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Who holds the union together? Citizens’ preferences for European Union cohesion in challenging times 谁把工会团结在一起?公民在充满挑战的时代对欧盟凝聚力的偏好
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221138000
A. Reinl, D. Braun
Although polarisation risks breaking up the European family, such conflicts paired with transnational challenges can also raise awareness of the need for more European Union (EU) cohesion. In order to approach the hitherto underspecified concept, this article connects the recent literature on social cohesion with research on various facets of public EU support – integration preferences, identity, voting behaviour, and solidarity. Building on survey data from 10 EU countries taken at the end of 2020, a latent class analysis identifies two distinct groups of preferences for EU cohesion: its friends and its foes. EU cohesion can be achieved by highlighting personal advantages of European integration and by stressing joint approaches to crises, civic education, and democratic processes.
尽管两极分化有分裂欧洲大家庭的风险,但这种冲突与跨国挑战相结合,也可以提高人们对加强欧盟凝聚力的认识。为了接近迄今未明确的概念,本文将最近关于社会凝聚力的文献与公众对欧盟支持的各个方面的研究联系起来——一体化偏好、身份、投票行为和团结。根据2020年底对10个欧盟国家的调查数据,一项潜在阶级分析确定了对欧盟凝聚力的两种不同偏好:它的朋友和敌人。欧盟的凝聚力可以通过强调欧洲一体化的个人优势、强调共同应对危机、公民教育和民主进程来实现。
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引用次数: 0
From causes to consequences: Investigating the effects of differentiated integration on citizens’ EU support 从原因到后果:调查差异化一体化对公民欧盟支持的影响
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221135742
Ioannis Vergioglou, S. Hegewald
Research on differentiated integration has paid considerable attention to its causes. However, we know very little about its consequences. Using the synthetic control method and interactive factor models, this article investigates the effects of differentiated integration on citizens’ support for the EU. We find that in cases where member states are granted an opt-out or are allowed to integrate into a policy area they were previously excluded from, support increases. In contrast, support decreases when member states are not granted a requested opt-out or are excluded from a policy area they would like to join. These findings carry important implications for the EU's legitimacy. While differentiated integration has the potential to enhance citizens’ legitimacy perceptions, it can also undermine them simultaneously.
对差别化集成产生的原因的研究引起了相当大的关注。然而,我们对其后果知之甚少。本文采用综合控制方法和交互因素模型,研究了差别化一体化对公民对欧盟支持的影响。我们发现,在成员国被允许选择退出或被允许融入他们以前被排除在外的政策领域的情况下,支持增加。相比之下,当成员国没有获得他们所要求的选择退出,或者被排除在他们想要加入的政策领域之外时,支持就会减少。这些发现对欧盟的合法性具有重要意义。虽然差别化融合有可能增强公民的合法性认知,但它也可能同时削弱公民的合法性认知。
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引用次数: 7
Asylum seekers in the machinery of the state: administrative capacity vs. preferences. Recognition rates in EU member states 国家机器中的寻求庇护者:行政能力与偏好。欧盟成员国的认可率
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221135113
Pierre Georges Van Wolleghem, Hakan G. Sicakkan
Studies have sought to explain variation in protection recognition rates between EU member states with, however, limited explanatory power. Surprisingly, few have contemplated the role of the administration, despite it being at the centre of the process through which asylum claims are examined. We posit that recognition rates are significantly affected by administrative capacity, although the administration's action may be mitigated by political factors. Our findings show that administrative effectiveness and experience in asylum matters yield higher recognition rates. We show that government preferences and the overall political context affect protection recognition, too. Importantly, we also find that the mechanisms at play are different if we consider the different forms of protection.
研究试图解释欧盟成员国之间保护承认率的差异,但解释力有限。令人惊讶的是,很少有人考虑到行政部门的作用,尽管它是审查庇护申请过程的中心。我们认为,承认率在很大程度上受到行政能力的影响,尽管政府的行动可能会因政治因素而减轻。我们的调查结果表明,庇护事务的行政效率和经验产生了更高的认可率。我们表明,政府偏好和整体政治背景也会影响对保护的认可。重要的是,如果我们考虑不同形式的保护,我们还发现作用机制是不同的。
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引用次数: 1
Loving globalization: High-growth enterprises and public opinion on globalization in Europe 热爱全球化:欧洲的高成长企业和全球化舆论
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-09 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221138026
O. Kiratli
Building upon the “new” new trade theory, this article proposes that the regional business demography plays a prominent role in shaping Europeans’ preferences on globalization. Specifically, I argue, regional populations of high-growth enterprises that take advantage of internationalization and export opportunities drive positive attitudes on globalization, especially among the “losers” of import competition. Regression models on cross-sectional survey data from Eurobarometer surveys covering ten waves between 2015 and 2019 supplemented by a series of macro-level covariates establish that residents in regions with higher shares of high-growth enterprises are more likely to view globalization as an opportunity. More importantly, the positive association between regional high-growth enterprise shares and support for globalization is particularly pronounced among lower-educated and lower-skilled individuals.
