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Discrimination against mobile European Union citizens before and during the first COVID-19 lockdown: Evidence from a conjoint experiment in Germany 在第一次COVID-19封锁之前和期间对流动欧盟公民的歧视:来自德国联合实验的证据
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211037208
Xavier Fernández‐i‐Marín, Carolin Rapp, Christian Adam, O. James, Anita Manatschal
One of the greatest achievements of the EU is the freedom of movement between member states offering citizens equal rights in EU member states. EU enlargement and the COVID-19 pandemic allow for a critical test of whether EU citizens are indeed treated equally in practice. We test preferential treatment of EU citizens in two hypothetical choice experiments in Germany at two different time points: in the period before and during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown. Theories of responses to threat suggest that the COVID-19 crisis should increase discrimination against mobile EU citizens. While our findings reveal sizeable discrimination based on nationality and language proficiency of mobile EU citizens, the findings also suggest that, contrary to expectations, discrimination did not increase in the initial COVID-19 crisis period.
欧盟最大的成就之一是成员国之间的行动自由,为欧盟成员国公民提供了平等的权利。欧盟的扩大和新冠肺炎大流行使得欧盟公民在实践中是否确实受到平等对待成为一个关键的考验。我们在德国的两个不同时间点,即新冠肺炎疫情封锁前和封锁期间,在两个假设的选择实验中测试了欧盟公民的优惠待遇。应对威胁的理论表明,新冠肺炎危机应该会增加对流动欧盟公民的歧视。虽然我们的研究结果显示,欧盟流动公民基于国籍和语言熟练程度的歧视相当大,但研究结果也表明,与预期相反,在最初的新冠肺炎危机时期,歧视并没有增加。
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引用次数: 1
Electoral responses to the increased contestation over European integration. The European Elections of 2019 and beyond 选举对欧洲一体化争论加剧的反应。2019年及以后的欧洲选举
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211036263
Wouter van der Brug, Katjana Gattermann, Claes H. de Vreese
This special issue focuses on the consequences of the heightened conflict between member states and increased politicization of European affairs for electoral politics in the European Union. In this introduction we begin by outlining three important developments that fuelled the politicization: (a) the common currency; (b) the increased pushback on the EU’s open border policies; and (c) the inability of the EU to prevent democratic backsliding in some countries. We then discuss their consequences for EU elections, particularly campaigns, public opinion on Europe and voter behaviour, which are investigated against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in the individual articles in this special issue. This introduction provides a contextual framework for these contributions and reflects upon some of its main findings.
本期特刊关注成员国之间冲突加剧和欧洲事务政治化加剧对欧盟选举政治的影响。在本导言中,我们首先概述了助长政治化的三个重要事态发展:(a)共同货币;(b) 对欧盟开放边境政策的抵制力度加大;以及(c)欧盟无力防止一些国家的民主倒退。然后,我们在本期特刊的个别文章中讨论了它们对欧盟选举的影响,特别是竞选活动、欧洲舆论和选民行为,这些都是在2019年欧洲议会选举的背景下进行调查的。本导言为这些贡献提供了一个背景框架,并对其一些主要发现进行了反思。
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引用次数: 14
Analysing how crises shape mass and elite preferences and behaviour in the European Union 分析危机如何影响欧盟的大众和精英偏好和行为
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211044086
Catherine E. De Vries
The COVID-19 pandemic proved the latest stress test for the European Union, after Brexit, the Eurozone crisis and the large influx of refugees. This highly relevant and well-timed special issue examines how past crises have left an imprint on the opinions and behaviour of ordinary citizens and political elites regarding the European Union. This Forum article reviews the special issue contributions by spelling out which lessons we can learn from each of them and which paths for future research they have opened up. In terms of a path forward, I argue that scholars ought to pay more attention to (a) the role of political elites, (b) political opportunity structures, and (c) heterogeneity both between and within member states.
