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Ideology Movements of Trisakti Trilogy: Remending Maritime Archipelagic as a Concept of Indonesian Unity in the Threat of Democracy and Sovereignty Crisis Trisakti三部曲的意识形态运动:在民主和主权危机的威胁下,重新审视作为印尼统一概念的海洋群岛
Pub Date : 2022-04-06 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v5i2.10555
Luthfi Habibullah, B. Haryono, A. Demartoto
Indonesia has great potential in managing its maritime strength. Historical traces have recorded that Nusantara kingdoms succeeded in showing their strength to build geopolitical and global trade routes. Having a geographical structure makes Indonesia pay great attention to the sea. Archipelagic state is not merely interpreted as an archipelagic concept, but it is a state that connects islands to and from a sovereign territory by presenting a national maritime power. Indonesia is expected to be a successor to the maritime nation considered in Southeast Asia and also to play its role in the global geopolitical strategy. National unity must be followed by strong geographical entity. The emergence of the Juanda Declaration as a diplomacy order was to defend the principles of the sovereign island nation of Indonesia. The sea is no longer defined as a separator, but a link and unifying sovereignty. State sovereignty become the foundation of the Trisakti trilogy. Fully sovereign in political, self-sufficient in economic and conforming personality in cultural values are the basis of the foundation. It rejects all forms of new-style imperialism, capitalism and foreign dictation of life value system.
印尼海上力量管理潜力巨大。历史记载,努沙塔拉王国成功地展示了他们建立地缘政治和全球贸易路线的实力。印尼的地理结构使其非常重视海洋。群岛国不仅仅是一个群岛概念,而是一种以国家海洋力量的形式将岛屿与主权领土连接起来的国家。预计印尼将成为东南亚海洋国家的继承者,并在全球地缘政治战略中发挥作用。民族统一之后必须有强大的地理实体。《朱安达宣言》作为外交秩序的出现是为了捍卫印度尼西亚这个主权岛屿国家的原则。海洋不再被定义为分隔物,而是连接和统一主权的纽带。国家主权成为Trisakti三部曲的基础。在政治上完全自主,在经济上自给自足,在文化价值上符合个性是这一基础的基础。反对一切形式的新型帝国主义、资本主义和外来的生命价值体系的专制。
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引用次数: 1
‘Bridge’ to ‘Fence’ A Maritime History of the Straits of Malacca 从“桥”到“栅栏”:马六甲海峡的航海史
Pub Date : 2022-03-09 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v5i2.9443
Ooi Keat Gin
Oceans, seas, straits and other bodies of water may pose as dividers between lands, but at the same time, function as bridges interconnecting diverse territories. The latter ascribed a positive attribute in characterizing oceans, seas, straits as linkages between islands, and islands with continents. This study emphasizes the history of the Straits of Malacca and its role to the dynamic of world interconnecting networks. The Straits of Malacca (hereinafter the Straits) in the midst of Southeast Asia is a medium of interaction that enjoins the Malay Peninsula (present day West/Peninsular Malaysia) to other parts of the region spanning across to distant Java and Borneo. The Straits, from time immemorial, has functioned as a natural ‘bridge’ of the Malay World, referring to the Malay Archipelago or Nusantara, that largely comprised the greater expanse of insular Southeast Asia.  This ‘bridge’ was even more significant in the period prior to the nineteenth century, being apparent as early as the mid-seventh century CE
大洋、海洋、海峡和其他水体可以作为陆地之间的分隔物,但同时也是连接不同领土的桥梁。后者在将大洋、海洋、海峡定性为岛屿之间以及岛屿与大陆之间的联系方面具有积极的作用。本研究强调马六甲海峡的历史及其在世界互联网络动态中的作用。马六甲海峡(以下简称马六甲海峡)位于东南亚中部,是一个相互作用的媒介,它将马来半岛(今天的西马来西亚半岛)与该地区的其他部分连接起来,横跨遥远的爪哇和婆罗洲。从远古时代起,海峡就作为马来世界的天然“桥梁”,指的是马来群岛或努桑塔拉,它在很大程度上包括了更广阔的东南亚岛屿。早在公元7世纪中期,这座“桥”在19世纪之前的时期就显得更为重要
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引用次数: 1
The Tanah-Air Concept and Indonesia’s Maritime Nation Aspiration Tanah-Air概念与印尼的海洋国家愿景
Pub Date : 2022-01-26 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v5i2.10433
Indra Alverdian
