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Confidentiality in Arbitration 仲裁保密
Pub Date : 2010-03-16 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1572221
Varsha Rajora
Confidentiality has long been part of the mythology of Alternative dispute resolution (ADR). It one of the apparent virtues of ADR is that its processes have been viewed as confidential. This aspect of the mythology has come under more scrutiny in recent years, particularly in the Arbitration Context . Arbitration has become a permanent fixture of the landscape of civil justice. Arbitration is promoted as a “private” or “confidential” process, raising some moral and perhaps ethical obligations on the part of the profession to be candid with consumers as to the meaning and limitations of arbitration confidentiality. Such candor is important because courts have begun to receive challenges to arbitration confidentiality, and more can be expected in the future as both voluntary and mandatory arbitration continue to expand and become more institutionalized.
保密一直是替代性纠纷解决机制(ADR)神话的一部分。ADR的一个明显优点是其程序被视为机密。近年来,神话的这一方面受到了更多的审查,特别是在仲裁背景下。仲裁已成为民事司法领域的一个永久组成部分。仲裁被宣传为一种“私人”或“保密”的过程,这就增加了该行业的一些道德和伦理义务,即向消费者坦诚地说明仲裁保密的含义和限制。这种坦率是很重要的,因为法院已经开始收到对仲裁保密的挑战,随着自愿和强制性仲裁继续扩大并变得更加制度化,未来可以预期会有更多的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
National Support for Film Production in the EU: An Analysis of the Commission Decision-Making Practice 欧盟国家对电影制作的支持:对委员会决策实践的分析
Pub Date : 2010-02-15 DOI: 10.1111/J.1468-0386.2009.00504.X
L. Bellucci
This article deals with the cultural welfare concerning cinema, a medium capable of both painting and shaping society. It aims to investigate the impact of the European integration on national film promotional law, by studying the European Commission decision-making practice in the field of State aid to cinematographic works. The analysis shows that this practice can be understood in two main phases that are delineated by the adoption of specific criteria. These criteria are explored by highlighting the most elucidating cases. Furthermore, this analysis discloses two relevant conflicts: within the Commission itself and between the Commission and the Member States. Particular emphasis is placed on the latter, which is explored with regard to: the European national film agencies' polarisation of the conflict, the main form of dispute settlement adopted by the Commission, and the legal obligations imposed by Member States upon TV broadcasters to invest in audiovisual1 production. The analysis ends with an evaluation of the above-mentioned impact and a few remarks on some unresolved issues related to the conflict between the Commission and the Member States.
电影作为一种既能绘画又能塑造社会的媒介,它所带来的文化福利是本文所要探讨的。它旨在通过研究欧洲委员会在国家援助电影作品领域的决策实践,调查欧洲一体化对国家电影推广法的影响。分析表明,这种做法可以分为两个主要阶段来理解,这两个阶段是通过采用特定的标准来描述的。这些标准是通过突出最具解释性的案例来探索的。此外,这一分析揭示了两种有关的冲突:委员会内部和委员会与会员国之间的冲突。特别强调后者,并从以下方面探讨了这一点:欧洲国家电影机构对冲突的两极分化、委员会通过的解决争端的主要形式以及会员国要求电视广播公司投资视听制作的法律义务。分析结束时对上述影响进行了评价,并对与委员会和会员国之间的冲突有关的一些尚未解决的问题发表了一些意见。
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引用次数: 5
Do Working Men Rebel? Insurgency and Unemployment in Iraq and the Philippines 工人会反抗吗?伊拉克和菲律宾的叛乱和失业问题
Pub Date : 2009-11-01 DOI: 10.3386/W15547
E. Berman, Joseph H. Felter, Jacob N. Shapiro
Most aid spending by governments seeking to rebuild social and political order is based on an opportunity-cost theory of distracting potential recruits. The logic is that gainfully employed young men are less likely to participate in political violence, implying a positive correlation between unemployment and violence in locations with active insurgencies. We test that prediction in Afghanistan, Iraq and the Philippines, using survey data on unemployment and two newly-available measures of insurgency: (1) attacks against government and allied forces; and (2) violence that kills civilians. Contrary to the opportunity-cost theory, the data emphatically reject a positive correlation between unemployment and attacks against government and allied forces (p
大多数寻求重建社会和政治秩序的政府援助支出,都是基于分散潜在新兵注意力的机会成本理论。其逻辑是,有收入的年轻男性不太可能参与政治暴力,这意味着在叛乱活跃的地区,失业和暴力之间存在正相关关系。我们在阿富汗、伊拉克和菲律宾测试了这一预测,使用了失业调查数据和两种最新的叛乱措施:(1)对政府和联军的袭击;(2)杀害平民的暴力。与机会成本理论相反,这些数据断然否定了失业与攻击政府和联军之间的正相关关系
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引用次数: 53
Enhancing Control through Participation: Issues of Conflict in Public Sector Organizations 通过参与加强控制:公共部门组织中的冲突问题
Pub Date : 2007-12-01 DOI: 10.1108/19852510780001577
Radiah Othman, Jamaliah Said
Public sector site is always known for its continuous games of power and control. Public managers often use control to enhance their power and to legitimise their actions. Empirical evidence showed that during the process of implementing accounting information system (AIS), the management adopted various strategies in securing accountants’ participation such as offering accountants to be part in the implementation process as change agents and change champions. Participation is seen as a mechanism to mitigate resistance and to cement commitment of the accountants to the new AIS which would ultimately produce “consent”. Theoretically, this paper is informed by Tannenbaum & Kahn (1957) contribution to organizational control structure, especially their idea that the total amount of control within an organization can be increased by emphasising decision-making among different organizational members. Nonetheless, this paper argues that multilevel conflicts need to be resolved before participation can be secured and ultimately management control can be enhanced in organizations. The significance of participation in resolving conflicts in the public sector has been under researched and this deficiency remains the focus of this paper. Case studies were conducted in four Malaysian public sector organizations where the interplay of participation, control and conflict were observed and suggestions are proposed for future research.
