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Ten Thousand Commandments 2021: An Annual Snapshot of the Federal Regulatory State 一万诫2021:联邦监管国家的年度快照
Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3877388
C. Crews Jr.
Ten Thousand Commandments 2021 surveys the size, scope, and cost of federal regulation and intervention and effects on consumers, businesses, and the U.S. economy at large and otherwise attempts to shine a light on the under-appreciated “hidden tax” of America’s regulatory state. The new edition takes pains to bookend the four years of the Trump administration, documenting in detail the good ("one-in, two-out," etc.) and bad (trade, antitrust, price controls, AI, leave policy, "space force," etc.) from a classical liberal or ordered laissez-faire perspective. It also addresses regulation subtracted and added due to the Covid-19 virus. *Agencies’ stated priorities and “inventories” of rules were warning signs for Trump’s deregulatory agenda all along. While the Trump administration claimed to have met internal goals of implementing a “one-in, two-out” process for federal regulations and freezing costs, the longer horizon signaled agencies poised to reverse course and to issue substantially more regulatory actions than deregulatory ones. That impulse to regulation is unencumbered under Biden’s new executive directives to agencies.Federal government spending, deficits, and the national debt are staggering, but so is the impact of federal regulations. Unfortunately, the financial impact of these rules gets little attention in policy debates because, unlike spending and taxes, they are unbudgeted and impossible to quantify, a condition discussed in detail in the report. That circumstance is the reason cost-benefit analysis (little of which exists regardless) and administrative state excesses must be replaced with congressional accountability for regulatory lawmaking. Steps for more review, transparency, and accountability for new and existing federal regulations are also detailedHighlights from the 2021 edition include:* Apart from sector-specific executive orders and memoranda, the report details seven prominent ways the Trump administration streamlined regulation. Among them, and bookending four years of “one-in, two- out” for federal regulatory actions as prescribed by his Executive Order 13771, “Reducing Regulation and Controlling Regulatory Costs,” the claimed FY 2020 "out/in" ratio was 3.2 to 1 (and 1.3 to 1 if only significant deregulatory actions were counted).* President Trump’s unique regulatory streamlining was offset by his own actions and favorable comments or lob bying for regulatory intervention in the following areas:--Antitrust--Hospital and pharmaceutical price transparency mandates and price controls--Speech and social media content regulation--Private sector privacy regs, encryption, and algorithm regulation--Gov't threats to privacy: amplified databases, biometrics, and surveillance--Online taxes (which are regulatory)--Bipartisan large-scale infrastructure spending with regulatory effects--Trade restrictions--Farm bill and agricultural intervention--Subsidies with regulatory effects--Telecommunications interventions, including fo
这种“违宪指数”——由政府机构发布的法规与国会通过并由总统签署的法律之比——凸显了立法权根深蒂固地委托给非选举产生的政府机构官员。过去十年的平均比率是28。* 2017年是特朗普执政的第一年,《联邦公报》的页数为61308页,是1993年以来的最低水平,比贝拉克·奥巴马总统的95894页(历史最高水平)下降了36%。2020年《联邦公报》的统计数字上升到86356页,这是有史以来第二高的记录。然而,特朗普对规则的回滚——从历史上看,总体上的规则仍然更少——也必然会增加而不是减少登记册。*除了在2020年完成的3353项规则外,还需要考虑管道本身的流量。根据2020年秋季联邦监管和放松监管行动的统一议程,69个联邦部门、机构和委员会在不同的实施阶段(最近完成的、正在进行的和长期的阶段)有3852项监管行动正在进行中。在3852项规定中,有653项是根据特朗普现已失效的13771号行政命令被认定为“放松管制”的,这一规定在拜登执政期间消失了。在“议程”计划中的3852项法规(已完成的、正在实施的和长期阶段的)中,261项是“经济意义重大”的法规,联邦政府将其描述为每年具有1亿美元或更多的经济影响。在这261项规定中,有36项被特朗普现已取消的13771号行政命令视为放松管制。自1993年第一版《万诫》出版以来,各机构已经发布了111,065条规则。自1976年《联邦公报》首次开始逐项列出这些规定以来,已发布了208,155项最终规定。
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引用次数: 4
The Digital Market Act and Market Failures in Digital Platforms - A Brief Reflection on Its Relevance 数字市场行为和数字平台的市场失灵——对其相关性的简要反思
Pub Date : 2021-06-28 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3875158
E. Sanjuan
The proposed regulation launched by the European Commission on the gatekeepers' regime under the name of the Digital Market Act and the Digital Services Act represents an important change in the regulation and commitments of the platforms that initially control the market, or have that capacity, precisely because of their large size. Experience has shown that there are market failures that need to be monitored and corrected, and that there are special features in digital markets that require further reflection.