在英国脱欧、欧元区危机和大量难民涌入之后,新冠肺炎疫情证明了欧盟面临的最新压力测试。这期高度相关且恰逢其时的特刊探讨了过去的危机如何在普通公民和政治精英对欧盟的看法和行为中留下印记。论坛的这篇文章回顾了特刊的贡献,详细说明了我们可以从中吸取哪些教训,以及它们为未来的研究开辟了哪些道路。就前进的道路而言,我认为学者们应该更多地关注(a)政治精英的作用,(b)政治机会结构,以及(c)成员国之间和内部的异质性。
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引用次数: 3
In varietate concordia?! Political parties’ digital political marketing in the 2019 European Parliament election campaign 在多样化的康考迪亚?!政党在2019年欧洲议会选举中的数字政治营销
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-08 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211040728
S. Kruschinski, M. Bene
This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of how parties across 28 countries use digital political marketing on Facebook by drawing on the example of the 2019 European Parliament election. We introduce a theoretical model of political Facebook marketing and compare the paid media activity (sponsored posts, ads) of 186 parties to their owned media (posts) and earned media (user reactions, comments, shares). Our results concerning cross-country patterns indicate that differences in European parties’ paid media activity exist and only a few parties leverage sophisticated targeting strategies. Regarding temporal dynamics, we find that paid media is used to supplement owned media during similar campaign phases. In terms of engagement-triggering effects, we show that sponsoring posts is a suitable tool to increase earned media. Overall, paid media activity on Facebook is largely embedded into parties’ overall marketing strategy and national countries’ regulatory settings. Our results have implications for the understanding of public opinion, voting behaviour and the regulations of elections in modern European democracies.
本文以2019年欧洲议会选举为例,首次全面分析了28个国家的政党如何在Facebook上使用数字政治营销。我们引入了一个政治Facebook营销的理论模型,并将186个政党的付费媒体活动(赞助帖子、广告)与他们自己的媒体(帖子)和挣得媒体(用户反应、评论、分享)进行了比较。我们关于跨国模式的研究结果表明,欧洲政党的付费媒体活动存在差异,只有少数政党利用复杂的目标策略。在时间动态方面,我们发现在类似的竞选阶段,付费媒体被用来补充自有媒体。在参与触发效应方面,我们表明赞助帖子是增加赚取媒体的合适工具。总的来说,Facebook上的付费媒体活动在很大程度上嵌入了各方的整体营销策略和各国的监管环境中。我们的研究结果对理解现代欧洲民主国家的公众舆论、投票行为和选举规则具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 4
Euroscepticism and the use of negative, uncivil and emotional campaigns in the 2019 European Parliament election: A winning combination 欧洲怀疑主义和在2019年欧洲议会选举中使用负面、不文明和情绪化的竞选活动:一个获胜的组合
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-06 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211035675
Alessandro Nai, Mike Medeiros, Michael F. Maier, J. Maier
Are Eurosceptic parties more likely to run negative, uncivil and emotional campaigns, as it is often intuitively argued? And with what consequences? In this article, we shed light on the effectiveness of these campaign strategies for Eurosceptic parties during the 2019 European elections. We argue that ‘harsher’ campaigns are ‘in character’ for Eurosceptic parties, and are as such more likely to be electorally successful for them. We use data from the 2019 European Parliament Elections Expert Survey, covering 191 unique parties, and show that, indeed, Eurosceptic parties are more likely to campaign in a harsh way, and more likely than Europhile parties to benefit electorally from it. All data and materials are openly available for replication.
怀疑欧洲的政党是否更有可能像人们通常直观地认为的那样,进行消极、不文明和情绪化的竞选活动?后果是什么?在本文中,我们揭示了2019年欧洲选举期间欧洲怀疑主义政党的这些竞选策略的有效性。我们认为,“更严厉”的竞选活动是欧洲怀疑主义政党的“性格”,因此更有可能在选举中取得成功。我们使用了2019年欧洲议会选举专家调查的数据,涵盖了191个独特的政党,结果表明,疑欧派政党确实更有可能以严厉的方式竞选,而且比亲欧派政党更有可能从中获得选举利益。所有数据和材料均可公开复制。
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引用次数: 6
Issues that mobilize Europe. The role of key policy issues for voter turnout in the 2019 European Parliament election 动员欧洲的问题。2019年欧洲议会选举中关键政策问题对选民投票率的影响
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-06 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211040337
D. Braun, Constantin Schäfer
In light of the unexpectedly high turnout in the 2019 European Parliament election, we explore how major transnational policy issues mobilize voters in European electoral contests. Based on the analysis of two data sets, the Eurobarometer post-election survey and the RECONNECT panel survey, we make three important observations. First, European citizens show a higher tendency to participate in European Parliament elections when they attribute greater importance to the issues ‘climate change and environment’, ‘economy and growth’, and ‘immigration’. Second, having a more extreme opinion on the issue of ‘European integration’ increases people's likelihood to vote in European elections. Third, the mobilizing effect of personal issue importance is enhanced by the systemic salience that the respective policy issue has during the election campaign. These findings show the relevance of issue mobilization in European Parliament elections as well as its context-dependent nature.
