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Mapping and ‘stage-managing’ elections in the long eighteenth century: electoral culture, popular politics and the rhetoric of political space 绘制和 "舞台化 "十八世纪长时期的选举:选举文化、大众政治和政治空间修辞
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-06-22 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htae008
Kendra Packham
This article uses diverse forms of electoral culture – including newspapers and magazines, election plays and ballads – to recover an overlooked aspect of perceptions of political corruption in the ‘pre-Reform’ era: the partisan control of electoral space. These forms also present new perspectives on the political engagement of voters and non-voters, showing how perceived spatial corruption was actively exposed to public view. In the process, the article unearths a multimedia precursor to Hogarth’s famous series on the ‘humours’ of an election, which combines text, mapping and visual satire to challenge the legitimacy of an election result, and how the dynamic interplay between drama and electoral culture – including the contemporary puppet play – helped to popularize opposition to the ‘stage-managing’ of elections. Election ‘mapping’ affords new avenues into the eighteenth century as an age both of perceived corruption and of active challenges to that corruption.
本文利用各种形式的选举文化--包括报纸和杂志、选举戏剧和民谣--恢复了 "改革前 "时代人们对政治腐败看法的一个被忽视的方面:党派对选举空间的控制。这些形式也为选民和非选民的政治参与提供了新的视角,展示了人们所认为的空间腐败是如何主动暴露在公众视野中的。在这一过程中,文章发现了霍加斯著名的选举 "幽默 "系列的多媒体前身,该系列结合了文字、地图绘制和视觉讽刺,对选举结果的合法性提出了质疑,并揭示了戏剧与选举文化(包括当代木偶剧)之间的动态互动如何有助于普及对选举 "舞台化 "的反对。选举 "映射 "为了解十八世纪提供了新的途径,十八世纪既是一个腐败的时代,也是一个积极挑战腐败的时代。
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引用次数: 0
Historic doubts about the survival of the Princes in the Tower after 1485 关于 1485 年后塔中王子的存活的历史疑点
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-06-21 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htae009
Michael Hicks
This note assesses Philippa Langley’s four proofs for the survival of the two Princes in the Tower after 1485. Neither the Lille document nor supporting evidences prove that Lambert Simnel was really Edward V rather than Edward, earl of Warwick. The Gelderland manifesto recounting the escape of Richard, duke of York and the pretender’s pledge to Duke Albert of Saxony were propaganda as necessary for the imposter Perkin Warbeck as for the real prince. The blemishes of Warbeck’s body cannot be shown to identify him as the younger prince. While useful additions to the continental plots against Henry VII, these new evidences do not prove that either prince lived beyond the reign of Richard III.
本说明评估了菲利帕-兰利(Philippa Langley)关于 1485 年后塔中两位王子存活的四个证据。里尔文件和辅助证据都不能证明兰伯特-西姆内尔真的是爱德华五世,而不是沃里克伯爵爱德华。关于约克公爵理查德逃跑的格尔德兰宣言以及伪装者对萨克森公爵阿尔伯特的保证书,对于冒名顶替的佩金-沃贝克和真正的王子来说都是必要的宣传。沃贝克身上的瑕疵无法证明他就是年轻的王子。虽然这些新证据为欧洲大陆针对亨利七世的阴谋提供了有用的补充,但并不能证明两位王子都活到了理查三世统治时期之后。
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引用次数: 0
A climate of fear? The Scottish universities and the question of devolution, 1974–9 恐惧气氛?苏格兰大学与权力下放问题,1974-2009 年
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-06-13 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htae007
Ewen A.B. Cameron
This article seeks to examine the debate in the Scottish universities during the 1974–9 period, when the Labour government proposed to create a devolved Scottish Assembly. An anti-devolution consensus among university leaders is analysed and the arguments for and against devolution are considered. The article discusses the way in which the perceived result of devolution would be ‘parochialism’, while the advantages of the status quo were seen as ‘internationalist’. Nationalist critiques of the ‘Anglocentric’ universities are discussed. The arguments for devolution centred on bringing the Scottish universities into an integrated system of post-16 education in Scotland. Student opinion, as well as the views of senior academics, is noted. The debate is contextualized as part of the discussion of the merits of devolution but also as part of wider debates about the governance of the university system in Britain in the 1970s. The operation of the University Grants Committee was coming under severe stress as a result of wider economic conditions, and the Scottish debate is seen as part of a wider series of questions about the autonomy of universities from the state. The apparent paradox between the veneration of the British grants committee and the emphasis on the traditions of higher education in Scottish culture and identity are also discussed.