欧盟委员会(European Commission)以《数字市场法》(Digital Market Act)和《数字服务法》(Digital Services Act)的名义发起的关于看门人制度的拟议监管,代表了对最初控制市场或具有这种能力的平台的监管和承诺的重大改变,正是因为它们的规模庞大。经验表明,有一些市场失灵需要监测和纠正,数字市场有一些特殊的特点需要进一步反思。
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引用次数: 0
Horizontal Foreclosure With Vertically Shared Large Value: Qualcomm’s License Fee Contracts and Anti-Monopoly Decisions of Competition in the Smartphone Integrated Circuits Market of China, 2011–2014 纵向共享大价值的横向止赎:2011-2014年中国智能手机集成电路市场高通许可费合同与竞争的反垄断决策
Pub Date : 2021-06-25 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3712738
Mariko Watanabe
noindent The Chinese competition authority announced a sanction against Qualcomm, a leading semiconductor manufacturer in the United States. This study investigates whether Qualcomm's pricing strategy limited competition with its rivals. The study estimated two demand functions for handsets and integrated circuit (IC) chips, as well as the marginal cost of smartphones. It then factored in the price of IC chips. Based on the estimated prices of chips and demand parameters, the study identified the competitive relationship regarding the IC chips at the product level. I found followings; the cost of smartphone handset that installed Qualcomm's chipset is lower than that installed its rivals' products. Meanwhile, Qualcomm's chip generates a higher willingness to pay via transactions with increasing numbers of handset assemblers. Qualcomm did not commit vertical foreclosures since its product is not exclusive, and increased number of customers and WTP and higher prices of their products. However, it committed horizontal foreclosures, as evident from the pricing of the license fee, where Qualcomm limits competition by raising the cost for rivals; this observation is consistent with the authority's judgment. This anti-competition conduct is most severe in the CDMA2000 market in China.
中国竞争管理机构宣布对美国领先的半导体制造商高通(Qualcomm)实施制裁。本研究调查了高通的定价策略是否限制了其与竞争对手的竞争。该研究估计了手机和集成电路(IC)芯片的两种需求功能,以及智能手机的边际成本。然后将集成电路芯片的价格考虑在内。基于预估的芯片价格和需求参数,本研究确定了IC芯片在产品层面的竞争关系。我发现了以下内容:安装高通芯片组的智能手机的成本低于安装其竞争对手产品的智能手机。与此同时,通过与越来越多的手机组装商进行交易,高通的芯片产生了更高的支付意愿。高通之所以没有出现“纵向止赎”现象,是因为其产品不具有排他性,而且客户数量和WTP都有所增加,产品价格也有所提高。然而,它犯下了横向止赎,从许可费的定价就可以看出,高通通过提高竞争对手的成本来限制竞争;这一观察与当局的判断是一致的。这种反竞争行为在中国CDMA2000市场最为严重。
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引用次数: 0
Having Your Say: Threats to Free Speech in the 21st Century 发表你的意见:21世纪对言论自由的威胁
Pub Date : 2021-06-20 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3893606
J. Shackleton
Free speech is, with free trade, freedom of enterprise and security of property, one of the key features of classical liberalism. It is currently being undermined, for a variety of plausible reasons, by government, social and mainstream media companies, and the behaviour of individuals, firms and non-profit organisations. Having thrown off the obvious shackles on free speech in the 1960s and 1970s, we are now imposing new forms of restriction on freedom of thought and expression. Young people in particular are being socialised into a censoriousness about dissident behaviour and speech which is reminiscent of totalitarian regimes. One reason for suppressing free speech is concern with ‘hate crimes’. But speech bans have a long history, which shows that, whatever the intent, they are often more likely to hurt disadvantaged groups than protect them. Recent restrictions on speech in western Europe, for example, have been copied to sinister purpose by oppressive governments. Political extremism is more widespread, but less dangerous, than is often supposed by mainstream politicians and commentators. The way to tackle it is by intelligent policing to restrict opportunities for violence rather than by blanket bans on freedom of expression. The presence of disturbing online content is leading governments towards increasing regulation of social media and Internet