 0
Codex Epistolaris Carolinus: Letters from the popes to the Frankish rulers, 739-791 加洛林书信手抄本:739-791年教皇给法兰克统治者的信
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2124628
Christopher Heath
that the Scientific Revolution introduced to mapping. The ninth chapter addresses the relationship between warfare and cartography, with specific attention paid to advancements made in cartography due to military conflicts. The authors note that the potential range of material is vast, and thus limit themselves to British maps of the twentieth century. The final chapter, entitled The World on the Move, works through the changes that globalisation affected in cartography, particularly the need for projection systems that distort the spherical surface of the Earth into flat two-dimensional images. Mercator’s sixteenth century projection system, which major corporations use in their digital mapping services, continues to promulgate misconceptions about the relative sizes of the continents. In turn, these spatial misconceptions led to problematic worldviews about the Global South that persist to this day. Talking Maps provides its readers an excellent general overview of the interdisciplinary questions one can and should ask of maps. It orients those new to the subject to the complex usages, histories, and materialities of maps in a way that is neither pedantic nor simplistic. As the authors illuminate the facets of cartographic objects, they take care to incorporate cultural history from beyond the United Kingdom and Western Europe in a manner that is largely culturally sensitive. Although, one would prefer that when speaking of Indigenous Peoples the authors would also use their names for themselves, such as referring to the people of the Chuckchi Peninsula as Lyg’oravetl’a. Scholars seeking further information about the secondary literature and theoretical foundations the authors build upon, or the maps themselves, will be disappointed in the limited notes and suggestions for further reading. As mentioned previously, this publication does not include an exhibition catalogue or discussion of the organisation of the exhibition, leaving the reader unclear if the chapters correspond to exhibition sections and without a parcel of concise information about the objects on view. However, the publication’s lack of these scholastic tools makes it a more approachable volume in terms of both length and content. Additionally, the copious high-quality images of maps makes for delightful engagement with the book. Overall, this publication contributes a superb introduction to the social history of cartographic objects that broadens our understanding of maps far beyond the utility of navigation.
是科学革命引入制图的第九章论述了战争与地图学之间的关系,特别关注了由于军事冲突而使地图学取得的进步。作者指出,潜在的材料范围是巨大的,因此他们将自己局限于20世纪的英国地图。最后一章,题为“移动中的世界”,阐述了全球化对制图学的影响,特别是对投影系统的需求,这种投影系统将地球的球面扭曲成平面的二维图像。墨卡托16世纪的投影系统,大公司在他们的数字地图服务中使用,继续传播关于大陆相对大小的错误观念。反过来,这些空间上的误解导致了关于全球南方的有问题的世界观,一直持续到今天。《会说话的地图》为读者提供了一个很好的关于地图的跨学科问题的总体概述。它以一种既不迂腐也不简单的方式向那些新来者介绍地图的复杂用法、历史和材料。当作者阐明地图对象的各个方面时,他们以一种很大程度上具有文化敏感性的方式,小心地将英国和西欧以外的文化史纳入其中。虽然,人们更希望作者在谈到土著人民时也使用他们的名字,例如将楚科奇半岛的人民称为Lyg 'oravetl 'a。学者寻求进一步的信息,关于二次文献和理论基础的作者建立,或地图本身,将失望于有限的注释和建议进一步阅读。如前所述,本出版物不包括展览目录或对展览组织的讨论,使读者不清楚章节是否与展览部分相对应,也没有关于展出物品的简明信息。然而,该出版物缺乏这些学术工具,这使得它在长度和内容方面都更加平易近人。此外,丰富的高质量地图图像使本书引人入胜。总的来说,这本出版物对制图对象的社会历史做出了极好的介绍,拓宽了我们对地图的理解,远远超出了导航的用途。
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引用次数: 2
Talking Maps 在地图
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2124627
Brittany Forniotis
is limited. A non-European section might have been included and delineated in the volume. Throughout the volume, extensive footnotes testify to the scholarship of each of the contributors. However, a relevant set of appendices or detailed bibliographies after each of the sections might have included the full references of the chronicles and suggested secondary readings, both eastern and western (including Greek, Armenian, Syriac, Georgian, Slavonic, Venetian, Southern Italian, German, Arabic, Persian Ottoman, and Old Anatolian Turkish). Also, The Cambridge Companion might have considered it worth noting the list of the full titles of the chansons de geste, the Occitan troubadour cansos, the northern French trouvère lyrics, Anglo-Norman, Anglo-French, and more than forty Middle English romances concerning the Saracens and the crusades at the end of each relevant section or for further reading in the missing bibliography. The organisation of the volume is not very clear in the sense of the sectioning and ordering of chapters. The Introduction might have enhanced the sense of coherence that gives an impression of the collection of unrelated essays. While there are limitations to The Cambridge Companion to the Literature of the Crusades, it significantly contributes to scholarship on crusading literature and its intersections with medieval studies. Such breadth is very welcome, not least as a means of encouraging further work. I suspect that the price will prevent the book from being bought by undergraduates (and most non-specialists in the non-European world), which is a shame. I will, however, be ordering it for the library and recommending it to my students.
