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Democratizing Platform Privacy 平台隐私民主化
Pub Date : 2021-04-05 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3687332
Sari Mazzurco
The online platform political economy—that is, the interrelationship of economic and political power in the exchange of online services for personal information—has endowed platforms with overwhelming power to determine consumers’ information privacy. Mainstream legal scholarship on information privacy has focused largely on an economic problem: individual consumers do not obtain their “optimal” level of privacy due to a bevy of market failures. This Article presents the political issue: that platforms’ hegemonic control over consumers’ information privacy renders the rules they impose illegitimate from a democratic perspective. It argues platform hegemony over consumers’ information privacy is a political problem, in the first instance, due to the social foundations of normative information privacy and the social character of personal information. Although issues affecting society in this manner are typically met with government intervention—through the promulgation of law—or class-action litigation, neither of these safeguards have effectively protected consumers’ information privacy. Rather than empower consumers to determine information privacy norms and how to protect them, the law’s reliance on platform self-regulation through notice and consent has empowered platforms to make these determinations unilaterally.

Given the government’s failure to regulate effectively the platform political economy, this Article proposes an alternative to government action. Specifically, this Article contends that the existing private governance of information privacy ought to strive for democratic legitimacy. This Article draws an analogy between the platform political economy and the labor political economy of the early twentieth century and proposes that concepts and mechanisms from industrial democracy, which sought to legitimate workplace decision-making can serve as a toolkit for the legitimation of information privacy rules.
网络平台的政治经济——即个人信息在线服务交换中经济权力与政治权力的相互关系——赋予了平台决定消费者信息隐私的压倒性权力。关于信息隐私的主流法律研究主要集中在一个经济问题上:由于一系列市场失灵,个人消费者无法获得他们的“最佳”隐私水平。这篇文章提出了一个政治问题:平台对消费者信息隐私的霸权控制使得他们强加的规则从民主的角度来看是非法的。本文认为,平台对消费者信息隐私的霸权是一个政治问题,首先是由规范信息隐私的社会基础和个人信息的社会特征决定的。虽然以这种方式影响社会的问题通常会得到政府的干预——通过颁布法律或集体诉讼,但这两种保障措施都没有有效地保护消费者的信息隐私。法律没有授权消费者来决定信息隐私规范以及如何保护他们,而是通过通知和同意来依赖平台的自我监管,这使得平台能够单方面做出这些决定。鉴于政府未能有效监管平台政治经济,本文提出了政府行为的替代方案。具体而言,本文认为现有的信息隐私私人治理应当争取民主合法性。本文将平台政治经济学与20世纪初的劳动政治经济学进行了类比,并提出工业民主的概念和机制可以作为信息隐私规则合法化的工具包,这些概念和机制试图使工作场所的决策合法化。
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引用次数: 0
An Empirical View of Peer-to-Peer (P2P) Lending Platforms P2P借贷平台的实证研究
Pub Date : 2021-03-25 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3807550
Moran Ofir, Ido Tzang
Peer-to-Peer (P2P) lending emerged over a decade ago and quickly evolved into a global industry. Since then, the P2P lending industry has become more complex, with increasingly diverse types of business models, each involving different risks and challenges. The Article analyzes the current state of the P2P market by exploring the different business models, the platforms' characteristics, the global market trends, and the different regulatory regimes around the world. As the COVID-19 pandemic bears an unprecedented effect on the global economy, we analyze its impact on P2P markets, especially focusing on small and medium entities (SMEs) as borrowers. While the COVID-19 crisis has had a profound impact on SMEs’ access to funding, alternative finance solutions, especially digital solutions, such as P2P lending, have come to play a crucial role in reducing the risk of bankruptcy for SMEs. In light of this developing situation, we empirically analyze a rich and detailed data set on loans given by a large P2P platform to SMEs between the years 2014 and 2020, focusing on the interest rate set by the platform for both borrowers and lenders. Our main findings regarding the borrowers indicate that the interest rate decreases as the size of the loan increases; however, the rate goes up with the duration of the loan and from year to year. Significant differences in loan interest rates were found across loan statuses, corporation types, industries, and the genders of the SME owners. As for lenders, we show that the average interest rate increases with the size of the loan and decreases with the number of loans into which the investment is divided. The empirical findings highlight the significant variables affecting the interest rate, which is the most important feature of a loan, and the conclusions drawn in this study can thus serve both regulators and policy makers in designing their future responses to the evolving and growing market challenges, especially in these times of global health and economic crisis.