hosts. But the attempt to eliminate disinformation and harm from the Internet is likely to be doomed to failure. Recent legislative proposals will not achieve what they are intended to achieve, but may cause innovation and competition to suffer. Free speech is considered by both right and left as negotiable or even dispensable when faced with issues such as Covid-19 or Black Lives Matter. In such circumstances our political elites pursue a particular narrative through mainstream and social media and effectively ‘cancel’ those who express opposition or even mild doubt. The prevailing mood of political correctness inhibits comedians and makes people ashamed of what they or their parents used to laugh at in the past. While the consensus may be that there have to be some externally imposed limits on comedic speech, we can’t assume that those who police this speech will act reasonably. A healthy society needs to be able to laugh at itself, even if it occasionally hurts. A neglected area of concern is ‘commercial free speech’ – what advertisers can and can’t say. UK advertising is widely praised worldwide, and a major export earner. But it is increasingly restricted both by government bans and by the Advertising Standards Authority, an unrepresentative body which promotes a form of social engineering and has called for the regulation of political speech. Some aspects of religious freedom are under threat. Public Space Protection Orders and Community Protection Notices have been activated against Christian activists handing out leaflets and holding placards or even silently praying in anti-abortion demo
言论自由与贸易自由、企业自由和财产安全一样,是古典自由主义的主要特征之一。由于种种看似合理的原因,政府、社会和主流媒体公司,以及个人、企业和非营利组织的行为,正在削弱这一机制。在20世纪60年代和70年代摆脱了对言论自由的明显束缚后,我们现在正在对思想和言论自由施加新形式的限制。尤其是年轻人,正被社会化,对持不同政见的行为和言论进行审查,这让人想起极权主义政权。压制言论自由的一个原因是担心“仇恨犯罪”。但言论禁令有着悠久的历史,这表明,无论意图如何,它们往往更有可能伤害弱势群体,而不是保护他们。例如,最近在西欧对言论的限制已经被专制政府复制到邪恶的目的。政治极端主义比主流政治家和评论员通常认为的更为普遍,但危险性较小。解决这一问题的方法是通过智能警务来限制暴力的机会,而不是全面禁止言论自由。令人不安的网络内容的存在正促使各国政府加强对社交媒体和互联网主机的监管。但是,试图消除互联网上的虚假信息和伤害很可能注定要失败。最近的立法提案将无法实现其预期目标,但可能会导致创新和竞争受到影响。在面对Covid-19或“黑人的命也是命”等问题时,右翼和左翼都认为言论自由是可以协商的,甚至是可有可无的。在这种情况下,我们的政治精英通过主流媒体和社交媒体追求一种特定的叙事,并有效地“取消”那些表达反对意见甚至是轻微怀疑的人。政治正确的盛行情绪抑制了喜剧演员,让人们对自己或父母过去嘲笑的东西感到羞愧。虽然共识可能是必须对喜剧言论施加一些外部限制,但我们不能假设那些监督这种言论的人会合理行事。一个健康的社会需要能够自嘲,即使它偶尔会伤人。一个被忽视的关注领域是“商业言论自由”——广告商能说什么,不能说什么。英国的广告在世界范围内广受赞誉,是主要的出口收入来源。但它越来越受到政府禁令和广告标准局(Advertising Standards Authority)的限制。广告标准局是一个不具代表性的机构,它提倡一种社会工程形式,并呼吁对政治言论进行监管。宗教自由的某些方面正受到威胁。公共空间保护令和社区保护通告已被激活,以防止基督教活动人士在反堕胎示威活动中分发传单、举着标语牌甚至默默祈祷。让基督徒改宗也因涉嫌仇恨犯罪而受到调查,而一些人则因坚持基督教价值观而失去工作。穆斯林也特别容易受到反极端主义政策的威胁。与其他组织一样,大学有权禁止某些类型的言论和行为,并对员工施加合同义务。然而,最近高等教育中对言论自由的挑战是一个令人担忧的现象,这些挑战通常是由激进的学生要求压制思想,“禁止平台”和制裁或解雇员工所驱动的。问题的一个主要部分是高等教育机构缺乏多样性。工会,在过去是言论自由最强烈的支持者之一,已经远离了这一点,而是专注于“治疗”的角色,这要求他们保护成员免受言论威胁伤害或模糊定义的“冒犯”。“冒犯”确实被广泛接受为限制言论的理由。人们可能会觉得被冒犯了,但没有受到明显的冒犯,甚至那些被冒犯的人也可能没有受到有意义的伤害。虽然人们可以为言论自由造成的伤害得到补偿,但没有办法为剥夺言论自由的人提供补偿。无论如何,纯粹从务实的角度来看,允许对严重分歧进行激烈辩论,而不是压制,几乎总是最好的。
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引用次数: 0
Buying and Payment Habits: Using Grocery Data to Predict Credit Card Payments 购买和支付习惯:使用杂货数据预测信用卡支付
Pub Date : 2021-06-16 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3868547
Jung Youn Lee, Joonhyuk Yang, Eric T. Anderson
This study shows that individuals' habits in grocery shopping are incrementally useful in predicting their credit card payment behaviors and that such incremental predictive power can translate into incremental profits for firms. Guided by prior work, we identify five broad grocery shopping habits that are correlated with payment behaviors: (1) shopping the same day of week, (2) relying on a shopping budget, (3) consistently buying the same brands and categories, (4) taking advantage of deals and promotions, and (5) buying healthier products. Knowledge of the five grocery habits offers guidance on how to transform the raw grocery data into inputs for flexible machine