是有限的。本卷本可以包括和描绘一个非欧洲的部分。在整个卷中,大量的脚注证明了每个贡献者的奖学金。然而,在每一部分之后,一组相关的附录或详细的参考书目可能包括编年史的全部参考资料,并建议东方和西方(包括希腊语、亚美尼亚语、叙利亚语、格鲁吉亚语、斯拉夫语、威尼斯语、南意大利语、德语、阿拉伯语、波斯奥斯曼语和古安纳托利亚土耳其语)的二次阅读。此外,《剑桥旅伴》可能会认为值得注意的是,在每个相关部分的末尾,有一份完整的标题列表,其中包括:chansons de geste, Occitan troubadour cansos,法国北部trouv歌词,盎格鲁-诺曼,盎格鲁-法语,以及四十多部关于撒拉逊人和十字军东征的中世纪英语浪漫故事,或者在缺失的参考书目中进一步阅读。这本书的组织在章节的划分和顺序方面不是很清楚。引言可以增强连贯性,给人一种不相关的文集的印象。虽然《剑桥十字军文学指南》存在局限性,但它对十字军文学及其与中世纪研究的交叉点的学术研究做出了重大贡献。这种广度是非常受欢迎的,尤其是作为鼓励进一步工作的一种手段。我怀疑这个价格会让本科生(以及非欧洲世界的大多数非专业人士)不买这本书,这是一个遗憾。不过,我会为图书馆订购这本书,并把它推荐给我的学生。
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引用次数: 0
Warrior Women in Ibn Rushd’s Commentary on Plato’s Republic: Mythico-Barbarian Geography in the Case for Female Guardians, an Unsolved Passage 伊本·拉什德《柏拉图的共和国》评注中的女战士:女性守护者案例中的神话-蛮族地理,一段未解段落
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2114065
Tineke Melkebeek
ABSTRACT In his commentary on Plato’s Republic, Ibn Rushd (Averroes) discusses the case for female guardians. Besides following Socrates’s argument for female warriors, which cites the efficiency of female guard dogs, Ibn Rushd introduces an additional argument: that the female capacity for warfare is evident from the inhabitants of certain regions. Unfortunately, the precise formulation of the regions or groups he intends to mention is obscure in the existing manuscripts. Rosenthal translates “the inhabitants of deserts and frontier villages”, Lerner’s translation says “the inhabitants of deserts and the City of Women”. This article aims to analyse these and other translations of this enigmatic passage, which has not yet been the subject of study. Concerning the second region mentioned, it seems that Ibn Rushd could be indicating Northern Spain, but he might also have been alluding to the legendary places at the coldest margins of the then-known world.
在对柏拉图《理想国》的评论中,伊本·拉什德(阿威罗伊)讨论了女性监护人的情况。除了遵循苏格拉底关于女性战士的论点(引用了女性看门狗的效率),伊本·拉什德还引入了一个额外的论点:从某些地区的居民中可以明显看出女性的战争能力。不幸的是,他打算提到的地区或群体的精确表述在现有的手稿中是模糊的。罗森塔尔的翻译是“沙漠和边境村庄的居民”,勒纳的翻译是“沙漠和妇女之城的居民”。本文旨在分析这些和其他翻译的这一神秘的段落,这还没有研究的主题。关于提到的第二个地区,伊本·鲁世德可能指的是西班牙北部,但他也可能暗指当时已知世界最冷边缘的传说中的地方。
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引用次数: 0
Nomads in the Middle East 中东的游牧民族
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2124634
Nicholas Morton
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引用次数: 0
The Cambridge Companion to the Literature of the Crusades 《剑桥十字军文学指南》
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2124626
Hülya Taflı Düzgün
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引用次数: 0
May the Umayyad Coastal Ribāṭ Fortress of Kafr Lāb Have Been Built in Memory of Mujāhid ibn Jabr? 倭马亚沿海Ribāṭ Kafr要塞Lāb是否已建成以纪念Mujāhid伊本贾布尔?
Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2097993
Hassan S. Khalilieh
ABSTRACT The history of the ribāṭ of Kafr Lāb is shrouded in obscurity. Until the IAA undertook archaeological excavations of the site near Caesarea in 1999, the great majority of contemporary scholars tended to attribute the fortress's construction to the Crusaders, who captured the port-city of Caesarea and its district in 1101. Based on written records from the Islamic and pre-Islamic periods and the newly available archaeological evidence, this article proposes an alternative origin. Considering its compounded toponym, the semi-nomadic Arabs likely established the village in which the fortress sits long before the fall of Caesarea to Muslims in 19/640. Drawing on Ibn al-Murajjā's Faḍāʾil and Ibn ʿAsākir's History of Damascus, this article asserts that the unidentified pious warrior-saint called Mujāhid al-Kafr Lābī, seeming to acquire the surname following ribāṭ service in the village, might likely be the same as the well-known Successor, exegete, and reciter Mujāhid ibn Jabr. In addition to maintaining strong ties with the ruling circles of the Umayyad dynasty, Mujāhid actively participated in two major naval expeditions. Evidence makes it probable that the caliph Hishām ibn ʿAbd al-Malik constructed the ribāṭ of Kafr Lāb following the Umayyad's massive expeditions and seizures against Constantinople in 672-680 and 717–718.
Kafr Lāb网站ribāṭ的历史一直不为人知。直到1999年IAA对凯撒利亚附近的遗址进行考古发掘,绝大多数当代学者倾向于将堡垒的建造归因于十字军,他们在1101年占领了港口城市凯撒利亚及其地区。根据伊斯兰和前伊斯兰时期的书面记录以及新获得的考古证据,本文提出了另一种来源。考虑到它的复合地名,半游牧的阿拉伯人很可能在19/640年凯撒利亚落入穆斯林手中之前很久就建立了堡垒所在的村庄。根据伊本·穆拉贾伊的Faḍā《古兰经》和伊本·Asākir《大马士革的历史》,这篇文章断言,被称为Mujāhid al-Kafr Lābī的身份不明的虔诚战士圣人,似乎是在ribāṭ为村庄服务后获得了这个姓氏,可能与著名的继承者、注释家和背诵家Mujāhid伊本·贾布尔是一样的。Mujāhid除了与倭马亚王朝的统治圈保持紧密联系外,还积极参与了两次重大的海上远征。有证据表明,哈里发Hishām伊本·阿卜杜勒·马利克很可能是在倭马亚人在672-680年和717-718年对君士坦丁堡的大规模远征和掠夺之后,建造了ribāṭ Kafr Lāb。
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引用次数: 0
What Does Ibn Khaldūn Mean by the Term Mādda? On Human Association and Political-Economic Organisation 伊本Khaldūn这个术语Mādda是什么意思?论人的交往与政治经济组织
Pub Date : 2022-06-21 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2022.2051391
Lilian Abou-Tabickh
ABSTRACT Preeminent interpreters of Al-Muqaddima situate Ibn Khaldūn’s thought within ancient philosophy based on philosophical terminology that appears in the text. In this essay, I argue that in the context of ʿilm al-ʿumrān, Ibn Khaldūn does not use the term “matter” in the philosophical-metaphysical sense of natural philosophy, but in an economic sense to mean money. This interpretation is based on Ibn Khaldūn’s philosophy of language, rhetorical style and historical method. Attention to how he uses language to communicate his ideas shows that, throughout Al-Muqaddima, Ibn Khaldūn presents arguments based on religious law and tradition, theology and philosophy. However, in constructing his new science, he uses an intellectual method that is based on worldly and demonstrative factors, one of which is money. Money is one of the two foundations of the polity. This interpretation severs the connection to natural philosophy and challenges the natural-cyclical view of his historical-political thought.
杰出的穆卡迪马诠释者基于文本中出现的哲学术语,将伊本Khaldūn的思想置于古代哲学之中。在这篇文章中,我认为在《伊勒姆·艾尔·伊umrān》的上下文中,伊本Khaldūn并没有在自然哲学的哲学-形而上学意义上使用“物质”一词,而是在经济意义上表示金钱。这种解释基于伊本Khaldūn的语言哲学、修辞风格和历史方法。注意他如何使用语言来传达他的思想,就会发现,在整个al - muqaddma中,伊本Khaldūn提出了基于宗教法律和传统、神学和哲学的论点。然而,在构建他的新科学时,他使用了一种基于世俗和实证因素的智力方法,其中之一就是金钱。金钱是政体的两大基础之一。这种解释切断了与自然哲学的联系,并挑战了他的历史政治思想的自然周期观。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Al-Masāq
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