点对点(P2P)借贷在十多年前出现,并迅速发展成为一个全球性产业。从那时起,P2P借贷行业变得更加复杂,商业模式类型越来越多样化,每种模式都涉及不同的风险和挑战。本文分析了P2P市场的现状,探讨了不同的商业模式、平台的特点、全球市场趋势以及世界各国不同的监管制度。鉴于2019冠状病毒病大流行对全球经济产生了前所未有的影响,我们分析了其对P2P市场的影响,特别关注作为借款人的中小企业(sme)。虽然2019冠状病毒病危机对中小企业的融资渠道产生了深远影响,但P2P贷款等替代金融解决方案,特别是数字解决方案,在降低中小企业破产风险方面发挥了至关重要的作用。针对这一发展态势,我们对某大型P2P平台在2014年至2020年间向中小企业发放的贷款进行了丰富而详细的数据集实证分析,重点关注该平台为借款人和贷款人设定的利率。我们关于借款人的主要发现表明,利率随着贷款规模的增加而下降;然而,利率随着贷款期限和年复一年的增长而上升。中小企业的贷款情况、企业类型、行业、性别等各方面的贷款利率存在显著差异。对于出借人,我们表明平均利率随着贷款规模的增加而增加,随着投资分成的贷款数量的增加而减少。实证研究结果突出了影响利率的重要变量,利率是贷款的最重要特征,因此,本研究得出的结论可以为监管机构和政策制定者设计未来应对不断变化和日益增长的市场挑战的措施,特别是在当前全球卫生和经济危机时期。
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引用次数: 1
Revisiting the Anticompetitive Effects of Common Ownership 重新审视公有制的反竞争效应
Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3805047
José Azar, X. Vives
We use data from the U.S. airline industry to test the hypothesis, consistent with the general equilibrium oligopoly model of Azar and Vives (forthcoming), that inter-industry common ownership should be associated with lower prices in product markets. We find that, as the model predicts, increases over time in intra-industry common ownership are associated with higher prices, while increases in inter-industry common ownership are associated with lower prices. We also find that common ownership by the "Big Three" (BlackRock, Vanguard and State Street) is associated with lower airline prices, while common ownership by shareholders other than the Big Three is associated with higher prices. The results highlight the limitations of partial equilibrium oligopoly theory in the context of common ownership, and the need to consider a general equilibrium perspective.
我们使用美国航空业的数据来检验假设,与Azar和Vives(即将出版)的一般均衡寡头垄断模型一致,即行业间的共同所有权应该与产品市场的较低价格相关。我们发现,正如模型预测的那样,随着时间的推移,行业内共有所有权的增加与更高的价格相关,而行业间共有所有权的增加与更低的价格相关。我们还发现,“三巨头”(贝莱德、先锋和道富)的普通股所有权与较低的机票价格有关,而三巨头以外的股东的普通股所有权与较高的机票价格有关。结果突出了部分均衡寡头垄断理论在共同所有权背景下的局限性,以及考虑一般均衡视角的必要性。
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引用次数: 10
Breaking Out of Consumer Welfare Jail: Addressing the Supreme Court's Failure to Protect the Competitive Process 打破消费者福利监狱:解决最高法院未能保护竞争过程
Pub Date : 2021-03-14 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3711097
Warren S. Grimes
It is time to free antitrust law from the yoke of Robert Bork’s consumer welfare terminology. Bork’s vision has gained ascendency over the past 40 plus years and, subject to variations, is now widely regarded as the core antitrust paradigm. In a companion article, I examined why a consumer welfare standard cannot sustain this role. I made the case for a symmetric welfare standard anchored to the traditional view that the Sherman Act protects the competitive process. In this article, I expand this analysis. A consumer-labelled paradigm invites a static analysis—one focused on competitive effects at only one end of the distribution chain. In fact, competition is a dynamic and interactive process in which players at all levels of the chain add value and affect each other’s choices. All participants in the distribution chain are disciplined by competition – and all should be protected from power-based abuse of competition. I provide extended analysis of why non-price and non-efficiency preferences of buyers and sellers are a critical part of the competitive process and cannot be comfortably accommodated by consumer welfare standards. I offer examples of preferences, not just of consumers but of all participants in the distribution of goods and services, that are at the heart of the competitive process. I then examine Supreme Court decisions. More than a few recent cases demonstrate a fixation with consumer welfare standards and fail to protect competition. Righting the antitrust ship will require embracing a tradition-based, symmetric welfare standard that equally protects all players in the competitive system.