本文试图研究 1974-9 年间苏格兰各大学的辩论情况,当时工党政府提议建立一个权力下放的苏格兰议会。文章分析了大学领导人中反对权力下放的共识,并考虑了支持和反对权力下放的论点。文章讨论了人们认为权力下放的结果是 "狭隘主义",而维持现状的优势则被视为 "国际主义"。文章还讨论了民族主义者对 "以英国为中心 "的大学的批评。支持权力下放的论点集中在将苏格兰大学纳入苏格兰 16 岁后教育的综合体系。学生的意见以及资深学者的观点也得到了关注。这场辩论不仅是关于权力下放利弊的讨论的一部分,也是 20 世纪 70 年代英国大学系统管理的广泛辩论的一部分。由于更广泛的经济条件,大学拨款委员会的运作受到了严重的压力,苏格兰的辩论被视为有关大学从国家获得自主权的一系列更广泛问题的一部分。此外,还讨论了对英国拨款委员会的推崇与苏格兰文化和身份认同中对高等教育传统的强调之间的明显矛盾。
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引用次数: 0
Freedom of speech, news and the classical republican tradition in seventeenth-century England 十七世纪英国的言论自由、新闻和古典共和传统
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htae006
Jamie Gianoutsos
This article examines how printed newsbooks shaped conceptions of freedom of speech and the classical republican tradition in Britain. After exploring the persistent concern of parliamentary and then royalist newsbooks to provide true information to the public, the article considers how newsbooks increasingly condemned press control and state secrecy as tyrannical. Its final sections explore the contributions of Marchamont Nedham and examine how John Streater significantly advanced arguments for free speech as a foundational liberty for the free state, developing earlier claims in newsbooks. The article suggests that the invention of printed news encouraged more populist strands of classical republicanism.
本文探讨了印刷新闻书籍如何塑造了英国的言论自由观念和古典共和传统。文章首先探讨了议会和保皇派新闻书籍对向公众提供真实信息的持续关注,然后探讨了新闻书籍如何越来越多地谴责新闻控制和国家机密的专制。文章的最后部分探讨了马尔查蒙-内德姆的贡献,并研究了约翰-斯特雷特如何将言论自由作为自由国家的一项基本自由,并在此基础上发展了早先新闻书籍中的主张。文章认为,印刷新闻的发明鼓励了古典共和主义中更多的民粹主义分支。
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引用次数: 0
Gladstone and Ireland: a financial approach 格莱斯顿与爱尔兰:金融方法
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htae005
Douglas Kanter
This article examines William Gladstone’s Irish policy through the prism of his commitment to ‘sound’ finance, a fiscal programme involving low taxation, minimal government expenditure, balanced budgets and free trade. These prescriptions, it argues, served as an unintentional stimulus to Irish nationalism while also encouraging Gladstone’s receptivity to Home Rule, because by the 1880s he had become convinced that the cost of governing Ireland within the framework of the Union was imperilling ‘sound’ finance throughout the United Kingdom. Viewed from the vantage of fiscal policy, it concludes, Gladstone’s approach to Ireland was characterized by ideological rigidity rather than political adaptability.
这篇文章通过威廉-格莱斯顿对 "稳健 "财政的承诺这一棱镜来审视他的爱尔兰政策,"稳健 "财政是一项涉及低税收、最低政府开支、平衡预算和自由贸易的财政计划。报告认为,这些规定无意中刺激了爱尔兰民族主义,同时也鼓励格莱斯顿接受地方自治,因为到了 19 世纪 80 年代,他已经确信在联邦框架内治理爱尔兰的成本危及整个英国的 "稳健 "财政。从财政政策的角度来看,该书的结论是,格莱斯顿对爱尔兰的态度是意识形态上的僵化,而非政治上的适应性。
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引用次数: 0
Making beds in early modern England: sleep, matter and environmental change 现代早期英格兰的铺床:睡眠、物质和环境变化
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-19 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htae001
Holly Fletcher
Bringing environmental history, the history of medicine and the history of poverty into conversation with material culture studies, this article argues that sleep management in early modern England involved environmental practices in which bodies and matter were interwoven. Using records relating to the Worshipful Company of Upholders in London as a starting point, the article uncovers for the first time the range of animal and plant matter upon which early modern people slept. In so doing it transforms our view of the sleeping conditions of the early modern poor and demonstrates the significance of place-specific, material knowledge for health care practices.
本文将环境史、医学史和贫困史与物质文化研究结合起来,论证了现代早期英格兰的睡眠管理涉及身体与物质相互交织的环境实践。文章以伦敦监护人协会的相关记录为起点,首次揭示了早期现代人睡眠所依赖的动植物物质的范围。这改变了我们对现代早期穷人睡眠条件的看法,并证明了特定地点的物质知识对保健实践的重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Social security in late medieval England: corrodies in the hospitals and almshouses of Durham Priory 中世纪晚期英格兰的社会保障:达勒姆修道院的医院和救济院中的科罗迪人
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-23 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htad033
A T Brown
Historians have debated the extent of poor relief and social security provision in late medieval England, yet our knowledge about the inmates of hospitals and almshouses remains limited. Corrodies – grants of food, clothes and shelter – have been seen as a way of alleviating poverty in old age. Utilizing the evidence of 260 corrodies, this article explores the gender, marital status and length of time recipients held their positions in two hospitals and two almshouses in Durham. Far from catering just to ageing male retainers, as is often thought, corrodies provided security for men and women of all ages.
