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Two functionalist logics of European Union polity formation under external threat: Evidence from a conjoint experiment. 外部威胁下欧盟政体形成的两种功能主义逻辑:来自联合实验的证据。
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/14651165251320870
Alexandru D Moise, Ioana-Elena Oana, Zbigniew Truchlewski, Chendi Wang

The Russian invasion of Ukraine challenged the European Union (EU) polity exceptionally, affecting many policy domains. We argue that the external threat triggers different logics of (in)security which can result in polity formation across policies. Two functionalist logics put pressure on the EU to centralize policies that (a) help it meet the geopolitical challenge set by Russia and (b) maintain unity among member states in the face of the challenge. We test this theory with a conjoint survey experiment in Germany, France, Italy, Poland, and Hungary, where we vary refugee, energy, costs of living, and defense policies. Our results show that there is strong solidarity for sharing the costs of refugees, which cuts across ideological and identitarian groups, and across countries. Other policy areas show more contentious support.

俄罗斯入侵乌克兰对欧盟的政治构成了异常的挑战,影响了许多政策领域。我们认为,外部威胁触发了不同的安全逻辑,这可能导致跨策略的策略形成。两种功能主义逻辑迫使欧盟集中政策:(a)帮助其应对俄罗斯带来的地缘政治挑战;(b)在挑战面前保持成员国之间的团结。我们在德国、法国、意大利、波兰和匈牙利进行了一项联合调查实验,对这一理论进行了检验,在这些国家,我们对难民、能源、生活成本和国防政策进行了调整。我们的研究结果表明,在分担难民成本方面存在着强大的团结,这种团结跨越了意识形态和身份认同群体,也跨越了国家。其他政策领域则表现出更有争议的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Appeasement or solidarity? Uncovering the drivers of European public opinion on the EU's foreign policy. 绥靖还是团结?揭示欧洲公众舆论对欧盟外交政策的驱动因素。
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-03-14 DOI: 10.1177/14651165251320837
Alexandru D Moise, Chendi Wang

The Russian invasion of Ukraine, with its implications for European security, has intensified the need to understand European public opinion on potential conflict strategies. This study delves into the formation of these opinions, focusing on utilitarian factors like economic interests and threat perception, and ideological elements such as political orientation, national identity and perceptions of Russia and Ukraine. Utilising a two-wave panel survey from five European Union (EU) countries, our findings underscore that ideological factors, especially trust in Russia and Ukraine are paramount in shaping support for escalation or de-escalation. Economic concerns, threat perceptions, right-wing ideologies and strong national identities also play significant roles. This research not only illuminates European sentiment on the war in Ukraine but also enriches broader discussions on the determinants of public opinion in international conflicts.

俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵及其对欧洲安全的影响,使我们更有必要了解欧洲公众对潜在冲突战略的看法。本研究从经济利益、威胁感知等功利因素和政治取向、民族认同、对俄罗斯和乌克兰的认知等意识形态因素入手,深入研究这些观点的形成。利用来自五个欧盟国家的两波面板调查,我们的研究结果强调,意识形态因素,特别是对俄罗斯和乌克兰的信任,在形成对升级或降级的支持方面至关重要。经济担忧、威胁感知、右翼意识形态和强烈的民族认同也发挥了重要作用。这项研究不仅阐明了欧洲人对乌克兰战争的看法,而且丰富了有关国际冲突中公众舆论决定因素的更广泛讨论。
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引用次数: 0
What happened to Putin's friends? The radical right's reaction to the Russian invasion on social media. 普京的朋友们怎么了?极右翼在社交媒体上对俄罗斯入侵的反应。
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-03-14 DOI: 10.1177/14651165251321802
Chendi Wang, Argyrios Altiparmakis

The Ukrainian crisis has significantly shifted public opinion against Russia and Putin, placing politicians with prior Russian ties in a precarious situation. This paper tracks how parties that had some affinity to Putin have pivoted after the outbreak of war. Through computational text analysis of a decade of Facebook posts from 11 European radical right parties, we investigate their stance evolution towards Russia and their strategic management of public sentiment and Russian relationships. The results show that most radical right parties, after the invasion, neither tried to remain pro-Russia nor focussed their attention on shifting their prior position. Instead, they engaged in blurring the issue, diverting attention away from the war and using the events in Ukraine to assert their anti-EU positions.