是时候把反垄断法从罗伯特·博克的消费者福利术语的枷锁中解放出来了。在过去的40多年里,博克的观点逐渐占据主导地位,尽管有所变化,但现在被广泛认为是核心的反垄断范式。在一篇配套文章中,我研究了为什么消费者福利标准不能维持这一作用。我提出了一个基于传统观点的对称福利标准,即《谢尔曼法》保护了竞争过程。在本文中,我将展开这一分析。消费者标签模式需要静态分析——只关注分销链一端的竞争效应。事实上,竞争是一个动态的、互动的过程,在这个过程中,产业链上各个层次的参与者都在增加价值,并影响彼此的选择。分销链上的所有参与者都受到竞争的约束——所有参与者都应该受到保护,免受基于权力的滥用竞争。我对为什么买卖双方的非价格和非效率偏好是竞争过程的关键部分,并且不能被消费者福利标准舒适地容纳,提供了扩展的分析。我列举了一些偏好的例子,这些偏好不仅体现在消费者身上,也体现在商品和服务分配的所有参与者身上,它们是竞争过程的核心。然后我研究最高法院的判决。最近的一些案例表明,政府执着于消费者福利标准,未能保护竞争。纠正反垄断这艘船需要接受一种基于传统的、对称的福利标准,平等地保护竞争体系中的所有参与者。
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引用次数: 1
Regulating 'Gatekeepers': Predictable 'Unitended Consequences' of the DMA for Users' Welfare 规范“看门人”:DMA对用户福利的可预测的“统一后果”
Pub Date : 2021-03-11 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3804067
Pierre Bentata
In the December 2020, the European Commission has presented its proposal for a Digital Market Act (DMA) aiming at promoting competition and preventing unfair practices on digital markets. The DMA creates a new category of platforms, "gatekeepers'', based on criteria relative to their turnover and number of users, that will be subject to specific rules and obligations. Analyzing the current proposal from a law and economics perspective and taking into account the particularities of the digital economy, this paper observes that such a regulation based on the size of platforms is likely to hinder competition, reduce innovation and harm consumers.
2020年12月,欧盟委员会提出了一项旨在促进竞争和防止数字市场不公平做法的数字市场法(DMA)提案。DMA创建了一个新的平台类别,即“看门人”,其标准与它们的营业额和用户数量有关,这些平台将受到具体规则和义务的约束。本文从法律和经济学的角度分析当前的提案,并考虑到数字经济的特殊性,认为这种基于平台规模的监管可能会阻碍竞争,减少创新,伤害消费者。
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引用次数: 3
Rules Britannia: Analysing Britain's Regulatory Burden 不列颠规则:分析英国的监管负担
Pub Date : 2021-03-10 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3852044
Victoria Hewson
Supporters of free markets often have a general feeling that there is too much regulation or that it is too intrusive, badly formulated, and ineffective. However, proponents of these positions are often lacking in empirical evidence and are susceptible to accusations of either exaggerating the impact of regulation or not caring about the environment, workers, children or consumers. However, supporters of free markets value and recognise the importance of these and believe that market solutions would improve the overall situation. As the UK leaves the EU, it will adopt an independent regulatory policy with the ability to repeal and amend EU rules, and introduce new regulations in fields of EU competence. This freedom will have to be exercised in line with Britain's international commitments and the impact on trade with the EU that will come from diverging at a national level from its regulations. Regulation has been a tool of EU integration. The implications of this driver being removed from UK regulatory policy should not be underestimated. Regulation is a major source of concern for businesses, though the concerns tend to differ between the strategic interests of larger businesses with legal and lobbying firepower and small and new businesses ,for whom the costs of regulation represent barriers to entry and growth. The perception that unelected officials in entrenched positions are enforcing rules contributed to the feelings of dissatisfaction that led British people to vote to leave the EU in 2016. There is a risk now, with EU laws being transposed en masse into UK law and regulators pouring cold water on suggestions of reforms, that the innate stickiness of the regulatory state will assert itself and the opportunity for meaningful change will be lost.