公共部门网站一直以其持续的权力和控制游戏而闻名。公共管理者经常利用控制来增强他们的权力,并使他们的行为合法化。经验证据表明,在实施会计信息系统(AIS)的过程中,管理层采取了各种策略来确保会计师的参与,例如让会计师作为变革推动者和变革倡导者参与实施过程。参与被视为减轻阻力和巩固会计师对新AIS承诺的一种机制,最终将产生“同意”。理论上,本文借鉴了Tannenbaum & Kahn(1957)对组织控制结构的贡献,特别是他们认为通过强调不同组织成员之间的决策,可以增加组织内部的控制总量。尽管如此,本文认为,在确保参与和最终加强组织管理控制之前,需要解决多层次的冲突。参与在解决公共部门冲突中的重要性一直在研究中,这一不足仍然是本文的重点。在四个马来西亚公共部门组织中进行了案例研究,观察了参与、控制和冲突的相互作用,并为今后的研究提出了建议。
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引用次数: 4
United States of Africa: Positioning the Pan-African Parliament and Court in the Political Union Debate 非洲合众国:泛非议会和法院在政治联盟辩论中的定位
Pub Date : 2007-06-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2593597
G. Musila
The need to assure greater human security in a world exposed to the dangers of terrorism and civil wars; the necessity of pooling economic endeavour and consolidating markets and generating economic growth in poverty stricken communities; and the imperatives of preserving dwindling resources in a menaced global environment; all these seem to preoccupy many across the globe. For these reasons, among others, the logic of unions of one kind or another, be they sub-regional, regional or continental, dominate contemporary policy debates at national, regional and global levels. Consequently the very suggestion that the dream of a United States of Africa should be afforded further serious consideration is, despite the numerous practical obstacles to its realisation, in itself considered to be a laudable idea.Indeed, this idea of African unity has evolved substantially: from the challenges of newly independent states to the imperatives of continent-wide unity, the transformation in global and continental realities has not necessarily been matched by concomitant institutional infrastructure on the continent. The transition from the much criticised Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU) and its associated programmes such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) was widely celebrated. Nevertheless, the desire for a more appropriate entity that can best confront the challenges of the modern world, arising from perceived inadequacies of the current initiatives, has remained alive. The present debate about the possibility of a United States of Africa is premised on these realities.The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, to offer some insights into the challenges inherent in the practical implementation of this idea with respect to two institutions integral to the notion of a United States of Africa, namely the African Parliament and African Court of Justice, and second, to offer some suggestions, informed by comparative experiences of the EU and US, on what reforms may need to be undertaken with respect to these institutions and what other supporting institutional framework would render the dream a reality.
需要在一个面临恐怖主义和内战危险的世界上确保更大的人类安全;在贫困社区集中经济努力、巩固市场和促进经济增长的必要性;以及在受到威胁的全球环境中保护日益减少的资源的必要性;所有这些似乎都是全球许多人关注的问题。由于这些原因,以及其他原因,一种或另一种联盟的逻辑,无论是分区域的、区域的还是大陆的,主导着当代国家、区域和全球各级的政策辩论。因此,尽管在实现非洲合众国的梦想方面存在许多实际障碍,但应该进一步认真考虑这一建议本身被认为是一个值得赞扬的想法。的确,非洲统一的理念已经发生了重大变化:从新独立国家的挑战到整个大陆统一的必要性,全球和大陆现实的转变不一定与非洲大陆相应的体制基础设施相匹配。从饱受批评的非洲统一组织(非统组织)到非洲联盟(非盟)的转变及其相关项目,如非洲发展新伙伴关系(NEPAD)和非洲同行审查机制(APRM),受到了广泛的赞扬。尽管如此,人们仍然渴望建立一个更适当的实体,以最好地应付由于人们认为目前的主动行动不足而引起的现代世界的挑战。目前关于非洲合众国可能性的辩论是以这些现实为前提的。本文的目的有两个:首先,就非洲合众国概念中不可或缺的两个机构,即非洲议会和非洲法院,在实际实施这一理念时所固有的挑战提供一些见解;其次,根据欧盟和美国的比较经验,提出一些建议;关于可能需要对这些机构进行哪些改革,以及哪些其他支持性机构框架将使梦想成为现实。
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引用次数: 17
The Impact of Conflict on the Intergenerational Transmission of Chronic Poverty: An Overview and Annotated Bibliography. 冲突对长期贫困代际传递的影响:综述与注释书目。
Pub Date : 2007-03-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1753025
M. B. Orero, C. Heime, S. Cutler, S. Mohaupt
Commissioned by ODI and CPRC, this overview and annotated bibliography review the multi-disciplinary literature on the impact of conflict on the intergenerational transmission (IGT) of chronic poverty. It addresses the following issues: the mechanisms by which conflict causes poverty; the duration of the resulting poverty; the likelihood that poverty will be transmitted intergenerationally; the types of conflicts that generate poverty; and the households and individuals most affected by conflict-related poverty. The mechanisms through which conflict drives households and individuals within those households into poverty are mapped onto the livelihoods framework. In this report we focus on the impact of conflict on civilians; we do not address the recruitment, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of combatants. We conclude that it is likely that conflict is a contributory factor in the intergenerational transmission of chronic poverty, primarily because it can irreversibly disrupt the provision of basic goods and services like food, healthcare and education at vulnerable moments (‘tipping points’) in the life-course of individuals. The overview concludes with a brief analysis of the problem of endogeneity in the study of conflict and chronic poverty and highlights methodological challenges.