This article analyses the Tanah-Air (Unity of Land-Water) concept conceived by Indonesian founding fathers during its independence period and its centrality in shaping the nation’s maritime outlook. Specifically, using descriptive historical analytical approach, it would like to emphasize the role of intersection of Indonesia’s political culture of national unity (Persatuan Nasional), strategic culture of turning of the ages of Nusantara (Cakra Manggilingan), and geopolitical outlook of archipelago’s heart seas (Segara Nusantara) as the three forming pillars of the Tanah-Air concept. Based on these intersections, it underlines unique contradictions within the Tanah-Air concept between need for unity and oneness of land-sea elements of the Indonesian archipelago and the concentric Javanese philosophy on the sea and its maritime power aspirations. Based on these contradictions and insight of the ‘Tanah-Air’ concept, the article provides a pragmatic view on Indonesia’s current aspiration of moving beyond archipelagic to maritime nation as stipulated in the 2014 Global Maritime Fulcrum Doctrine and 2017 Sea Policy Whitepaper. 
本文分析了印尼开国元勋在独立时期提出的“陆水一体”概念及其在塑造国家海洋前景中的核心作用。具体而言,运用描述性的历史分析方法,强调印尼民族团结的政治文化(Persatuan Nasional)、努沙塔拉时代转折的战略文化(Cakra Manggilingan)和群岛中心海的地缘政治观(Segara Nusantara)的交集作为形成Tanah-Air概念的三大支柱的作用。基于这些交叉点,它强调了Tanah-Air概念中独特的矛盾,即印度尼西亚群岛陆海元素的统一和统一性的需要与爪哇人关于海洋的同心哲学及其海上力量的愿望之间的矛盾。基于这些矛盾和对“Tanah-Air”概念的洞察,本文对印度尼西亚目前的愿望提供了务实的看法,即根据2014年全球海洋支点学说和2017年海洋政策白皮书的规定,从群岛国家转变为海洋国家。
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引用次数: 1
British Naval Power and its Influence on Indonesia, 1795–1942: An Historical Analysis 英国海军力量及其对印度尼西亚的影响,1795-1942:一个历史分析
Pub Date : 2021-08-21 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v5i1.9343
P. Carey, Christopher Reinhart
In Indonesian history, Britain has never been considered a prominent player in the politics of the archipelago. From an Indonesian perspective, the British presence only lasted a brief five years (1811–1816) during short-lived interregnum regime led by Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781-1826). This began with the British seizure of Java from the Franco-Dutch administration of Marshal Daendels (1808-11) and his successor, General Janssens (May-September 1811), and ended with the formal return of the colony to the Netherlands on 19 August 1816. However, as this article demonstrates, Britain has had a long-lasting and decisive influence on modern Indonesian history, dating from the time when the archipelago entered the vortex of global conflict between Britain and Republican France in the 1790s. The presence of the British navy in Indonesian waters throughout the century and a half which followed Britain’s involvement in the War of the First Coalition (1792-97) dictated inter alia the foundation of new cities like Bandung which grew up along Daendels’ celebrated postweg (military postroad), the development of modern Javanese cartography, and even the fate of the exiled Java War leader, Prince Diponegoro. in distant Sulawesi (1830-55). This British naval presence had pluses and minuses for the Dutch. On the one hand, it was a guarantor of Dutch security from foreign seaborne invasion. On the other, it opened the possibility for British interference in the domestic politics of Holland’s vast Asian colony. As witnessed in the 20th-century, the existence of the Dutch as colonial masters in the Indonesian Archipelago was critically dependent on the naval defence screen provided by the British. When the British lost their major battleships (Prince of Wales and Repulse) to Japanese attack off the east coast of Malaya on 10 December 1941 and Singapore fell on 15 February 1942, the fate of the Dutch East Indies was sealed. Today, the vital role played by the Royal Navy in guaranteeing the archipelago’s security up to February 1942 has been replaced by that of the Honolulu-based US Seventh Fleet but the paradoxes of such protection have continued.
