European Union Politics最新文献

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External perceptions of the European Union in Israel—the role of norms and culture 外部对欧盟在以色列的看法——规范和文化的作用

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-06-20 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231181062

Hila Zahavi, Gal Ariely

This article examines the role of norms and culture in perceptions of the European Union. Conceptually, it offers a distinction between the image of the European Union as a normative actor and attitudes toward one's country's relations with the European Union. It also explores whether the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC), a cultural event which symbolizes the cultural understanding of contemporary Europe, is related to perceptions of the European Union. Empirically, it uses a public opinion survey ( n = 1050) following Israel's hosting of the ESC in 2019. The findings indicate that Israelis distinguish between the image of the European Union as an entity with positive features and their attitudes toward Israel's connections with the European Union.

本文考察了规范和文化在欧盟观念中的作用。从概念上讲，它区分了欧盟作为规范行为体的形象和对本国与欧盟关系的态度。它还探讨了欧洲歌唱大赛(ESC)，一个象征着当代欧洲文化理解的文化事件，是否与欧盟的看法有关。在经验上，它使用了以色列在2019年主办ESC之后的民意调查(n = 1050)。调查结果表明，以色列人将欧洲联盟作为一个具有积极特征的实体的形象与他们对以色列与欧洲联盟关系的态度区分开来。

引用次数: 0

A window of opportunity? The relevance of the rotating European Union presidency in the public eye. 机会之窗?欧盟轮值主席国在公众眼中的重要性。

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221142504

Olga Eisele, Tobias Heidenreich, Nina Kriegler, Pamina Syed Ali, Hajo G Boomgaarden

The rotating EU presidency's relevance for EU politics has decreased since the introduction of a permanent council president. However, news salience and framing of the own government acting as the EU presidency can amplify publicity for EU affairs. We, therefore, evaluate the visibility and framing of the EU presidency in 12 Austrian newspapers for 2009-2019. We conduct an automated text analysis of 22 presidencies over 11 years, testing several hypotheses statistically, and qualify results via manually coded frames of the Austrian EU presidency in 2018. The results confirm the crucial importance of the domestication of EU politics, underscoring the potential of the presidency to serve as a window of opportunity for public debate. We discuss our findings with reference to the EU's democratic deficit.

自从引入常任理事会主席以来，欧盟轮值主席国对欧盟政治的重要性有所下降。然而，新闻的突出性和本国政府担任欧盟轮值主席国的框架可以扩大欧盟事务的宣传。因此，我们评估了2009-2019年欧盟轮值主席国在12家奥地利报纸上的知名度和框架。我们对11年来的22届欧盟轮值主席国进行了自动文本分析，对几个假设进行了统计测试，并通过2018年奥地利轮值主席国的手动编码框架对结果进行了验证。选举结果证实了欧盟政治本土化的至关重要性，强调了欧盟轮值主席国作为公开辩论机会之窗的潜力。我们将根据欧盟的民主赤字来讨论我们的研究结果。

引用次数: 0

European by action: How voting reshapes nested identities 欧洲人的行动：投票如何重塑嵌套身份

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231175533

Ronja Sczepanski

Although research has questioned the stability of identities, we know little about identity change. I examine a political event as a driver of identity change, namely the Brexit vote. I contend that the act of voting, choosing between two options, boosts the European and British identity underlying the vote choice. I test whether the increased identification with Europe or Britain comes with a reduction in the other identity. Using British Election Study panel data in a two-way fixed-effects design, I show that voting to remain increases identification with Europe but voting to leave does not increase British identification for Leavers. However, voting has no impact on how Remainers identify with Britain or Leavers identify with Europe. The results contribute to the growing literature on the link between politics and identities.

尽管研究对身份的稳定性提出了质疑，但我们对身份变化知之甚少。我研究了一个政治事件作为身份改变的驱动因素，即英国脱欧投票。我认为，在两种选择之间进行选择的投票行为，增强了投票选择背后的欧洲和英国身份。我测试对欧洲或英国的认同感的增加是否伴随着另一种身份的减少。在双向固定效应设计中使用英国选举研究小组的数据，我发现投票留下来会增加对欧洲的认同，但投票离开不会增加英国对脱欧者的认同。然而，投票对留欧派对英国的认同或脱欧派对欧洲的认同没有影响。研究结果有助于越来越多的关于政治和身份之间联系的文献。

引用次数: 2

Mass Euroscepticism revisited: The role of distributive justice 大众欧洲怀疑论重访：分配正义的作用

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231170789

Sharon Baute

This article advances research into mass Euroscepticism by investigating the role of distributive justice. Drawing on cross-national survey data from 23 countries, the study shows that perceived injustice of individual opportunities (i.e. educational and job opportunities) and outcomes (i.e. earnings) nourish Eurosceptic sentiments, independent of objective inequalities. However, the public response to distributive injustice varies across European Union (EU) member states, as high domestic corruption levels dampen the apparent link to EU accountability. Perceptions of injustice concerning earnings provide a potential breeding ground for Euroscepticism in member states with low levels of corruption, while EU scapegoating regarding earnings injustice does not manifest itself in member states with the highest levels of corruption. These results are supportive of a justice-based approach in understanding varieties of Euroscepticism across Europe.