自由市场的支持者通常有一种普遍的感觉,即监管太多,或者监管过于侵入,制定不当,效率低下。然而,这些立场的支持者往往缺乏经验证据,容易被指责夸大监管的影响,或者不关心环境、工人、儿童或消费者。然而,自由市场的支持者重视并认识到这些因素的重要性,并相信市场解决方案将改善整体状况。英国退出欧盟后,将采取独立的监管政策,有权废除和修改欧盟规则,并在欧盟管辖范围内引入新的监管规定。这种自由的行使必须符合英国的国际承诺,以及在国家层面偏离欧盟规定对欧盟贸易的影响。监管一直是欧盟一体化的一个工具。不应低估这一驱动因素从英国监管政策中剔除的影响。监管是企业关注的一个主要来源,尽管对拥有法律和游说能力的大企业的战略利益和对监管成本代表进入和增长障碍的小型和新企业的关注往往有所不同。人们认为,地位稳固的非民选官员正在执行规则,这种看法助长了不满情绪,导致英国人在2016年投票退出欧盟。随着欧盟法律被大量转化为英国法律,监管机构对改革建议泼冷水,目前存在这样一种风险:监管国家固有的粘性将显现出来,进行有意义变革的机会将丧失。
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引用次数: 0
For-Profit Schools as Covered Persons under the CFPA 以营利为目的的学校作为受保对象
Pub Date : 2021-03-10 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3801973
Marsha Lawler, Michelle Dold
A cornerstone of for-profit schools’ business model is to encourage students to borrow as much as possible to finance their college attendance. After drawing people in with misleading advertisements, for-profit colleges quickly hand prospective students off to financial aid officers who rush students through the process of explaining the financial aid system—if they explain it at all. These employees drive students to take on massive federal and private debt loads, including loans that the school itself originates. They will sometimes fill out or even fraudulently sign forms on students’ behalf, all the while insisting that they are working in the students’ interest. Each of these tactics has one goal: boosting schools’ revenues by inflating students’ debt balances, regardless of how unmanageable those loans are likely to be for borrowers.This issue brief argues that each of these areas of conduct place for-profit colleges squarely within the authority of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), and that the Bureau can therefore intervene to protect borrowers. The CFPB’s authorizing statute states that anyone providing a consumer financial product or service is a “covered person” and therefore falls under the Bureau’s purview, including with respect to the prohibition on unfair, deceptive, and abusive acts and practices. As this issue brief outlines, each one of the common features of the for-profit college business model described above is alone sufficient to make a for-profit college a “covered person,” including the practices of lending to students through institutional loan programs, brokering student loans through third parties, and providing students financial advisory services in the financial aid process (regardless of the quality of the advice).With for-profit college enrollment surging due to COVID, the need to rein in the industry has never been more pressing. The CFPB has the tools to combat the rampant illegal practices that the for-profit college industry relies on.
营利性学校商业模式的一个基石是鼓励学生尽可能多地借钱来支付大学学费。在用误导性的广告吸引人们之后,营利性大学迅速将潜在的学生交给经济援助官员,后者催促学生通过解释经济援助制度的过程——如果他们能解释的话。这些员工迫使学生承担巨额的联邦和私人债务,包括学校自己发放的贷款。他们有时会以学生的名义填写表格,甚至欺骗性地签署表格,同时坚称他们是在为学生的利益而工作。这些策略都有一个目标:通过增加学生的债务余额来增加学校的收入,而不管这些贷款对借款人来说可能有多难以管理。本问题简要地认为,这些行为领域中的每一个都将营利性大学完全置于消费者金融保护局(CFPB)的权力范围内,因此该局可以进行干预以保护借款人。CFPB的授权法规规定,任何提供消费者金融产品或服务的人都是“受保护的人”,因此属于CFPB的职权范围,包括禁止不公平、欺诈和滥用行为和做法。正如本期简要概述的那样,上述盈利性大学商业模式的每一个共同特征都足以使盈利性大学成为“被覆盖的人”,包括通过机构贷款项目向学生贷款的做法,通过第三方中介学生贷款,以及在经济援助过程中为学生提供财务咨询服务(无论建议的质量如何)。随着营利性大学入学人数因新冠肺炎而激增,控制该行业的必要性从未像现在这样紧迫。CFPB拥有打击营利性大学行业所依赖的猖獗的非法行为的工具。
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引用次数: 0
Equivalence between Cost and Production Functions by the Mizutani Cost Functons to Different Industrie Structures: What Can We Learn? 水谷成本函数在不同产业结构下的成本函数与生产函数的等价性:我们能从中学到什么?