乌克兰危机极大地改变了公众对俄罗斯和普京的看法,将此前与俄罗斯有关系的政界人士置于岌岌可危的境地。本文追踪了与普京关系密切的政党在战争爆发后是如何转向的。通过对11个欧洲极右翼政党10年Facebook帖子的计算文本分析,我们调查了他们对俄罗斯的立场演变,以及他们对公众情绪和俄罗斯关系的战略管理。结果显示,在入侵之后,大多数激进的右翼政党既没有试图继续亲俄,也没有把注意力集中在改变他们先前的立场上。相反,他们模糊了这个问题,把人们的注意力从战争上转移开,并利用乌克兰的事件来维护自己的反欧盟立场。
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引用次数: 0
Demand-side constraints on European solidarity for energy sanctions: Experimental evidence from seven EU countries. 欧洲能源制裁团结的需求侧约束:来自七个欧盟国家的实验证据。
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-02-18 DOI: 10.1177/14651165251318955
Ioana-Elena Oana, Alexandru D Moise, Zbigniew Truchlewski

The Russian invasion of Ukraine is testing bonds of energy solidarity in Europe as domestic and territorial conflicts can undermine unity and swift political action. To examine the magnitude of these divisions on the demand side, we use a factorial survey experiment in seven EU countries. On the one hand, the external security threat should push European unity further. On the other hand, the asymmetry of the crisis could fuel both between-country divisions, given differences in energy dependence and geopolitical context, and within-country divisions, across political groups, reducing the potential for common policy. Our results show that while there is a wide consensus on energy sanctions between countries (except Hungary), within countries there is a greater potential for conflict along identarian, partisan, and economic lines.

俄罗斯入侵乌克兰正在考验欧洲能源团结的纽带,因为国内和领土冲突可能破坏团结和迅速的政治行动。为了检验需求侧这些分歧的程度,我们在七个欧盟国家使用了析因调查实验。一方面,外部安全威胁将进一步推动欧洲团结。另一方面,由于能源依赖和地缘政治背景的差异,危机的不对称性可能加剧国与国之间的分歧,也可能加剧国内政治团体之间的分歧,从而降低制定共同政策的可能性。我们的研究结果表明,虽然各国之间(匈牙利除外)对能源制裁有着广泛的共识,但在国家内部,由于身份、党派和经济方面的原因,冲突的可能性更大。
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引用次数: 0
Division and unity: Voter and party perspectives on EU integration under external threat. 分裂与团结:外部威胁下欧盟一体化的选民与政党视角。
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-03-03 DOI: 10.1177/14651165251318950
Alexandru D Moise, Chendi Wang

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has reshaped European politics, prompting the European Union (EU) to take indirect actions such as aiding Ukraine, accepting refugees, and imposing sanctions on Russia. This special section explores the implications of these events on European unity. Will the war highlight divisions among countries and ideological groups, as "post-functionalists" would predict? Or will the external threat, in line with the "bellicist logic," and EU solidarity, in line with the "polity formation" literature, foster increased EU policy coordination and centralization? The contributions assess the war's impact on the supply (political parties) and demand (public opinion) sides of the politics of European integration. The articles show moderate support for the "bellicist" mechanisms of threat and consensus. They also find solidarity and unity for refugee and energy policy, with greater ideological and country divisions over economic policy, defence policy, and appeasement strategies toward Russia.

俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵重塑了欧洲政治,促使欧盟(EU)采取了援助乌克兰、接收难民、对俄罗斯实施制裁等间接行动。本专题探讨了这些事件对欧洲统一的影响。这场战争会像“后功能主义者”所预测的那样,突显国家和意识形态之间的分歧吗?或者,符合“好战逻辑”的外部威胁,以及符合“政体形成”文献的欧盟团结,会促进欧盟政策协调和中央集权吗?这些贡献评估了战争对欧洲一体化政治的供给(政党)和需求(公众舆论)方面的影响。文章显示出对威胁和共识的“好战”机制的适度支持。他们还发现在难民和能源政策上团结一致,在经济政策、国防政策和对俄罗斯的绥靖战略上存在更大的意识形态和国家分歧。
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引用次数: 0
The Eurodisappointed: On the disenchantment with the EU's limited response to democratic backsliding 欧洲失望者:欧盟对民主倒退的有限回应令人们失望
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-20 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231218894
Radosław Markowski, Piotr Zagórski
Some defenders of democratic rights and the rule of law are becoming increasingly frustrated by the European Union's inadequate response to democratic backsliding in countries like Poland and Hungary. This study focuses on Poland and introduces the concept of ‘Eurodisappointment’ to describe this new group, which is conceptually and empirically distinct from Euroscepticism. Rather than being Eurosceptic, the Eurodisappointed self-limit their Euroenthusiasm without opposing integration. Drawing on original survey data, we demonstrate that Eurodisappointment is particularly prevalent among women, opposition party voters, and those dissatisfied with the state of democracy in Poland. It is yet to be seen whether and how the concept of Eurodisappointment can be applied to studies of attitudes towards the European Union in other member states.
欧盟对波兰和匈牙利等国的民主倒退反应不足,这让一些民主权利和法治的捍卫者越来越感到沮丧。本研究以波兰为重点,引入了 "欧洲失望 "的概念来描述这一新群体,它在概念和经验上都有别于欧洲怀疑论。与其说他们是欧洲怀疑论者,不如说是欧洲失望者在不反对一体化的同时自我限制了对欧洲的热情。利用原始调查数据,我们证明了欧洲失望情绪在女性、反对党选民和对波兰民主状况不满的人群中尤为普遍。欧洲失望 "这一概念能否以及如何应用于其他成员国对欧盟态度的研究,我们拭目以待。
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引用次数: 0
Europe around the corner? How border proximity and quality of government explains European identity 欧洲就在身边?边界远近和政府质量如何解释欧洲特性
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231216882
Monika Bauhr, N. Charron
Do citizens that live close to the border of another European country feel more European? We suggest that border proximity affects European identity formation, but that the positive effect of border proximity is confined largely to areas where citizens live close to regions with better quality of government and lower levels of corruption. Using our newly collected individual level and post-coded data from the most recent wave of the European Quality of Government survey, covering over 129,000 respondents in all 27 European Union member countries, we show that citizens that live close to the border of another country express a stronger European identity, all things being equal. Yet the effect is driven largely by citizens that live adjacent to regions with relatively higher/lower quality of government compared to their own region. Our study thereby contributes to a closer understanding of where and why citizens become attached to Europe, and if and how benchmarking institutional performance and quality of government affect citizens’ willingness to belong to, and identify with, Europe.
居住在另一个欧洲国家边境附近的公民是否更有欧洲感?我们认为,边界邻近会影响欧洲身份的形成,但边界邻近的积极影响主要局限于公民居住地邻近政府质量较高、腐败程度较低的地区。我们最新收集的个人层面数据和后编码数据来自最近一波欧洲政府质量调查,涵盖欧盟所有 27 个成员国的 12.9 万多名受访者,利用这些数据,我们表明,在所有条件相同的情况下,居住在靠近另一国边境地区的公民会表达更强烈的欧洲身份认同。然而,这种效应主要是由与政府质量相对较高/较低的地区毗邻而居的公民所驱动的。因此,我们的研究有助于更深入地了解公民在哪里以及为什么会对欧洲产生归属感,机构绩效和政府质量基准是否以及如何影响公民归属和认同欧洲的意愿。
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引用次数: 0
Free to move, reluctant to share: Unequal opposition to transnational rights under the EU's free movement principle 自由流动,不愿分享:欧盟自由流动原则下对跨国权利的不平等反对
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-07 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231215440
Aleksandra Sojka, Liisa Talving, Sofia Vasilopoulou
