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Working up the six-pack: Bargaining success in the European Council's task force on strengthening economic governance 在加强经济治理的欧洲理事会特别工作组中谈判成功
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-08 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231157601
D. Moloney, R. Whitaker
This article assesses the factors associated with member states’ bargaining success during the negotiations in the European Council's 2010 task force on strengthening economic governance, the pre-decision stage for the Six-Pack. We test theories of decision-making based on the expertise of institutions, and EU member states’ preferences and power resources using new data. With methods derived from the decision-making in the EU projects, we find that proximity to the European Central Bank was associated with greater bargaining success for member states and that the opposite was the case for closeness to the Commission's preferences. We find mixed evidence that member states’ level of indebtedness is associated with bargaining success, defined as the minimum distance between the position of a member state and the final outcome. The findings indicate the importance of the ECB's role given its technical expertise, in defining the outcomes of the task force.
本文评估了在欧洲理事会2010年加强经济治理特别工作组的谈判中,与成员国谈判成功相关的因素,该工作组是六包协议的决策前阶段。我们使用新数据测试了基于机构专业知识、欧盟成员国偏好和权力资源的决策理论。根据欧盟项目决策中得出的方法,我们发现,与欧洲央行的接近与成员国更大的谈判成功有关,而与委员会偏好的接近则相反。我们发现,有多种证据表明,成员国的负债水平与谈判成功有关,谈判成功被定义为成员国立场与最终结果之间的最小距离。调查结果表明,鉴于欧洲央行的技术专长,其在确定工作组结果方面的作用十分重要。
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引用次数: 0
How supranational institutions benefit from crises: Member states’ solidarity and the EU's image during the COVID-19 pandemic 超国家机构如何从危机中受益:2019冠状病毒病大流行期间成员国的团结和欧盟的形象
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-03 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231156846
Achillefs Papageorgiou, Waltteri Immonen
In this article, we demonstrate how solidarity between member states can have a positive effect on the image of the EU, even if the latter's actions in handling a crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic are deemed unsatisfactory. Employing data from a special Eurobarometer survey enriched with data from the Oxford's COVID-19 government response tracker, we show that European citizens who are more satisfied with interstate solidarity have to a greater extent a positive image of the EU compared to citizens who are less satisfied. We also show that this effect is further pronounced in the case of EU citizens who are less satisfied with institutional solidarity, which is the solidarity going from EU institutions to the member states.
在本文中,我们展示了成员国之间的团结如何对欧盟的形象产生积极影响,即使后者在处理COVID-19大流行等危机方面的行动被认为不令人满意。我们采用了欧洲晴雨表(Eurobarometer)的一项特别调查数据,并辅以牛津大学COVID-19政府应对追踪器的数据,结果表明,与不太满意的公民相比,对国家间团结更满意的欧洲公民在更大程度上对欧盟有积极的印象。我们还表明,这种影响在欧盟公民对机构团结(即从欧盟机构到成员国的团结)不太满意的情况下更为明显。
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引用次数: 1
Managing networks: Cohesion and fluidity in EU climate cooperation with European neighbours 管理网络:欧盟与欧洲邻国气候合作的凝聚力和流动性
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231152836
Karina Shyrokykh, L. Dellmuth, Elisa Funk
The European Union (EU) is increasingly relying on regional policy networks to govern climate change outside its borders, both in the areas of climate change adaptation and mitigation. Although the functioning of such policy networks has consequences for climate policy in participating countries, little is known about the role of such networks. This article focuses on the example of climate cooperation with the European Neighbourhood Policy region, conceptualizing the EU as a network manager. Using a novel dataset on climate networks in the European Neighbourhood Policy region for the period 2013–2017, we show that the EU uses climate networks for multiple purposes. The results suggest that the EU uses climate networks not only to mitigate the risks associated with climate change, but also to manage varying contexts in the region.