Pub Date : 2021-03-09 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3801069
Francisco Gildemir Ferreira da Silva
The duality between cost and production function can be a key point to explore regulation process in Agent-Principal model because the Principal observes outputs in inputs and has asymmetric information about the cost by the Agent. This paper investigates the properties of production functions related with cost functions proposed by Mizutani (2020) to different industry structures using some properties explained in cost production duality problem to linear models. The motivation to this investigation is to have more parameters to understand how to regulate network industries observing production can be used to purpose politics of separate or integrate railways structures. The results indicate that production function must have bounders as structures of the railway industry changes from the integrated to separated depending on the competition, density, scope and scale. The paper can be extended with increasing and decreasing returns of scale.
成本和生产函数的对偶性是探究代理-委托人模型中监管过程的关键,因为委托人观察的是投入的产出,而代理人对成本的信息是不对称的。本文利用线性模型的成本生产对偶问题中解释的一些性质,研究了Mizutani(2020)提出的与成本函数相关的生产函数对不同行业结构的性质。本研究的动机是为了有更多的参数来了解如何规范网络行业,观察生产可以用于分离或整合铁路结构的目的政治。结果表明,随着铁路产业结构从整合到分离的转变,随着竞争、密度、范围和规模的变化,生产函数必然存在边界。本文可以根据规模收益的增减进行扩展。
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引用次数: 0
Does Constitutional Entrenchment Matter for Economic Freedom? 宪法保护对经济自由重要吗?
Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3663374
Justin T. Callais, A. Young
A growing number of studies explore the determinants of economic freedom. Very few of them consider constitutional design. We study entrenchment, i.e., the extent to which constitutions are more costly to change than ordinary policies and institutions. We utilize 1970-2017 data and study episodes where countries adopted meaningfully more entrenched constitutions. Using matching methods, we construct plausible counterfactuals against which to compare their post-treatment changes in economic freedom. We report no significant effects on overall freedom. There is some evidence that entrenchment leads to smaller government size, more regulation, and weaker property rights. However, none of these results are robust.
越来越多的研究探索经济自由的决定因素。他们中很少有人考虑宪法设计。我们研究壕沟,也就是说,在多大程度上改变宪法比改变普通的政策和制度更昂贵。我们利用1970年至2017年的数据,研究了各国采用有意义的更根深蒂固的宪法的事件。使用匹配方法,我们构建似是而非的反事实,以比较它们在处理后的经济自由变化。我们报告对整体自由没有显著影响。有证据表明,堑壕会导致政府规模缩小、监管增多和产权弱化。然而,这些结果都不可靠。
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引用次数: 8
From Private Regulation to Power Politics: The Rise of China in AI Private Governance Through Standardisation 从私人监管到权力政治:中国在人工智能私人治理标准化中的崛起
Pub Date : 2021-02-28 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3794761
Marta Cantero Gamito
This article explores different accounts of private regulation in Artificial Intelligence (PRAI) and asks whose views are being implemented in the development of non-state rules for AI. This question is explored through a normative analysis of the political economy of technology and ethical standardisation. The research characterises the distributional outcomes of private regulation, showing how private regulation is currently shaping AI governance. The article argues that the current AI governance framework is built not only on its technical and ethical layers but also -and perhaps most importantly- on the institutional and procedural architecture of international standardisation. Drawing on empirical research, the article finds an increasing role of China in private governance and suggests that the incorporation of ethical discussions into standard-setting would be a first building block in the formation of forthcoming AI governance in an imminently hyperconnected world.
本文探讨了人工智能(PRAI)中私人监管的不同说法,并询问了谁的观点在人工智能非国家规则的制定中得到了实施。这个问题是通过对技术和伦理标准化的政治经济学的规范分析来探讨的。该研究描述了私人监管的分配结果,展示了私人监管目前如何塑造人工智能治理。这篇文章认为,目前的人工智能治理框架不仅建立在技术和道德层面上,而且——也许最重要的是——建立在国际标准化的制度和程序架构上。根据实证研究,本文发现中国在私人治理中的作用越来越大,并建议将伦理讨论纳入标准制定将是在即将到来的超连接世界中形成即将到来的人工智能治理的第一个组成部分。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
ERN: Regulation (IO) (Topic)
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