在“新”新贸易理论的基础上,本文提出区域商业人口在塑造欧洲人对全球化的偏好方面发挥了突出作用。具体而言,我认为,利用国际化和出口机会的高增长企业的区域人口推动了对全球化的积极态度,特别是在进口竞争的“输家”中。基于2015年至2019年十波欧洲晴雨表调查的横断面调查数据,并辅以一系列宏观层面协变量的回归模型表明,高增长企业比例较高的地区的居民更有可能将全球化视为机遇。更重要的是,在受教育程度和技能水平较低的个人中,区域高增长企业份额与支持全球化之间的正相关关系尤为明显。
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引用次数: 0
A blessing and a curse? Examining public preferences for differentiated integration 福与祸?审查公众对差异化融合的偏好
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221133671
Lisanne de Blok, Catherine E. De Vries
This study examines public preferences for two forms of differentiated integration (DI): opt-outs and multi-speed EU. Due to the low salience of DI in domestic politics, we suggest that people use ideological benchmarks when forming opinions about DI mostly relating to their general predispositions towards the EU. While pro-EU citizens are more in favor of DI in the form of multiple speeds as this might pose a solution to overcome gridlock, Euroskeptic citizens display more support for opt-outs as a means to accommodate concerns about national identity and control. These differences are in turn accentuated by people’s left-right ideology. We test our hypotheses using public opinion data from the Eurobarometer between 2004 and 2018 and complete it with novel survey data. Our results suggest that while support for DI has increased in recent years, DI preferences largely coincide with ideological predispositions. Our findings indicate that rather than overcoming preference heterogeneity within the EU, DI might entrench existing fault lines.
这项研究考察了公众对两种形式的差异化一体化(DI)的偏好:选择退出和多速欧盟。由于DI在国内政治中的重要性较低,我们建议人们在形成对DI的看法时使用意识形态基准,主要与他们对欧盟的总体倾向有关。虽然亲欧盟的公民更支持以多重速度的形式进行DI,因为这可能是克服僵局的解决方案,但持欧洲怀疑论的公民表现出更多的支持选择退出,以此来解决对国家身份和控制的担忧。这些差异反过来又因人们的左右意识形态而加剧。我们使用2004年至2018年间欧洲晴雨表的民意数据来检验我们的假设,并用新的调查数据来完成。我们的研究结果表明,尽管近年来对DI的支持有所增加,但DI的偏好在很大程度上与意识形态倾向一致。我们的研究结果表明,DI可能会巩固现有的断层线,而不是克服欧盟内部的偏好异质性。
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引用次数: 18
Corrigendum to “Is this crisis different? Attitudes towards EU fiscal transfers in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic” 更正“这场危机不同吗?新冠肺炎大流行后对欧盟财政转移的态度”
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221135752
M. Haverland, R. van der Veer, M. Onderco
EU no effect of conspiracy for control The to As hypothesized, the effect of conspiracy thinking does not extend to the control issue. There is no signi fi cant effect of conspiracy thinking on support for Dutch control ( H2b ). ” This has been corrected to “ Contrary to our expectations, the effect of conspiracy thinking does extend to the control issue. There is a signi fi cant positive effect of conspiracy thinking on support for Dutch control ( H2b ). ” The online version of the article has been corrected.
欧盟没有阴谋控制的影响根据假设,阴谋思维的影响并不延伸到控制问题。阴谋思维对支持荷兰控制没有显著影响(H2b)。”这已被更正为“与我们的预期相反,阴谋思维的影响确实延伸到了控制问题。阴谋思维对支持荷兰控制(H2b)有着显著的积极影响。”文章的在线版本已被更正。
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引用次数: 0
Two sides of the same coin? The effect of differentiation on noncompliance with European Union law 同一枚硬币的两面?区别对待对不遵守欧盟法律的影响
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221130601
Ronja Sczepanski, Tanja A. Börzel
Noncompliance and differentiated integration are two strategies to cope with heterogeneity between European Union member states. This article explores the relationship between the two strategies of coping with heterogeneity. We start from the observation that research has linked cross-country variation in differentiated integration and noncompliance to similar root causes—diverging preferences and differential capacity. Addressing the same issues of heterogeneity, we hypothesize that differentiated integration is likely to reduce member states’ noncompliance. In order to test this hypothesis, we combine novel data on differentiated integration and noncompliance. We find that differentiation increases rather than reduces the likelihood of noncompliance. We conclude by discussing why differentiated integration does not serve as a strategy to prevent noncompliance.