learning models, which we use to assess the incremental predictive power of grocery data. We find the incremental predictive gain from grocery data, above and beyond standard data sets used by issuers, ranges from 0.2% to 9.4%, depending on the data environment faced by issuers in various credit markets. Furthermore, simulations of issuers' credit extension decisions illustrate that the marginal impact on issuer profits ranges from 0.3% to 15.2% and is greatest for consumers who do not have an established credit history. This suggests that grocery data may enable credit card issuers to extend credit to consumers who currently have limited or no access to credit. We also discuss a boundary condition in which grocery data may not have incremental value. Overall, this study highlights how consumer data from a seemingly unrelated domain can help address a managerial problem in the focal domain.
这项研究表明,个人在杂货店购物的习惯对预测他们的信用卡支付行为越来越有用,这种增量预测能力可以转化为公司的增量利润。在之前工作的指导下,我们确定了五种与支付行为相关的杂货购物习惯:(1)在一周的同一天购物,(2)依靠购物预算,(3)持续购买相同的品牌和类别,(4)利用交易和促销,以及(5)购买更健康的产品。五种购物习惯的知识为如何将原始购物数据转换为灵活的机器学习模型的输入提供了指导,我们使用这些模型来评估购物数据的增量预测能力。我们发现杂货数据的增量预测收益高于发行人使用的标准数据集,范围从0.2%到9.4%不等,具体取决于发行人在各种信贷市场中面临的数据环境。此外,对发行人信用扩展决策的模拟表明,对发行人利润的边际影响范围为0.3%至15.2%,对于没有建立信用记录的消费者来说,影响最大。这表明,杂货数据可能使信用卡发卡机构能够向目前有限或无法获得信贷的消费者提供信贷。我们还讨论了杂货数据可能不具有增量值的边界条件。总的来说,这项研究强调了来自看似不相关领域的消费者数据如何帮助解决焦点领域的管理问题。
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引用次数: 1
Ad Break: Why Curbs on Advertising Harm Free Speech 广告中断:为什么限制广告损害言论自由
Pub Date : 2021-06-02 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3893611
J. Shackleton
Advertising – ‘commercial speech’ – is a form of communication which brings considerable benefits to the economy and society, and restrictions on it need clear justification. Until the mid-1950s advertising was for the most part unregulated, subject only to laws relating to fraud and defamation which also affect other forms of speech. Since then, direct government restrictions have grown, and are still growing, in an attempt to serve public policy objectives of one kind or another. Some of these interventions may achieve little gain at excessive cost, but at least they are discussed in Parliament. However, many restrictions come from what is ostensibly industry self-regulation by the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA), a private body which has morphed from concern with ensuring that advertising is ‘legal, decent, honest and truthful’ to a much wider and more problematic brief. Today the ASA does not simply respond to complaints; it proactively seeks out breaches of its own rules. Moreover it deliberately attempts to change public attitudes through forbidding representation of certain types of otherwise lawful behaviour which may give offence to some groups. The ASA is an unrepresentative body which imposes its own attitudes on the advertising industry and thus on the general public. Its interpretation of ‘offence’ and ‘harm’ appears to differ from the view taken by others concerned with regulatory issues, such as Ofcom and Clearcast. As a consequence, creative expression which is permissible in television and films, YouTube, the theatre, books and newspapers is in effect forbidden in advertising. Rules are continually being expanded to cover more areas of our society and culture, and the ASA recently argued that even political manifestos should be regulated. We should reflect much more carefully on the often unthinking way in which we have acquiesced in restrictions on commercial speech while permitting similar material under the banner of entertainment or intellectual free speech. As Nobel prize-winning economist Ronald Coase discerned, the case for free speech is indivisible. If certain types of speech and imagery are forbidden in advertising, it may not be long before there will be pressure to forbid them in the arts, entertainment and politics.