本文通过考察分配正义的作用，推进了对大众欧洲怀疑论的研究。根据来自23个国家的跨国家调查数据，该研究表明，个人机会（即教育和工作机会）和结果（即收入）的不公正性助长了怀疑欧洲的情绪，而与客观不平等无关。然而，公众对分配不公的反应在欧盟成员国各不相同，因为国内腐败水平高削弱了与欧盟问责制的明显联系。对收入不公正的看法为腐败程度较低的成员国的欧洲怀疑主义提供了潜在的滋生土壤，而欧盟对收入不公平的替罪羊并没有在腐败程度最高的成员国表现出来。这些结果支持了一种基于正义的方法来理解欧洲各地的各种欧洲怀疑论。

引用次数: 0

SAGE Award for the best article published in European Union Politics, Volume 23 SAGE奖最佳文章发表在《欧盟政治》第23卷

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231170453

Gerald Schneider

引用次数: 0

What guides citizen support for redistributive EU measures as a response to COVID-19: Justice attitudes, self-interest or support for European integration? 是什么引导公民支持欧盟应对COVID-19的再分配措施:正义态度、自身利益还是对欧洲一体化的支持?

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231166284

Doris Unger, Jürgen Sirsch, Daniel Stockemer, A. Niemann

In 2020/2021, the EU and its member states had to tackle the largest shock of the twenty-first century yet, the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 led to an unprecedented health and economic crisis. In this article, we analyse public opinion on redistributive EU measures based on an original survey in Austria, Germany and Italy and ask whether EU citizens support a common aid package, common debt and redistribution to those countries that are economically most in need. Testing the influence of three explanatory concepts – self-interest, justice attitudes and general support of European integration – we find that all three explanatory concepts have predictive power. However, we find stronger effects on support for EU-level redistribution for citizens’ instrumental calculations concerning whether their country benefits from EU aid, and on general support for EU integration, than for justice attitudes.

2020/2021年，欧盟及其成员国不得不应对二十一世纪迄今为止最大的冲击，即新冠肺炎大流行。新冠肺炎导致了前所未有的健康和经济危机。在这篇文章中，我们根据对奥地利、德国和意大利的一项原始调查，分析了公众对欧盟再分配措施的看法，并询问欧盟公民是否支持共同援助计划、共同债务和向经济上最需要的国家再分配。检验三个解释概念的影响——利己主义、正义态度和对欧洲一体化的普遍支持——我们发现这三个解释观念都具有预测力。然而，我们发现，与正义态度相比，支持欧盟层面的再分配对公民关于其国家是否从欧盟援助中受益的工具性计算以及对欧盟一体化的普遍支持的影响更大。

引用次数: 2

EU-sentiment predicts the 2016 Dutch referendum vote on the EU’s association with Ukraine better than concerns about Russia or national discontent 欧盟情绪预测，2016年荷兰就欧盟与乌克兰关系的公投结果，比对俄罗斯的担忧或国内不满情绪更好

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-03-24 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231157612

Koenraad Abts, Tom Etienne, Yordan Kutiyski, A. Krouwel

This article utilises large-N panel data to compare two theories of referendum voting behaviour in order to understand the ‘for’ or ‘against’ vote in the 2016 Dutch referendum on the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement. It studies the extent to which voting behaviour was predicted by Eurosceptic attitudes and fear of upsetting Russia (issue-based theory), versus dissatisfaction with the Dutch government and general political discontent (second-order theory). Our findings indicate that issue-based determinants predict the referendum vote better than second-order predictors. However, Eurosceptic attitudes and government satisfaction both outperform concerns about the relationship with Russia as a predictor. We thus provide evidence that the issue-based and second-order approaches to explain voting in EU referendums are complementary, but not equal in explanatory strength.

