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Heretics, Schismatics, or Catholics: Latin Attitudes to the Greeks in the Long Twelfth Century 异教徒、分裂派或天主教徒:漫长的十二世纪拉丁人对希腊人的态度
Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1935811
Nicholas Morton
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引用次数: 0
“There is no harm in it”: Muslim Participation in Levantine Christian Religious Festivals (750–1000) “没有害处”:穆斯林参与黎凡特基督教宗教节日(750-1000)
Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1910783
Anna Chrysostomides
ABSTRACT This article explores early Muslim participation in local and large Christian festivals through the lens of two discussions within a tenth-century legal responsa, the Ahl al-milal. The local festivals of Job at Dayr Ayyūb and the Epiphany at Ṭūr Tabūr, as well as the larger festivals of Palm Sunday, Holy Fire and Easter, provide evidence of shared attendance at festivals in the ʿAbbāsid period (750–1000). Islamic, and some Christian, legal, literary and geographical literature presents these events as Christian celebrations with shared narratives of venerated figures, which involved both practical and enjoyable aspects. Although the sharing of these celebrations was a common factor, there was a diversity in local practices. A trend developed amongst Muslim attendees to limit their participation to the market and activities outside the church building in some areas of the Levant, but not in Jerusalem. This seems to have occurred spontaneously in some areas and was not specifically due to a ruling by a jurist.
本文通过十世纪法律回应Ahl al-milal中的两个讨论,探讨了早期穆斯林参与地方和大型基督教节日的情况。当地节日约伯节(Dayr) Ayyūb和主显节(Ṭūr Tabūr),以及更大的节日棕枝主日(Palm Sunday)、圣火节(Holy Fire)和复活节(Easter),都提供了在Abbāsid时期(750-1000年)共同参加节日的证据。伊斯兰教和一些基督教、法律、文学和地理文学将这些事件描述为基督教的庆祝活动,其中包括对受人尊敬的人物的共同叙述,其中包括实际和令人愉快的方面。虽然分享这些庆祝活动是一个共同的因素,但当地的做法也各不相同。在黎凡特的一些地区,穆斯林参加者中出现了一种趋势,限制他们参加市场和教堂外的活动,但在耶路撒冷却没有。这似乎是在某些地区自发发生的,并不是专门由于法学家的裁决。
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引用次数: 0
Jews and the Fāṭimid Caliphate 犹太人和Fāṭimid哈里发国
Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1899548
M. Rustow
ABSTRACT Why did medieval Islamic polities permit non-Muslims to develop their own institutions of communal governance, and even actively encourage those institutions’ autonomy from the state? The historiography on Jewish communal autonomy is particularly well-developed, so it can help advance inquiries into other religious communities. But that scholarship also tends to take Jewish communal autonomy – as well as Jewish officials’ influence over other Jews – for granted rather than explaining it. Documents from the Cairo Geniza offer a fine-grained view of both sides of the question of why the state permitted communal autonomy and what communities did in order to safeguard it. The documents this article considers include state decrees, petitions and other official records in Arabic script, as well as legal deeds and private letters in Hebrew script.
为什么中世纪的伊斯兰政治允许非穆斯林发展他们自己的公共治理机构,甚至积极鼓励这些机构从国家自治?关于犹太社区自治的史学研究尤其发达,因此它可以帮助推进对其他宗教社区的研究。但这种学术也倾向于把犹太人的社区自治——以及犹太官员对其他犹太人的影响——视为理所当然,而不是加以解释。来自开罗博物馆的文件提供了一个关于为什么国家允许社区自治以及社区为了保护自治做了什么这两个问题的详细观点。本文考虑的文件包括阿拉伯文的国家法令、请愿书和其他官方记录,以及希伯来文的法律契约和私人信件。
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引用次数: 0
Southern Italy as Contact Zone and Border Region during the Early Middle Ages: Religious-Cultural Heterogeneity and Competing Powers in Local, Transregional and Universal Dimensions 中世纪早期意大利南部作为接触区和边境地区:地方、跨地区和全球维度的宗教文化异质性和竞争力量
Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1935795
Christopher Heath
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引用次数: 0
Friends of the Emir, Non-Muslim State Officials in Premodern Islamic Thought 埃米尔之友,前现代伊斯兰思想中的非穆斯林国家官员
Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1935779
Valerie Gonzalez
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引用次数: 0
The Kaʿba Orientations, Readings in Islam’s Ancient House 卡巴方向,伊斯兰古宅读经
Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1935788
Valerie Gonzalez
attitudes. The most important turning point in this period is the Fourth Crusade and, even on this well-worn topic, Neocleous draws some important conclusions. Fourth Crusade watchers will be interested to note that this work advances the idea that the crusade’s diversion away from Alexandria and towards Constantinople was due in no small part to the agency of Boniface of Montferrat and Philip of Swabia (operating in close support to Alexius IV); an argument that has a great deal to recommend it. He also demonstrates that the sources for the crusade that were written by participants do notmanifest much anti-Greek religious enmity in their accounts of the campaign. Curiously, it is the non-participant authors based in Western Christendom who display a greater hostility. The events surrounding the conquest of Constantinople however reshaped this relationship, paving the way for more troubled times and steering a few Latin authors to claim that the Greeks should no longer be considered as co-religionists, or in some cases even as Christians. Even so, despite this rising friction, Neocleous observes that there were still many examples of collaboration between Greeks and Latins including many treaties and marriages in later years. Overall, this is a very strong piece of work that chimes well with several recent studies which, like Heretics, Schismatics or Catholics?, tend to break down the notion of entrenched rivalry between Latin and Greek communities. It likewise fits well with the findings advanced by art historians, specialists in material culture or economic historians whose studies tend to describe considerable freedom of movement – whether of ideas, items or individuals – across cultural boundaries in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean. Having said this, there are still some historians who characterise the relationship between Byzantium and ‘the west’ as being far more conflictual, even a form of ‘clash of civilizations’, and it will be interesting to see how they respond to the findings offered here. Likewise, although this work does briefly discuss Byzantine attitudes towards Latins, there is clearly more to be said on this subject and it is to be hoped that future studies will help to add more detail on this point. In particular more research on the Byzantine Church and its engagement with western Christendom, coupled with an examination of the extent to which ecclesiastical attitudes were representative of secular attitudes (whether elite or non-elite), would be very interesting. In this way, and taken overall,Heretics, Schismatics or Catholics? offers a bold but plausible interpretation of one of the most important relationships to shape the development of the Mediterranean world.
态度。这一时期最重要的转折点是第四次十字军东征,即使在这个老生常谈的话题上,尼奥克勒斯也得出了一些重要的结论。第四次十字军东征观察家将有兴趣注意到,这项工作推进了这样一种观点,即十字军东征从亚历山大转移到君士坦丁堡,在很大程度上是由于蒙特费拉的博尼法斯和斯瓦本的菲利普的机构(在密切支持亚历克修斯四世的情况下运作);一个有很多值得推荐的论点。他还指出,十字军东征的参与者所写的资料并没有在他们对这场运动的描述中表现出太多的反希腊宗教敌意。奇怪的是,西方基督教界的非参与者作者表现出了更大的敌意。然而,围绕征服君士坦丁堡的事件重塑了这种关系,为更动荡的时期铺平了道路,并引导一些拉丁作家声称希腊人不应再被视为共同宗教,在某些情况下甚至不应被视为基督徒。即便如此,尽管摩擦不断增加,尼奥克勒斯观察到,希腊人和拉丁人之间仍有许多合作的例子,包括后来的许多条约和婚姻。总的来说,这是一个非常有力的作品,与最近的几项研究相吻合,比如异教徒,分裂派或天主教徒?,往往会打破拉丁和希腊社区之间根深蒂固的竞争观念。这同样与艺术史学家、物质文化专家或经济史学家的研究结果相吻合,他们的研究倾向于描述在爱琴海和地中海东部跨越文化边界的相当大的行动自由——无论是思想、物品还是个人。话虽如此,仍然有一些历史学家将拜占庭与“西方”之间的关系描述为更加冲突,甚至是一种“文明冲突”的形式,看看他们如何回应这里提供的发现将会很有趣。同样,虽然这项工作简要地讨论了拜占庭人对拉丁语的态度,但显然在这个问题上还有更多要说的,希望未来的研究将有助于在这一点上增加更多的细节。特别是对拜占庭教会及其与西方基督教世界的接触进行更多的研究,再加上对教会态度在多大程度上代表了世俗态度(无论是精英还是非精英)的研究,将会非常有趣。从整体上看,是异教徒、分裂派还是天主教徒?为塑造地中海世界发展的最重要关系之一提供了一个大胆而可信的解释。
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引用次数: 0
The Treaty between Muḥammad and the Christians of Najrān in the Chronicle of Seert: Negotiating the Rights of the Conquered and the Re-writing of the Past 《锡尔特编年史》中Muḥammad与Najrān的基督徒之间的条约:关于被征服者权利的谈判和对过去的重写
Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1910782