广告——“商业言论”——是一种为经济和社会带来可观利益的传播形式,对其加以限制需要明确的理由。直到20世纪50年代中期,广告在很大程度上是不受管制的,只受与欺诈和诽谤有关的法律的约束,这些法律也影响到其他形式的言论。从那以后,政府的直接限制增加了,而且还在增加,试图为这样或那样的公共政策目标服务。其中一些干预措施可能以过高的代价收效甚微,但至少它们在议会中得到了讨论。然而,许多限制来自于广告标准局(ASA)表面上的行业自律,这是一个私人机构,它已经从关注确保广告“合法、体面、诚实和真实”转变为一个更广泛、更有问题的摘要。今天,ASA不仅仅是回应投诉;它主动寻找违反自己规则的行为。此外,它还故意试图通过禁止代表某些可能冒犯某些群体的合法行为来改变公众的态度。广告标准局是一个不具代表性的机构,它把自己的态度强加给广告业,从而强加给公众。它对“冒犯”和“伤害”的解释似乎与其他关注监管问题的人(如Ofcom和Clearcast)的观点不同。因此,在电视和电影、YouTube、剧院、书籍和报纸中允许的创造性表达实际上在广告中是被禁止的。规则正在不断扩大,以覆盖我们社会和文化的更多领域,ASA最近提出,即使是政治宣言也应该受到监管。我们应该更仔细地反思,我们常常是不假思索地默许了对商业言论的限制,同时又允许类似的材料打着娱乐或知识分子言论自由的旗号出现。正如诺贝尔经济学奖得主罗纳德•科斯(Ronald Coase)所指出的,言论自由是不可分割的。如果在广告中禁止某些类型的言论和图像,那么在不久的将来,在艺术、娱乐和政治中禁止它们的压力可能就会出现。
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引用次数: 0
Competencia Virtuosa: Todos Estamos Llamados a Ser Santos (Virtuous Competition: We Are All Called To Be Holy) 《道德竞争:我们都被召唤成为圣洁》
Pub Date : 2021-05-25 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3854049
Pablo Trevisán
Abstract en Español: Este trabajo intenta dar orden a ciertas ideas e inquietudes relacionadas con la Doctrina Social de la Iglesia y el derecho de la competencia. Resaltando la vida ejemplar de Enrique Shaw, un empresario laico argentino que está en proceso de canonización y cuyo testimonio debe interpelarnos, y siguiendo por hacer algunas aclaraciones previas sobre las ideas del Papa Francisco en materia económica, nos adentramos en el análisis de los principios e ideas de la Doctrina Social de la Iglesia. En particular, revisamos algunos pasajes de ciertas encíclicas de los Santos Padres que tratan temas relacionados con la economía, la competencia, y cuestiones relacionadas, para luego resaltar algunas enseñanzas de Jesús a través de sus parábolas en el Evangelio. Como conclusión, consideramos que los principios y enseñanzas de la Iglesia pueden servir mucho para inspirar e influir el ejercicio de una competencia libre y virtuosa. El objetivo no es cubrir todas nuestras inquietudes, sino ser un puntapié inicial de algo que pueda ser profundizado, criticado, debatido o mejorado por otros, de no ser por uno mismo, para que entre todos podamos aportar al enriquecimiento mutuo de ideas y al bien común.