在印尼历史上,英国从未被视为这个群岛政治的重要参与者。从印尼的角度来看,英国在印尼的存在只持续了短短5年(1811-1816),这是由托马斯·斯坦福德·莱佛士(Thomas Stamford Raffles, 1781-1826)领导的短暂过渡政权。这始于英国从Daendels元帅(1808-11)及其继任者Janssens将军(1811年5月- 9月)的法荷管理下夺取爪哇,并于1816年8月19日正式将殖民地归还荷兰。然而,正如本文所展示的,英国对现代印度尼西亚历史有着持久而决定性的影响,从18世纪90年代这个群岛进入英国和共和法国之间全球冲突的漩涡开始。在英国参与第一次反法同盟战争(1792- 1797)之后的一个半世纪里,英国海军在印度尼西亚水域的存在,特别决定了万隆等新城市的建立,万隆沿着Daendels著名的postweg(军事后路)发展起来,现代爪哇制图学的发展,甚至是流亡的爪哇战争领导人迪波尼戈罗王子的命运。在遥远的苏拉威西岛(1830-55)。英国海军的存在对荷兰来说有利有弊。一方面,它是荷兰免受外国海上入侵的安全保障。另一方面,它为英国干涉荷兰在亚洲的广大殖民地的国内政治提供了可能性。正如在20世纪所见证的那样,荷兰作为印度尼西亚群岛的殖民统治者的存在严重依赖于英国提供的海军防御屏障。1941年12月10日,日本攻击马来亚东海岸,英国失去了他们的主要战列舰(威尔士亲王号和击退号),1942年2月15日,新加坡沦陷,荷属东印度群岛的命运已经确定。如今,在1942年2月之前,皇家海军在保障该群岛安全方面所扮演的重要角色,已被总部位于檀香山的美国第七舰队所取代,但这种保护的悖论仍在继续。
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引用次数: 2
The Administration of Hajj in Brunei under the British Residency (1906 – 1954): A Historical Perspective 英国统治下的文莱朝觐管理(1906 - 1954):一个历史的视角
Pub Date : 2021-08-11 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v5i1.8008
Bazilah Mobeen
This article explores the historical perspective of the administration of hajj in Brunei under the British Residency from 1906 until 1954. The pilgrimage reports were initially issued by the British and the British-Indian Officers. Malaysian pilgrims were previously misclassified as Javanese due to oversimplification of the officers in charge before the 1920s. Nevertheless, Bruneian pilgrims might interrelate with the same problem as they shared the same hajj routes. Eventually in the 1920s, the pilgrimage reports were mainly handled by the Malay Pilgrimage officer who was also known as the Malayan Pilgrimage Commissioner in 1948. The Malayan Pilgrimage Commissioner was responsible in handling the pilgrims from Brunei, Federation of Malaya, Sarawak, North Borneo, and Singapore during the pilgrimage season in Mecca at the time. Even though the Malayan Pilgrimage Commissioner eliminated the misclassification of Malaysian pilgrims, Bruneian pilgrims continued to be enumerated together with pilgrims from Malaysia under the rubric of ‘Malay Pilgrims’. Primary and secondary research method are conducted for this article where various primary and secondary sources related to the administration of hajj in Brunei from 1906 until 1954 are used. This article discusses the roles and duties of the British Residents, local officers, Malayan Pilgrimage Commissioner, Medical Officers, and Sheikh Haji (Hajj Sheikh) in the hajj administration of the pilgrims from Brunei. This article further analyses British interests behind their involvements in the hajj administration.