欧洲联盟(欧盟)越来越依赖区域政策网络来管理其境外的气候变化,包括在适应和缓解气候变化领域。尽管这些政策网络的运作对参与国的气候政策产生了影响,但人们对这些网络的作用知之甚少。本文重点介绍了与欧洲睦邻政策区的气候合作示例,将欧盟概念化为网络管理者。使用2013-2017年欧洲睦邻政策区气候网络的新数据集,我们表明欧盟将气候网络用于多种目的。研究结果表明,欧盟利用气候网络不仅可以减轻与气候变化相关的风险,还可以管理该地区的不同情况。
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引用次数: 0
The use of identity-related frames in electoral pledges and its effects on Euroscepticism in France and Germany 在选举承诺中使用与身份相关的框架及其对法国和德国欧洲怀疑论的影响
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1177/14651165231152378
Natalia Bogado, E. Bytzek, M. Steffens
National identification strength is a key Euroscepticism driver. We examine how politicians’ framing of immigration policies increases the salience of different national identity representations and its relationship with support for the European Union (EU) in a two-waves between-subject survey-experiment using French and German samples. As predicted, exposure to assimilation frames (directly for the French sample or via frame perception for both samples) increased the salience of ethnocultural national identity representations. Additionally, as hypothesised, higher ethnocultural representations salience following assimilation frames exposure was related to higher Euroscepticism. However, feeling emotionally attached to the EU reduced this negative impact of ethnocultural national identity representations on EU attitudes. We discuss the role of ethnocultural nationalism in Euroscepticism and the importance of fostering stronger emotional ties to the EU.
民族认同力是欧洲怀疑论的关键驱动力。在一项使用法国和德国样本的两波受试者间调查实验中,我们研究了政治家对移民政策的框架如何增加不同国家身份表征的显著性,以及其与支持欧盟的关系。正如预测的那样,暴露于同化框架(直接针对法国样本或通过两个样本的框架感知)增加了民族文化国家身份表征的显著性。此外,正如假设的那样,同化框架暴露后较高的民族文化表征显著性与较高的欧洲怀疑论有关。然而,对欧盟的情感依恋减少了民族文化国家身份表征对欧盟态度的负面影响。我们讨论了民族文化民族主义在欧洲怀疑主义中的作用,以及加强与欧盟情感联系的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Blurred lines between electoral and parliamentary representation: The use of constituency staff among Members of the European Parliament 选举代表和议会代表之间模糊的界限:欧洲议会议员中选区工作人员的使用
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221149900
Silje Synnøve Lyder Hermansen, Andreja Pegan
Parliamentarians receive public funding to employ local staff in the constituency. Local staff help members of parliament to execute their representative duties, but can also become an electoral asset. Drawing on theories of personal vote-seeking we study local staff as an example of constituency service. Modelling within-individual changes in local staff size among 1174 Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), we find that the number of local staff increases before both European and national elections, and more so in candidate-centred than party-centred systems. Despite a single European Parliament (EP) staff system, EU citizens are represented differently depending on where they elect their members and the electoral system that applies. Attempts to mend the EU’s democratic deficit by strengthening MEPs’ contacts with citizens through local staff potentially means that European public money is used to fund EP incumbents’ electoral campaigns. We discuss the implications of our findings for the democratic functioning of the European multi-level system.
议员们接受公共资金,在选区雇用当地工作人员。当地工作人员帮助国会议员履行他们的代表职责,但也可以成为选举的资产。运用个人拉票理论,以选区服务为例,对地方工作人员进行了研究。通过对1174名欧洲议会议员的本地工作人员规模的个人内部变化进行建模,我们发现,在欧洲和全国选举之前,本地工作人员的数量都会增加,而且在以候选人为中心的制度下,本地工作人员的数量比以政党为中心的制度增加得更多。尽管欧洲议会实行单一的工作人员制度,但欧盟公民的代表是不同的,这取决于他们选举议员的地方和适用的选举制度。试图通过当地工作人员加强欧洲议会议员与公民的联系来弥补欧盟的民主赤字,可能意味着欧洲的公共资金被用于资助欧洲议会现任议员的竞选活动。我们讨论了我们的研究结果对欧洲多层次系统的民主运作的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Proposal complexity and report allocation in the European Parliament 提案的复杂性和报告在欧洲议会的分配
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221144888
S. Hurka, Maximilian Haag, Constantin Kaplaner
Experience and loyalty have been identified as major explanations for why Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are selected as committee rapporteurs in the European Parliament. Yet, existing research implicitly assumes that these explanations operate in isolation of what the report is about. In this article, we hypothesize that the effects of experience and loyalty on MEPs’ chances to become rapporteurs should be conditioned by the complexity of the Commission's legislative proposal. We show that party group coordinators indeed distribute the most complex legislative tasks to highly experienced MEPs but cannot confirm such a conditional relationship for the effect of loyalty. Our study contributes to the literature on the legislative organization in the European Parliament by highlighting the role of proposal complexity for the report allocation process.