受ODI和CPRC委托,这份综述和带注释的参考书目回顾了关于冲突对长期贫困代际传递影响的多学科文献。它涉及下列问题:冲突造成贫穷的机制;贫困的持续时间;贫困将在代际间传递的可能性;造成贫困的冲突类型;以及受冲突相关贫困影响最大的家庭和个人。冲突使家庭和这些家庭中的个人陷入贫困的机制被映射到生计框架中。在本报告中,我们重点关注冲突对平民的影响;我们不处理战斗人员的招募、解除武装、复员和重返社会问题。我们得出的结论是,冲突很可能是长期贫困代际传递的一个促成因素,主要是因为它可以在个人生命历程中的脆弱时刻(“引爆点”)不可逆转地破坏食品、医疗保健和教育等基本商品和服务的提供。概观最后简要分析了冲突和长期贫困研究中的内生性问题,并强调了方法上的挑战。
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引用次数: 9
An Experimental Comparison of Dispute Rates in Alternative Arbitration Systems 不同仲裁制度争议率的实验比较
Pub Date : 1990-08-01 DOI: 10.3386/W3417
O. Ashenfelter, J. Currie, H. Farber, M. Spiegel
This paper reports the results of a systematic experimental comparison of the effect of alternative arbitration systems on dispute rates. The key to our experimental design is the use of a common underlying distribution of arbitrator "fair" awards in the different arbitration systems. This allows us to compare dispute rates across different arbitration procedures where we hold fixed the amount of objective underlying uncertainty about the arbitration awards. There are three main findings. First, dispute rates are inversely related to the monetary costs of disputes. Dispute rates were much lower in cases where arbitration was not available so that the entire pie was lost in the event of a dispute. This confirms the empirical importance of the so-called "chilling effect" on bargaining that has been conjectured is produced by the adoption of arbitration systems. Second, the dispute rate in a final-offer arbitration system is at least as high as the dispute rate in a comparable conventional arbitration system. Contrary to the usual argument, we find no evidence that final-offer arbitration eliminates the chilling effect. Third, dispute rates are inversely related to the uncertainty costs of disputes. Dispute rates were lower in conventional arbitration treatments where the variance of the arbitration award was higher and imposed greater costs on risk-averse negotiators. Our results can also be interpreted as providing tentative evidence that the negotiators were risk-averse on average. Finally, we find general agreement between the dispute rates in our experiment and dispute rates found in the field in comparable settings.
本文报告了一项关于替代性仲裁制度对争议率影响的系统实验比较的结果。我们实验设计的关键是在不同的仲裁系统中使用仲裁员“公平”裁决的共同底层分配。这使我们能够比较不同仲裁程序之间的争议率,其中我们对仲裁裁决的客观潜在不确定性进行了固定。主要有三个发现。首先,纠纷率与纠纷的货币成本成反比。在没有仲裁的情况下,纠纷率要低得多,因此一旦发生纠纷,整个蛋糕就会丢失。这证实了所谓的“寒蝉效应”对讨价还价的经验重要性,人们一直猜测,采用仲裁制度会产生这种效应。第二,最终报价仲裁制度中的争议率至少与可比的传统仲裁制度中的争议率一样高。与通常的论点相反,我们没有发现任何证据表明最终报价仲裁消除了寒蝉效应。第三,纠纷率与纠纷的不确定性成本呈负相关。在传统仲裁处理中,争议率较低,因为仲裁裁决的差异较大,对不愿承担风险的谈判者施加了更大的成本。我们的研究结果也可以被解释为提供了初步的证据,证明谈判者平均而言是厌恶风险的。最后,我们发现我们实验中的争议率与在可比设置中发现的争议率之间存在普遍的一致性。
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引用次数: 79
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ERN: Conflict; Conflict Resolution; Alliances (Topic)
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