本文探讨了1906年至1954年英国统治时期文莱朝觐管理的历史视角。朝圣报告最初是由英国和英属印度官员发布的。在20世纪20年代之前,由于主管官员的过度简化,马来西亚朝圣者以前被错误地归类为爪哇人。然而,文莱的朝圣者可能会遇到同样的问题,因为他们共享相同的朝觐路线。最终在20世纪20年代,朝觐报告主要由马来朝觐官员处理,他在1948年也被称为马来亚朝觐专员。当时,马来亚朝圣专员负责处理来自文莱、马来亚联邦、沙捞越、北婆罗洲和新加坡的朝圣者在麦加朝圣期间的事务。尽管马来亚朝圣专员消除了对马来西亚朝圣者的错误分类,但文莱朝圣者继续与马来西亚朝圣者一起被列为“马来朝圣者”。本文使用了与1906年至1954年文莱朝觐管理有关的各种第一手和第二手资料,进行了第一手和第二手研究方法。本文讨论了英国居民、当地官员、马来亚朝圣专员、医疗官员和谢赫·哈吉(Hajj Sheikh)在文莱朝圣者朝觐管理中的角色和职责。本文进一步分析了英国参与朝觐管理背后的利益。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Parepare Port in Trading and Shipping of Rice Commodities in South Sulawesi, 1930−1942 1930 ~ 1942年南苏拉威西地区港口在大米贸易和运输中的作用
Pub Date : 2020-12-27 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v4i2.8211
Syafaat Rahman Musyaqqat, Didik Pradjoko
The economic historiography in trading and shipping activity during the 20th century often linked up to the role of Makassar as the main port in Sulawesi supported the exchange of beneficial commodities, such as copra which was -deemed as the “green gold” of the archipelago. In terms of becoming the most prominent entrepot for international trading and shipping, there were also several ports in South Sulawesi that played a vital role in establishing a connection to the outside world with much more variety of commodities. It could find other commodities, such as rice, which was transported all across the archipelago. Thus, this article argues that the Port of Parepare had a significant role in the trading and shipping of rice commodities in South Sulawesi, during the age of colonial administration (1930-1942). Through the historical method, the findings show that the Port of Parepare, throughout the 1930s, the Port of Parepare was not just a collecting port for Makassar, but also became the supplier of rice from the coastal area to the hinterland. Such synergistic collaboration, between the economic potential of the hinterland, agricultural intensification program, and colonial government regulation, encouraged the Port of Parepare to become the most imminent rice exporter in South Sulawesi during the 1930s. Moreover, within the same period, Parepare was also establishing interisland networks
在20世纪,贸易和航运活动的经济史经常与望加锡作为苏拉威西岛的主要港口的作用联系在一起,它支持了有益商品的交换,例如被认为是群岛上“绿色黄金”的椰子。在成为最突出的国际贸易和航运转口港方面,南苏拉威西岛还有几个港口,在建立与外部世界的联系方面发挥了至关重要的作用,提供了更多种类的商品。它可以找到其他商品,比如大米,这些商品被运往整个群岛。因此,本文认为,在殖民统治时期(1930-1942),帕帕雷港在南苏拉威西岛的大米商品贸易和运输中发挥了重要作用。通过历史方法,研究结果表明,在整个20世纪30年代,帕雷帕雷港不仅是望加锡的集散港,而且成为沿海地区向内陆供应大米的供应地。腹地的经济潜力、农业集约化计划和殖民政府监管之间的这种协同合作,促使帕帕雷港在20世纪30年代成为南苏拉威西最紧迫的大米出口国。此外,在同一时期内,帕帕雷还建立了岛屿间网络
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引用次数: 1
Trade and Ethnicity: Business Ethics and the Glory of Maritime Trade of The Makassar’s Wajorese in the 18th Century 贸易与民族:18世纪望加锡瓦荷人的商业伦理与海上贸易的辉煌