English Abstract: This work tries to give order to certain ideas and concerns related to the Social Doctrine of the Church and competition law. Highlighting the exemplary life of Enrique Shaw, an Argentine businessman who is in the process of canonization and whose testimony should challenge us, and following some preliminary clarifications about the ideas of Pope Francis in economic matters, we enter into the analysis of the principles and ideas of the Social Doctrine of the Church. In particular, we review some passages from certain encyclical letters of the Holy Fathers that deal with issues related to the economy, competition, and connected matters, and then highlight some teachings of Jesus through his parables in the Gospel. In conclusion, we believe that the principles and teachings of the Church can serve much to inspire and influence the exercise of free and virtuous competition. The objective is not to cover all our concerns, but to be a starting point for something that can be deepened, criticized, debated or improved by others, if not for oneself, so that together we can contribute to the mutual enrichment of ideas and good common.
摘要:本文试图对与教会的社会教义和竞争法有关的某些想法和关切作出秩序。强调生活模范阿根廷亨利肖,世俗的一位商人正在提高其证词必须interpelarnos,依照事先做一些澄清,对教皇弗朗西斯在经济方面的观点,我们在飞机上分析社会理论的原则和思想去教堂。在这篇文章中,我们回顾了圣父通谕的一些段落,这些段落涉及经济、竞争和相关问题,然后通过耶稣在福音中的比喻强调耶稣的一些教导。最后,我们认为教会的原则和教导可以极大地激励和影响自由和道德竞争的行使。我们的目标不是要涵盖我们所有的担忧,而是要成为一些可以被别人深化、批评、辩论或改进的东西的起点,而不是由我们自己,这样我们就可以为相互丰富思想和共同利益做出贡献。English Abstract: This work tries to给社会一定ideas and关切related to the order to . of the Church and competition law。这突出说明exemplary life of an阿根廷恩里克肖年who is in the process of canonization和谁的testimony应挑战美国,和以下一些初步clarifications about the ideas of教皇弗朗西斯in economic matters, we enter into the analysis of the原则和思想of the Social . of the Church)。尤其是,we review的一些passages from某些encyclical letters of the Holy父亲that deal with问题related to the economy, competition,和关联事项,然后强调some teachings of Jesus通过寓言In the福音。最后,我们认为,教会的原则和教导对激励和影响自由和道德竞争的行使大有帮助。我们的目标不是要涵盖我们所有的关切,而是要成为一个起点,让其他人可以加深、批评、辩论或改进,如果不是为自己,这样我们就可以共同为丰富思想和良好的共同作出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Tech-Enabled Financial Data Access, Retail Investors, and Gambling-like Behavior in the Stock Market: Evidence from a Natural Experiment 科技支持的金融数据访问,散户投资者和股票市场中的赌博行为:来自自然实验的证据
Pub Date : 2021-04-25 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3434812
Taha Havakhor, M. Rahman, Tianjian Zhang, Chenqi Zhu
A significant portion of retail investors heavily engage in feedback trading, which is built on historical price data. As financial technologies lower individuals’ acquisition cost to these data, the abundance of (raw) information creates an illusion of knowledge for retail investors and boosts their overconfidence, which further induces them to trade too much. Against this backdrop, we investigate the impact of technology-enabled convenient access to financial data on retail investments. Our identification strategy exploits the sudden shutdown of Yahoo! Finance Application Programming Interface (API), which cut off the largest free price data access for retail investors engaging in feedback trading. We find that within one month after the API shutdown, retail trading volumes in stocks favored by those investors dropped by 8.6%-10.5%. The remaining retail trades became more predictive of future returns, suggesting less gambling-like behavior after the API shutdown. The study reveals a dark side of technology-led wider data provision to retail investors, and echoes regulators’ call to improve the financial literacy of retail investors.