经验和忠诚被认为是欧洲议会议员被选为欧洲议会委员会报告员的主要原因。然而,现有的研究隐含地假设,这些解释与报告的内容无关。在这篇文章中,我们假设经验和忠诚度对欧洲议会议员成为报告员的机会的影响应该受到委员会立法提案复杂性的制约。我们表明,党团协调员确实将最复杂的立法任务分配给了经验丰富的欧洲议会议员,但无法确认忠诚影响的这种条件关系。我们的研究通过强调提案复杂性在报告分配过程中的作用,为欧洲议会立法组织的文献做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Talking about Europe? Explaining the salience of the European Union in the plenaries of 17 national parliaments during 2006–2019 说的是欧洲?解释2006-2019年期间欧洲联盟在17个国家议会全体会议中的突出地位
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221143962
Felix Lehmann
To provide accountability, Members of Parliament (MPs) are expected to publicly communicate European Union (EU) affairs. Yet, parliamentary communication of EU affairs remains underexplored and existing analyses are conflicting. Against this background, this article sheds light on what drives MPs to talk about the EU, utilizing a novel dataset based on over 20,000 plenary protocols from 17 parliaments during 2006–2019. The study highlights that EU mentions increase in connection to referendums, summits, treaty ratifications, and European elections. Additional drivers include transfers of authority to the EU level, EU legislation, and political incentives. The findings provide some nuance to more pessimistic evaluations of the EU's accountability deficit, but major legitimacy challenges remain concerning national elections and Eurozone integration.
为了提供问责制,国会议员应公开沟通欧盟事务。然而,议会对欧盟事务的沟通仍然没有得到充分的探索,现有的分析也相互矛盾。在此背景下,本文利用一个基于2006-2019年17个议会20000多份全体会议协议的新数据集,揭示了是什么驱使议员们谈论欧盟。该研究强调,欧盟在公民投票、峰会、条约批准和欧洲选举方面提到了增长。其他驱动因素包括向欧盟层面移交权力、欧盟立法和政治激励。这些发现为对欧盟问责制赤字的更悲观评估提供了一些细微差别,但在国家选举和欧元区一体化方面,主要的合法性挑战仍然存在。
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引用次数: 2
Is this crisis different? Attitudes towards EU fiscal transfers in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. 这次危机不同吗?COVID-19大流行后对欧盟财政转移的态度
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221112988
Markus Haverland, Reinout van der Veer, Michal Onderco

To mitigate the enormous and asymmetric economic implications of the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU has adopted an unprecedented €750 billion fiscal transfer programme, financed by joint member state liabilities. The highly contested decision pitted 'frugal' northern member states against 'profligate' southern member states. However, do citizens from northern countries view EU transfers as unfavourably as their governmental positions suggest? This article focuses on the crucial case of the Netherlands, whose government has become the assertive leader of the 'frugal' coalition. We test COVID-19 specific explanations based on a large-scale survey conducted at the height of the pandemic. Our analysis suggests that citizens who experience the non-material health and social effects of the pandemic more directly are more supportive of fiscal transfers than those to whom the pandemic is more abstract, whereas those who experience negative financial effects and those who believe that COVID-19 is a conspiracy are less supportive.