Pub Date : 2020-12-25 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v4i2.9610
B. Sulistyo
This article aims to trace the role of the book Amanna Gappa, also known as Ade Alopping-loping Bicarana Pabalue, as a set of business ethics practiced by the Wajo ethnic group in the city of Makassar in the 18th century. The Wajo people of Makassar at that time were one of the tribes that lost the war between the Goa-Tallo Sultanate and the alliance of the Sultanate of Bone and the Dutch trading company VOC (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) in the 1660s. The Wajo people were famous as great traders in Southeast Asia and their communities are scattered across the Indonesian archipelago. This article argues that one of the factors for their success in maritime trade is their ability to create business rules and ethics in maritime navigation and trade. Some scholars refer to this set of rules as the law of navigation or the law of commerce. However, this research seeks to explain that this set of rules was a set of maritime business ethics practiced by the Wajorese as traders and sailors. The Wajo people were not rulers of a sovereign state and were unlikely to have been able to enforce their business ethics as a law.
本文旨在追溯《Amanna Gappa》,也被称为Ade Alopping-loping Bicarana Pabalue,作为18世纪望加锡市瓦霍族实践的一套商业道德的作用。当时望加锡的瓦霍人是在1660年代果阿塔洛苏丹国与波恩苏丹国联盟和荷兰贸易公司VOC (Vereenigde oot - indische Compagnie)之间的战争中失败的部落之一。瓦霍人是东南亚著名的大商人,他们的社区分散在印度尼西亚群岛上。本文认为,他们在海上贸易中取得成功的因素之一是他们在海上航行和贸易中创造商业规则和道德的能力。一些学者把这一套规则称为航海法或商法。然而,本研究试图解释这一套规则是作为贸易商和水手的瓦乔里斯人所实践的一套海事商业道德。瓦霍人不是一个主权国家的统治者,也不太可能把他们的商业道德作为法律来执行。
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引用次数: 5
The Indian Dimension of Aceh and Sumatra History 亚齐和苏门答腊历史的印度维度
Pub Date : 2020-12-24 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v4i2.8639
A. Reid
Indonesia’s maritime boundary with India, lying barely 100km from Banda Aceh, appears quiet and of little interest to policy-makers, in contrast to almost all the other contested boundaries with Malaysia, China, the Philippines, and Australia. India’s historical relations with Sumatra have also drawn less scholarly or popular attention than those with the Arab, Persian, and Turkish worlds, or with Java, the Peninsula, and China. It is one of the imbalances and justifying the “Indian Ocean’ in the title of International Centre for Aceh and Indian Ocean Studies. It is also supported by arguing that northern Sumatra’s most important historical relationship outside Sumatra itself was for long with India. The time must come when this neighbourly maritime relationship is normalised in the context of improving Indonesia-India ties.