Free movement is simultaneously widely acclaimed and strongly contested in the European Union. To address this apparent contradiction, we unpack European Union freedom of movement into its different transnational rights and argue that opposition is unequal across entitlements. Using evidence from a unique survey conducted in the United Kingdom in 2017, we show that citizens mainly contest welfare access. This transnational right implies costs for the host country and taps into perceptions of belonging and deservingness. Due to its association with ideas of national community and solidarity, access to welfare is more contested even among those who, in principle, should be favourable to such entitlements: inclusive national identifiers and European integration supporters. Our findings underscore the challenge of creating a sense of European community that could underpin all transnational rights implied by the Union's principle of freedom of movement.
在欧盟,自由流动既受到广泛欢迎,也受到强烈反对。为了解决这一明显的矛盾,我们将欧盟的行动自由拆解为其不同的跨国权利,并认为不同权利之间的反对是不平等的。我们利用2017年在英国进行的一项独特调查的证据表明,公民主要是在争夺福利待遇。这种跨国权利意味着东道国的成本,并触及了归属感和应得性的观念。由于福利与民族共同体和团结的观念有关,即使在原则上应该赞成这种权利的人之间,即包容性国家身份和欧洲一体化支持者之间,获得福利的机会也更有争议。我们的调查结果强调了建立一种欧洲共同体意识的挑战,这种意识可以支持欧盟自由行动原则所隐含的所有跨国权利。
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引用次数: 0
The EU Commission: Supplying enforcement and demanding compliance 欧盟委员会:提供执行力并要求合规
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231212762
Kari Waters
During the last 20 years, the European Union has been mired in crisis after crisis. At the same time, the number of infringement procedures, the formal requests from the European Commission to member states for compliance, decreased dramatically, despite the addition of 10 member states in 2004. Yet, the link between crises and Commission enforcement activity has not been systematically examined. In this article, I theorize about the role of time, and demonstrate that crises limit the Commission's ability to act as guardian of the treaties. However, crises are not deterministic in nature – the European Parliament and European Union citizens can alter the costs of Commission enforcement. I find that as Euroscepticism increases, the Commission's demand for compliance decreases, in part due to the steep reputational costs to the Commission when member states refuse compliance, especially after sanctions. The number of infringements is also positively correlated with European Parliament action, suggesting that even without formal sanctioning power, the European Parliament plays a role in European Union law enforcement.
在过去的20年里,欧盟陷入了一次又一次的危机。与此同时,尽管2004年欧盟增加了10个成员国,但欧盟委员会要求成员国遵守的正式侵权程序数量大幅减少。然而,危机与委员会执法活动之间的联系尚未得到系统审查。在本文中,我对时间的作用进行了理论化,并论证了危机限制了欧盟委员会作为条约守护者的能力。然而,危机在本质上不是决定性的——欧洲议会和欧盟公民可以改变委员会执行的成本。我发现,随着欧洲怀疑主义的加剧,欧盟委员会对合规的要求降低了,部分原因是,当成员国拒绝合规时,尤其是在制裁之后,欧盟委员会的声誉成本很高。侵权行为的数量也与欧洲议会的行动呈正相关,这表明即使没有正式的制裁权力,欧洲议会也在欧盟的执法中发挥作用。
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引用次数: 0
Mission partly accomplished: European Union Politics at 25 任务部分完成:欧盟政治 25
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-03 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231217699
Alessia Invernizzi, Ann-Cathrin Klöckner, Gerald Schneider
In this article, we analyze how European Union Politics has evolved over the last 25 years. Our analysis demonstrates that the goals the editorial team has pursued over this quarter century have only partly been reached. While the journal has helped to consolidate EU studies as a field of research in its own rights, several problems of representation persist in the journal and the social sciences in general. We identify besides the well-known gender gap that especially authors from the (European) South and East continue to be underrepresented in submitted and published articles. While less represented and successful at the submission stage, our results show that female scholars are more likely than male author teams to publish high-impact articles. Our findings indicate that studies of political behavior, broadly conceived, and articles using quantitative methods are well-represented. The article concludes with some remarks on how the journal might help to further professionalize the study of the EU in the coming years.
在本文中,我们分析了欧盟政治在过去25年中是如何演变的。我们的分析表明,编辑团队在过去25年里所追求的目标只部分实现了。虽然该杂志帮助巩固了欧盟研究作为一个独立研究领域的地位,但该杂志和社会科学总体上仍然存在一些代表性问题。我们发现,除了众所周知的性别差距之外,特别是来自(欧洲)南部和东部的作者在提交和发表的文章中仍然代表性不足。虽然在提交阶段的代表性和成功率较低,但我们的研究结果表明,女性学者团队比男性作者团队更有可能发表高影响力的文章。我们的研究结果表明,广义的政治行为研究和使用定量方法的文章都有很好的代表性。文章最后对该期刊如何在未来几年帮助进一步专业化欧盟研究提出了一些看法。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Union Politics
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