为了减轻2019冠状病毒病大流行对经济的巨大和不对称影响,欧盟通过了一项前所未有的7500亿欧元财政转移支付计划,由成员国联合负债提供资金。这个备受争议的决定使“节俭”的北方成员国与“挥霍”的南方成员国对立起来。然而,来自北方国家的公民是否像他们的政府立场所表明的那样,对欧盟的转移支付持不利态度?本文关注的是荷兰的关键案例,该国政府已成为“节俭”联盟的自信领袖。我们以疫情最严重时进行的大规模调查为基础,对COVID-19的具体解释进行了检验。我们的分析表明,与那些对大流行更为抽象的人相比,更直接地经历了大流行非物质健康和社会影响的公民更支持财政转移,而那些经历了负面财务影响和认为COVID-19是一个阴谋的人则不太支持。
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引用次数: 0
As the twig is bent, the tree is inclined? The role of parental versus own education for openness towards globalisation 树枝弯了,树就倾斜了?父母教育与自身教育在全球化开放中的作用
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-22 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221140230
S. Kunst, Theresa Kuhn, H. G. van de Werfhorst
Citizens with higher levels of education are consistently found to be more open to immigration and European integration than those with less education. However, the literature has neglected the issue of whether educational divides in anti-globalisation sentiment result from people's own educational attainment or whether they are a consequence of deep-rooted positions of disadvantage across generations. In this article, we address the question to what extent the attitudes towards globalisation of intergenerationally mobile citizens, that is, those who obtain a different educational outcome than one's parents, adapt to the newly acquired social position or remain attached to the parental milieu. We apply diagonal reference models to study the influence of one's own and parental education level on attitudes to globalisation in 26 European countries using the European Social Survey between 2008 and 2018. Our results indicate that while mobile citizens adjust their attitudes to the achieved education level, there remains an enduring influence of the education level of origin. In addition, we find that the importance of parental educational attainment does not depend on the social fluidity between education levels within countries. Consequently, this study has important implications for studying political socialisation and the future of the educational divide over globalisation.
与受教育程度较低的公民相比,受教育程度较高的公民始终对移民和欧洲一体化持更开放的态度。然而,这些文献忽视了反全球化情绪中的教育差异是由人们自己的教育程度造成的,还是由几代人之间根深蒂固的劣势地位造成的。在这篇文章中,我们讨论了代际流动公民对全球化的态度在多大程度上的问题,即那些获得与父母不同的教育成果,适应新获得的社会地位或仍然依附于父母环境的人。我们采用对角线参考模型,利用2008年至2018年的欧洲社会调查,研究了26个欧洲国家的个人和父母的教育水平对全球化态度的影响。我们的研究结果表明,虽然流动公民会调整他们对已达到的教育水平的态度,但原籍教育水平仍然存在持久的影响。此外,我们发现父母受教育程度的重要性并不取决于国家内部教育水平之间的社会流动性。因此,这项研究对研究政治社会化和全球化教育鸿沟的未来具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 3
Who talks to whom? Using social network models to understand debate networks in the European Parliament 谁和谁说话?使用社会网络模型来理解欧洲议会的辩论网络
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221137994
Stefanie Walter, Lucy Kinski, Zsófia Boda
Research into parliamentary speech making–behaviour of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) usually takes a static perspective. We offer an interactive and dynamic approach that understands parliamentary debates as a relational network phenomenon and investigates MEPs’ debate interactions. This allows us to uncover dynamics of inclusiveness and pluralism, self-reinforcing power relationships and transnational policy alliances. Analyzing 11,408 debate interactions between MEPs using a combination of text and dynamic network analysis, we find that male, senior and influential parliamentarians from powerful member states receive more attention with evidence for a self-reinforcing effect over time. Interestingly, seniority matters more for debate attention than leadership positions. Sharing the same nationality and a similar political leaning also shape debate coalitions with the former being more important than the latter.
对欧洲议会议员的议会演讲行为的研究通常采用静态视角。我们提供了一种互动和动态的方法,将议会辩论理解为一种关系网络现象,并调查了欧洲议会议员的辩论互动。这使我们能够发现包容性和多元化、自我强化的权力关系和跨国政策联盟的动态。使用文本和动态网络分析相结合的方法分析了欧洲议会议员之间的11,408次辩论互动,我们发现,来自强大成员国的男性、资深和有影响力的议员得到了更多的关注,并有证据表明,随着时间的推移,这种关注具有自我强化效应。有趣的是,资历比领导职位更能引起辩论的关注。拥有相同的国籍和相似的政治倾向也会形成辩论联盟,前者比后者更重要。
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引用次数: 1
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European Union Politics
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