印度尼西亚与印度的海上边界距离班达亚齐仅100公里,与马来西亚、中国、菲律宾和澳大利亚几乎所有其他有争议的边界形成鲜明对比,印尼与印度的海上边界似乎很平静,政策制定者对此也不感兴趣。与阿拉伯世界、波斯世界、土耳其世界、爪哇世界、半岛世界和中国的历史关系相比,印度与苏门答腊的历史关系也没有引起学者或公众的关注。这是一种不平衡,也证明了亚齐与印度洋研究国际中心的头衔中“印度洋”的存在。还有一种观点支持这一观点,即北苏门答腊岛在苏门答腊岛之外最重要的历史关系是长期与印度的关系。在改善印尼与印度关系的背景下,这一睦邻海上关系正常化的时机必须到来。
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引用次数: 1
Local Wisdom Values of Maritime Community in Preserving Marine Resources in Indonesia 印尼海洋社区在保护海洋资源中的地方智慧价值
Pub Date : 2020-12-23 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v4i2.4812
Sem Touwe
This study identifies and describes the local wisdom carried out by the coastal communities, especially the people of North Seram, Maluku in preserving the island and marine environment as well as the customary institutions in determining and guarding local wisdom of coastal communities to manage marine resources. The marine resource is started to weaken along with the development of modern technology. This paper provides contemporary phenomena regarding the weakness of customary laws and traditional institutions that regulate marine resources, including social values in the form of rituals, representing the relationship between humans and their environment. The protection of marine resources around them will be an important discussion to see the role of government and society in preserving marine and coastal resources. This study used a qualitative approach to produce descriptive explanations from reports, book reviews, and documents that describe theories and information of both past and present. The result is that the local wisdom maintained as superior cultural practices that are beneficial to human survival, especially in maintaining the sustainability and balance between humans and living objects.
本研究确定并描述了沿海社区,特别是马鲁古北塞拉姆人民在保护岛屿和海洋环境方面所发挥的地方智慧,以及确定和保护沿海社区管理海洋资源的地方智慧的习惯制度。随着现代科技的发展,海洋资源开始被削弱。本文提供了关于规范海洋资源的习惯法和传统制度的弱点的当代现象,包括以仪式形式代表人类与环境之间关系的社会价值。保护周围的海洋资源将是一个重要的讨论,以了解政府和社会在保护海洋和沿海资源方面的作用。本研究采用定性方法,从报告、书评和描述过去和现在的理论和信息的文件中产生描述性解释。其结果是,当地的智慧作为优越的文化实践被保留下来,有利于人类的生存,特别是在维持人与生物之间的可持续性和平衡方面。
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引用次数: 7
Penetration of Dutch Colonial Power Against the Sultanate of Jambi, 1615-1904 荷兰殖民势力对占碑苏丹国的渗透(1615-1904)
Pub Date : 2020-06-18 DOI: 10.14710/jmsni.v4i1.7498
B. Purnomo
The arrival of the Dutch in Jambi gave the impression of almost coincidence because Jambi was not familiar and not a large sultanate in Sumatra compared to Aceh. Even Jambi as a relatively small and unimportant kingdom in the 19th century. However, during the colonial era, some penetrations made to the Sultanate of Jambi. This study examines several factors that caused resistance from the rulers and local people of Jambi against the Dutch colonial power. By using a historical method that emphasized on the secondary sources, this study identifies those factors to make penetration. It shows that economic factors in which the Dutch monopoly trading system is not acceptable to the rulers and local people. It is detrimental and contrary to freedom of trade. Meanwhile, colonial expansion is contrary to the ethical principles they profess. In addition, the failure of the Jambi sultanate had the weakness of their political institutions in facing Dutch colonial penetration. The weakness of their political institutions is influenced by the poor main foundation of the empire and the values of the royal tradition.
荷兰人到达占碑给人的印象几乎是巧合,因为占碑并不熟悉,而且与亚齐相比,它不是苏门答腊的一个大苏丹国。在19世纪,占碑是一个相对较小且不重要的王国。然而,在殖民时期,对占碑苏丹国进行了一些渗透。本研究考察了导致占碑统治者和当地人民反抗荷兰殖民势力的几个因素。本研究采用强调二手资料的历史研究方法,确定了那些可以渗透的因素。这表明荷兰垄断贸易制度在经济因素上不为统治者和当地人民所接受。这是有害的,与贸易自由背道而驰。同时,殖民扩张也违背了他们所宣扬的伦理原则。此外,占碑苏丹国的失败是由于其政治机构在面对荷兰殖民渗透时软弱无力。他们政治制度的薄弱受到帝国薄弱的主要基础和皇室传统价值观的影响。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration
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