很大一部分散户投资者大量参与基于历史价格数据的反馈交易。由于金融技术降低了个人对这些数据的获取成本,丰富的(原始)信息给散户投资者造成了一种知识的错觉,增强了他们的过度自信,从而进一步诱使他们过度交易。在此背景下,我们调查了技术支持的便利获取金融数据对零售投资的影响。我们的身份识别策略利用了Yahoo!金融应用程序编程接口(API),切断了参与反馈交易的散户投资者最大的免费价格数据访问。我们发现,API关闭后的一个月内,这些投资者青睐的股票的零售交易量下降了8.6%-10.5%。剩下的零售交易变得更能预测未来的回报,这表明在API关闭后,类似赌博的行为减少了。这项研究揭示了以技术为主导的向散户投资者提供更广泛数据的阴暗面,并呼应了监管机构提高散户投资者金融素养的呼吁。
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引用次数: 1
Analysis of Competition Policies between U.S. And EU in the Era of Inter-Industry Convergence 产业融合时代美国与欧盟竞争政策分析
Pub Date : 2021-04-15 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3882455
G. Kang, Y. Jang, Tae Hyun Oh, J. Rim
In the era of inter-industry convergence, abuses of substantial market power by large digital platforms such as Google, Apple, Facebook, and Amazon, and their increasing number of acquisitions towards small- and medium-sized tech-firms suspicious of eliminating potential competitors are recent representative issues in the ICT sector. Alternative competition policies have been discussed to effectively deal with those firms’ anti-competitive behaviors in a changing environment of competition such as a digital platform economy instead of traditional policies. In this regard, we examine the U.S. and EU competition policy responses to ICT firms’ anti-competitive behaviors in order to provide policy implications to our competition authority. According to our case studies, the U.S. and EU competition and legal authorities consider characteristics of the digital platform economy when they conclude whether firm behaviors are anti-competitive. Furthermore, we find that Facebook's acquisition of WhatsApp leads to a tipping effect and harms market competition. Given these results, we suggest that our competition authority has to consider the balance between innovation and competition when they implement competition policies in the era of inter-industry convergence.
在跨行业融合的时代,谷歌、苹果、Facebook和亚马逊等大型数字平台滥用大量市场力量,以及它们越来越多地收购怀疑消除潜在竞争对手的中小型科技公司,是ICT行业最近的代表性问题。本文讨论了替代竞争政策,以有效地应对数字平台经济等不断变化的竞争环境中企业的反竞争行为。在这方面,我们研究了美国和欧盟对ICT公司反竞争行为的竞争政策反应,以便为我们的竞争监管机构提供政策启示。根据我们的案例研究,美国和欧盟的竞争和法律当局在断定企业行为是否反竞争时,会考虑数字平台经济的特征。进一步,我们发现Facebook对WhatsApp的收购产生了小费效应,损害了市场竞争。鉴于这些结果,我们建议我国竞争主管部门在实施行业间融合时代的竞争政策时必须考虑创新与竞争之间的平衡。
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引用次数: 0
Holdup, Profit Distribution and Platform Antitrust 抢劫、利润分配与平台反垄断
Pub Date : 2021-04-10 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3823668
Danxia Xie, Jinglei Huang
The bargaining process between the platform and users has great impact on the pricing scheme and the successful establishment of a platform. When users receive utilities after paying a initial cost to join the platform, they face the risk of platform's aggressive pricing and are discouraged from joining the platform. The problem of incredible commitment leads to the launch failure of potential platforms and great welfare loss in equilibrium, which is named "platform holdup'' by us. An effective and practical solution is that government supervises on platform's misbehaviour to provide implicit guarantee. For platforms, spontaneously providing subsidies to new users or dividends to joined users are also efficacious solutions. Competition can partly solve the problem, but may be inefficient and only effective under certain circumstances.
平台与用户之间的议价过程对定价方案和平台的成功建立有很大的影响。当用户在支付初始费用加入平台后获得公用事业时,他们面临平台激进定价的风险,并且不鼓励他们加入平台。难以置信的承诺问题导致潜在平台的启动失败和巨大的均衡福利损失,我们称之为“平台劫持”。政府对平台不当行为进行监管,提供隐性担保,是一种有效且切实可行的解决方案。对于平台而言,自发地对新用户进行补贴或对已加入用户进行分红也是有效的解决方案。竞争可以部分解决问题,但可能是低效的,只有在某些情况下才有效。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
ERN: Regulation (IO) (Topic)
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