本文利用大N面板数据比较了公投投票行为的两种理论，以了解2016年荷兰对欧盟-乌克兰联盟协议的公投中的“赞成”或“反对”票。它研究了疑欧态度和对扰乱俄罗斯的恐惧（基于问题的理论）与对荷兰政府的不满和普遍政治不满（二阶理论）对投票行为的预测程度。我们的研究结果表明，基于问题的决定因素比二阶预测因素更好地预测公投投票。然而，欧洲怀疑论者的态度和政府的满意度都优于对与俄罗斯关系的担忧。因此，我们提供的证据表明，解释欧盟公投投票的基于问题和二阶方法是互补的，但在解释力上并不相等。

引用次数: 1

The trade-off between admitting and paying: Experimental evidence on attitudes towards asylum responsibility-sharing 接纳与支付之间的权衡:对庇护责任分担态度的实验证据

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-03-21 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231156525

Cornelius Cappelen, Hakan G. Sicakkan, Pierre Georges Van Wolleghem

The concentration of the world's refugees in developing countries calls for international collaboration on the matter. In the face of concerns voiced not only amongst politicians but also the public, we investigate how people trade-off the two most prominent responsibility-sharing mechanism. We conduct a survey experiment in 26 countries asking whether people would rather: (a) admit more asylum seekers and (b) provide financial assistance to the host countries. We find that most respondents prefer admitting asylum seekers over paying. We also establish significant individual-level heterogeneity that sheds new light on people's attitudes towards asylum seekers. Importantly, we report on the effect of welfare chauvinism and nativism on the willingness to admit rather than to pay.

世界难民集中在发展中国家，需要在这一问题上进行国际合作。面对政治家和公众表达的担忧，我们调查了人们如何权衡两种最突出的责任分担机制。我们在26个国家进行了一项调查实验，询问人们是否愿意：（a）接纳更多寻求庇护者，（b）向东道国提供财政援助。我们发现，大多数受访者更喜欢接纳寻求庇护者，而不是支付费用。我们还建立了显著的个人层面的异质性，这为人们对寻求庇护者的态度提供了新的线索。重要的是，我们报告了福利沙文主义和本土主义对承认而非支付意愿的影响。

引用次数: 0

The electoral consequences of compensation for globalization 全球化补偿的选举后果

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-03-19 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231157615

S. Rickard

As opposition to globalization grows, many governments seek policy responses. One response – the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund – provides support to workers in European Union member states who are made redundant as a result of globalization. Proponents argue that by offsetting some of the costs of globalization, the programme may bolster public support for international economic integration and the political parties that support it. I investigate the impact of the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund on voters’ support for protectionist political parties using a difference-in-differences research design and official election results at the district and commune level. I also examine individual-level voting data. I find that in regions exposed to rising imports, assistance from the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund generates a small decrease in the vote share of one of Europe’s most prominent anti-globalization parties, which ranges in magnitude from 0 to 1.5 percentage points. While consistent with the logic of embedded liberalism, the finding suggests that the theorized connection between compensation and support for globalization may be conditional rather than categorical.

随着反对全球化的声音越来越大，许多政府寻求政策回应。其中一项回应——欧洲全球化调整基金——为因全球化而被解雇的欧盟成员国工人提供支持。支持者认为，通过抵消全球化的部分成本，该计划可能会加强公众对国际经济一体化和支持国际经济一体化的政党的支持。我利用地区和社区层面的差异研究设计和官方选举结果，调查了欧洲全球化调整基金对选民支持保护主义政党的影响。我还研究了个人层面的投票数据。我发现，在进口增加的地区，欧洲全球化调整基金的援助使欧洲最著名的反全球化政党之一的选票份额略有下降，幅度从0到1.5个百分点不等。虽然这一发现与嵌入式自由主义的逻辑一致，但它表明，补偿和支持全球化之间的理论联系可能是有条件的，而不是绝对的。

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引用次数: 0

Legislating softly: The effect of preference heterogeneity on the share of EU soft-law instruments over time 软立法：随着时间的推移，偏好异质性对欧盟软法律文书份额的影响

IF 2.3 1区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

European Union Politics

Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231162510

Asya Zhelyazkova, M. Haverland, Rik Joosen

This study analyses how preference heterogeneity across EU member states affects the adoption of soft-law acts over time. On the one hand, high diversity in policy preferences is expected to increase the proportion of soft-law instruments because governments are less likely to agree to binding measures. Conversely, preference heterogeneity could also decrease soft law due to the perceived threat of compliance problems. We test these competing arguments using a dataset on all EU soft-law and hard-law instruments adopted between 1967 and 2019. The results show that preference heterogeneity increases the share of soft EU instruments. However, more past heterogeneity prompts EU legislators to decrease the proportion of softer measures in areas that experience high levels of past non-compliance.

这项研究分析了欧盟成员国之间的偏好异质性如何随着时间的推移影响软法律法案的通过。一方面，政策偏好的高度多样性预计将增加软性法律文书的比例，因为政府不太可能同意具有约束力的措施。相反，偏好异质性也可能由于感知到的合规问题的威胁而降低软法则。我们使用1967年至2019年间通过的所有欧盟软法律和硬法律文书的数据集来测试这些相互竞争的论点。结果表明，偏好异质性增加了欧盟软性工具的份额。然而，过去更多的异质性促使欧盟立法者在过去违约率高的领域降低了较软措施的比例。

引用次数: 0

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