鉴于2019年欧洲议会选举的投票率出乎意料地高,我们探讨了重大跨国政策问题如何在欧洲选举中动员选民。基于对两个数据集的分析,即欧洲晴雨表选举后调查和RECONNECT小组调查,我们提出了三个重要的观察结果。首先,当欧洲公民更加重视“气候变化与环境”、“经济与增长”和“移民”问题时,他们更倾向于参加欧洲议会选举。其次,在“欧洲一体化”问题上有更极端的意见会增加人们在欧洲选举中投票的可能性。第三,个人问题重要性的动员效果因各自政策问题在竞选期间的系统性突出而增强。这些发现表明了问题动员在欧洲议会选举中的相关性及其与环境的相关性。
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引用次数: 10
The Brexit deterrent? How member state exit shapes public support for the European Union 英国脱欧的威慑?成员国退出如何影响公众对欧盟的支持
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-05 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211032766
S. Hobolt, Sebastian A. Popa, Wouter van der Brug, H. Schmitt
What are the effects on public support for the European Union (EU) when a member state exits? We examine this question in the context of Britain's momentous decision to leave the EU. Combining analyses of the European Election Study 2019 and a unique survey-embedded experiment conducted in all member states, we analyse the effect of Brexit on support for membership among citizens in the EU-27. The experimental evidence shows that while information about the negative economic consequences of Brexit had no significant effect, positive information about Britain's sovereignty significantly increased optimism about leaving the EU. Our findings suggest that Brexit acts as a benchmark for citizens’ evaluations of EU membership across EU-27, and that it may not continue to act as a deterrent in the future.
当一个成员国退出欧盟时,公众对欧盟的支持会受到什么影响?我们在英国决定退出欧盟的重大背景下研究这个问题。结合2019年欧洲选举研究的分析和在所有成员国进行的一项独特的调查嵌入实验,我们分析了英国脱欧对欧盟27国公民支持加入欧盟的影响。实验证据表明,虽然有关英国脱欧负面经济后果的信息没有显著影响,但有关英国主权的积极信息显著增加了人们对脱欧的乐观情绪。我们的调查结果表明,英国脱欧是公民评估整个欧盟27国成员国身份的基准,未来可能不会继续起到威慑作用。
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引用次数: 8
SAGE Award for the best article published in European Union Politics, Volume 21 SAGE奖最佳文章发表在《欧盟政治》第21卷
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211038077
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引用次数: 0
Corrigendum to “If you can beat them, confront them: Party-level analysis of opposition behavior in European national parliaments” 更正“如果你能打败他们,就对抗他们:欧洲国家议会中反对派行为的党派层面分析”
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/1465116520926004
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引用次数: 1
Voting for a social Europe? European solidarity and voting behaviour in the 2019 European elections 支持社会主义欧洲?2019年欧洲选举中的欧洲团结和投票行为
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-08-05 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211035054
A. Pellegata, Francesco Visconti
This article investigates whether public preferences for European solidarity are associated with vote choices in the 2019 European elections. After multiple crises, the politicisation of European Union affairs has increased, polarising voters and parties between those favouring the redistribution of risks across member states and those prioritising national responsibility in coping with the consequences of the crises. We expect pro-solidarity voters to be more prone to vote for green and radical-left parties and less prone to vote for conservative and radical-right parties. Testing these hypotheses in 10 European Union countries with original survey data, we find that green and radical-left parties profited from European solidarity voting only in some countries, while being pro-solidarity reduced the likelihood of voting for both moderate and radical-right parties in each sample country.
本文调查了公众对欧洲团结的偏好是否与2019年欧洲选举的投票选择有关。在多次危机之后,欧盟事务的政治化加剧,选民和政党两极分化,既有支持在成员国之间重新分配风险的政党,也有优先考虑应对危机后果的国家责任的政党。我们预计,支持团结的选民更倾向于投票给绿色和激进左翼政党,而不太倾向于投票支持保守和激进右翼政党。用原始调查数据在10个欧盟国家测试这些假设,我们发现绿色和激进左翼政党只在一些国家从欧洲团结投票中获利,而支持团结则降低了每个样本国家投票给温和和激进右翼政党的可能性。
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引用次数: 12
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European Union Politics
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