不遵守和差异化一体化是应对欧盟成员国之间异质性的两种策略。本文探讨了应对异质性的两种策略之间的关系。我们首先观察到,研究将差异化融合和不合规的跨国差异与相似的根本原因联系起来——偏好差异和能力差异。针对同样的异质性问题,我们假设差异化一体化可能会减少成员国的不遵守行为。为了验证这一假设,我们结合了关于差异化整合和不合规的新数据。我们发现,差异化增加了而不是减少了不合规的可能性。最后,我们讨论了为什么差异化整合不能作为防止不合规的战略。
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引用次数: 1
Differentiated integration as symbolic politics? Constitutional differentiation and policy reintegration in core state powers 作为象征政治的差异化整合?核心国家权力的宪政分化与政策整合
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221128291
Philipp Genschel, Markus Jachtenfuchs, M. Migliorati
What are the policy consequences of constitutional differentiation in core state powers? We argue that the most important consequence is not necessarily the exclusion of the constitutional outs from the policies of the ins, but their reintegration by different means. The outs often have strong functional and political incentives to re-join the policies they opted out from, and the ins have good reasons to help them back in. We develop a theoretical framework that derives the incentives for reintegration from the costs of a policy exclusion. We use a novel dataset of reintegration opportunities to map trends and patterns of reintegration across policy fields and member states. We analyze selected cases of reintegration to probe the plausibility of our theoretical argument.
宪法对核心国家权力的分化会产生什么政策后果?我们认为,最重要的后果不一定是将宪法规定的局外人排除在移民局的政策之外,而是通过不同的方式使他们重新融入社会。退出者通常有强大的功能和政治动机来重新加入他们选择退出的政策,而加入者有充分的理由帮助他们重新加入。我们制定了一个理论框架,从政策排斥的成本中获得重新融入的动机。我们使用一个新的重返社会机会数据集来绘制政策领域和成员国重返社会的趋势和模式。我们分析了一些重新融入社会的案例,以探讨我们的理论论点的合理性。
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引用次数: 5
EU regulation between uniformity, differentiation, and experimentalism: Electricity and banking compared 欧盟监管的统一性、差异性和实验性:电力和银行业的比较
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-26 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221126387
J. Zeitlin, Bernardo Rangoni
How far and under what conditions may experimentalist governance be an efficient and legitimate means of responding to diversity among EU member states, in comparison to both conventional uniform regulation and differentiated integration? By comparing two major domains where the challenge of integrating national diversity has arisen prominently, electricity and banking, we find that under conditions of high interdependence and high uncertainty, diachronic experimentalism may be a necessary condition for synchronic uniformity. Uniform rules can be accepted as efficient and legitimate by member states, provided that they are regularly revised based on implementation experience through deliberative review processes in which national officials themselves participate. Our findings on EU banking regulation further suggest that experimentalist governance and differentiated integration may also be complementary, but asymmetrically so, in that the latter depends on the former to accommodate diversity within and across member states, but not vice versa.
与传统的统一监管和差异化一体化相比,实验主义治理在多大程度上以及在什么条件下能够成为应对欧盟成员国之间多样性的有效和合法手段?通过比较电力和银行业这两个整合国家多样性的挑战突出出现的主要领域,我们发现,在高度相互依存和高度不确定性的条件下,历时实验主义可能是共时一致性的必要条件。统一规则可以被会员国接受为有效和合法的,条件是通过国家官员自己参与的审议审查程序,根据执行经验对其进行定期修订。我们对欧盟银行监管的研究结果进一步表明,实验主义治理和差异化整合也可能是互补的,但不是对称的,因为后者依赖于前者来适应成员国内部和成员国之间的多样性,而不是相反。
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引用次数: 5
Differentiation in the European Union and beyond 欧盟内外的分化
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-26 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221127885
L. Hooghe, G. Marks
This forum article analyzes differentiation among states in the European Union and among regions within states as a single phenomenon, an arrangement in which one or more constituent units opt out of a common policy. By examining differentiation in a variety of contexts, we seek to shed light on its basic features.
这篇论坛文章将欧盟国家之间和国家内部地区之间的差异作为一种单一现象进行分析,这是一种一个或多个组成单位选择退出共同政策的安排。通过研究不同背景下的差异,我们试图阐明其基本特征。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
European Union Politics
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