P. Wood
ABSTRACT This article argues that the Chronicle of Seert preserves an ʿAbbāsid-era re-imagination of the correspondence between the Prophet Muḥammad and the Christians of the Arabian Peninsula. These narratives were responses to Muslim efforts to produce consistent rules for non-Muslims in the caliphate with regard to tax levels and political rights. They draw on knowledge of the Qurʾān and the Sīra to assert better rights for Christians that were rooted in alleged historical precedents
摘要本文认为,《瑟尔特编年史》保留了先知Muḥammad与阿拉伯半岛基督徒之间通信的Abbāsid-era重新想象。这些叙述是对穆斯林努力在税收水平和政治权利方面为哈里发国的非穆斯林制定一致规则的回应。他们利用《古兰经ān》和《古兰经》的知识,根据所谓的历史先例,为基督徒主张更好的权利
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引用次数: 0
Latin and Greek Monasticism in the Crusader States 十字军国家的拉丁语和希腊语修道主义
Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1935816
Nicholas Morton
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引用次数: 0
Crusading and Archaeology: some archaeological approaches to the Crusades 十字军东征与考古学:一些研究十字军东征的考古学方法
Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1935805
Nicholas Morton
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: Group Formation and Maintenance in the ʿAbbāsid and Fāṭimid Caliphates, 750–1000 简介:伊斯兰哈里发的形成与维护Abbāsid和Fāṭimid, 750-1000
Pub Date : 2021-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2021.1907523
Philip Wood
Much of the work on the minorities of the Muslim world has been concerned with making a value judgement about the tolerance or intolerance of the caliphs. The idea of the convivencia of Umayyad Spain rests on the presumption that Muslims, Jews and Christians were treated equally in law. The converse is true for the proponents of dhimmitude, for whom the point of interest in Muslim societies is their mistreatment of religious minorities, both across history and in the present. This kind of black-or-white comparison also holds sway in popular discussions, where the “tolerance” of Islamic societies towards their minorities serves as a proxy for judgements of Islam as a religion, or for comparisons of “Islam” and the West/ Christendom. The identification of “tolerance” before the seventeenth century is a problematic feature of these comparisons: this was a world before a formal discourse of tolerance, let alone human rights. Polytheists, apostates from Islam to other religions and the followers of other Arabian prophets during the ridda wars could all be subjected to religious compulsion. And the rights that were accorded to Jews and Christians were not simply intrinsic to their status as peoples of the book, but also contingent on the contracts allegedly drawn up between their ancestors and their Muslim conquerors. Their position as dhimmīs, as protected peoples, and the rights that came from this, were dependent on their continued acknowledgement of the Islamic conquests as legitimate and upon their continued acceptance of a subordinate political relationship. A further problem with the way that the argument about Islamic tolerance is framed is that it is nomocratic. It implicitly frames Islam as a set of legal norms that Muslims are expected to abide by. We see this framing in the debate when modern commentators who seek to defend Islam acknowledge the oppression of non-Muslims by medieval Muslim
关于穆斯林世界的少数民族的大部分工作都是关于对哈里发的宽容或不宽容做出价值判断。倭马亚王朝统治下的西班牙的便利之处是建立在穆斯林、犹太人和基督徒在法律上被平等对待的假设之上的。而对于“齐米德”(dhimmitude)的支持者来说,情况正好相反,他们对穆斯林社会的兴趣点在于他们对宗教少数群体的虐待,无论是在历史上还是在现在。这种非黑即白的比较也在流行讨论中占据主导地位,在讨论中,伊斯兰社会对少数民族的“宽容”充当了对伊斯兰教作为一种宗教的判断的代理,或者充当了对“伊斯兰教”与西方/基督教世界的比较。在17世纪之前对“宽容”的定义是这些比较的一个有问题的特征:这是一个没有正式讨论宽容的世界,更不用说人权了。在里达战争期间,多神教徒、从伊斯兰教叛教到其他宗教的人以及其他阿拉伯先知的追随者都可能受到宗教强迫。犹太人和基督徒所享有的权利不仅仅是他们作为《古兰经》民族的固有地位,而且还取决于他们的祖先和穆斯林征服者之间签订的契约。他们作为受保护民族的地位,以及由此而来的权利,取决于他们继续承认伊斯兰征服的合法性,以及他们继续接受从属的政治关系。关于伊斯兰宽容的论点的进一步问题是,它是民主的。它含蓄地将伊斯兰教框定为一套穆斯林应该遵守的法律规范。当试图捍卫伊斯兰教的现代评论员承认中世纪穆斯林对非穆斯林的压迫时,我们在辩论中看到了这种框架
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