历史学家们一直在争论中世纪晚期英格兰的贫困救济和社会保障的范围,但我们对医院和救济院的收容者的了解仍然有限。Corrodies--食物、衣服和住所补助金--被视为缓解老年贫困的一种方式。本文利用 260 份 "救济金 "的证据,探讨了达勒姆两家医院和两家救济院中领取者的性别、婚姻状况和领取时间。徭役并不像人们通常认为的那样只为年老的男性家臣服务,而是为所有年龄段的男性和女性提供保障。
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引用次数: 0
Whiteness is not enough: South Africa and the 1922 responsible government referendum in Southern Rhodesia 仅有白人是不够的:南非与 1922 年南罗得西亚责任政府公投
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htad026
Charlton Francis Cussans
In the 1922 referendum White Southern Rhodesian voters rejected the Union of South Africa in favour of becoming a self-governing part of the British empire. This article will examine White Southern Rhodesian perceptions of South Africa during the referendum, considering historiographic ideas, particularly the ‘British world’, using contemporary newspapers and letters. The argument of this article is that White Southern Rhodesians saw themselves as distinct from White South Africans and that this is emblematic of the complicated nature of the ‘British world’ idea. The ‘British world’ is a useful idea, but it is hindered by the ambiguity of its parameters.
在 1922 年的全民公决中,南罗得西亚白人选民否决了南非联邦,支持成为大英帝国自治的一部分。本文将利用当代报纸和信件,考虑史学观念,尤其是 "英国世界",研究公投期间南罗得西亚白人对南非的看法。本文的论点是,南罗得西亚白人认为自己有别于南非白人,这体现了 "英国世界 "思想的复杂性。英国世界 "是一个有用的概念,但其参数的模糊性阻碍了它的发展。
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引用次数: 0
‘How to make a ring jump in the manner of a locust’: recipes to animate small objects in late medieval European manuscripts 如何以蝗虫的方式制作跳环":中世纪晚期欧洲手稿中的小物件动画食谱
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-09 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htad028
Vanessa da Silva Baptista
In his late thirteenth-century collection of playful and amusing recipes, which this article calls magic tricks, Richard de Grimhill, a low-ranking Worcester noble, collected a trick ‘to make a ring jump in the manner of a locust’, alongside other instructions to animate domestic objects such as eggs, loaves of bread and spit-roasting chickens. Using a source base of 100 late medieval manuscripts, this article demonstrates that rings and other domestic objects were animated in various ways: through sleight of hand, by exploiting the chemical properties of mercury, or with a mixture of mercury, sulphur, and saltpetre. Placing these three methods in their manuscript and cultural contexts, I underscore that late medieval European people experienced magic tricks as a form of both cognitive play and playful experimentation with chemical knowledge. They thus have broader implications for late medieval European approaches to the possibilities and limitations of the human mind and physical matter.
理查德-德-格里姆希尔(Richard de Grimhill)是伍斯特的一名低级贵族,他在 13 世纪晚期收集的俏皮有趣的秘方(本文称之为魔术)中,收集了一个 "让戒指以蝗虫的方式跳跃 "的小把戏,以及其他让鸡蛋、面包和烤鸡等家用物品活起来的说明。这篇文章利用 100 份中世纪晚期手稿的资料库,展示了戒指和其他家用物品的各种活化方法:通过技巧、利用汞的化学特性或使用汞、硫磺和硝石的混合物。将这三种方法置于手稿和文化背景中,我强调中世纪晚期的欧洲人将魔术技巧视为一种认知游戏和化学知识的游戏性实验。因此,它们对中世纪晚期欧洲人如何看待人类心灵和物理物质的可能性和局限性具有更广泛的影响。
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引用次数: 0
King Henry VII and the case of the missing treaty: Anglo-Hungarian crusading diplomacy reconsidered 亨利七世国王和丢失的条约:重新考虑盎格鲁-匈牙利十字军外交
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htad030
Charlotte Gauthier
Henry VII of England has never been considered a ‘crusader king’; his monetary contributions towards anti-Ottoman crusading have been characterized by his biographers as little more than bribes designed to constrain the ambitions of would-be pretenders to the English throne. However, an unpublished Anglo-Hungarian treaty of alliance calls such simplistic explanations into question, showing that after the death of his son Arthur, prince of Wales, in spring 1502, Henry VII attempted to insert England into a pan-European platform of anti-Ottoman alliances using the provision of crusade financing as a diplomatic lever. This article shows just how Henry VII’s ‘crusade diplomacy’ worked in practice, arguing for a reassessment of what has long appeared to be the settled question of Henry VII’s foreign policy aims and demonstrating the centrality of the ‘Turkish question’ to early sixteenth-century European diplomacy.
英格兰的亨利七世从未被认为是“十字军国王”;在他的传记作者看来,他对反奥斯曼十字军的金钱捐助不过是贿赂,目的是遏制那些觊觎英国王位的人的野心。然而,一份未公布的盎格鲁-匈牙利联盟条约对这种简单化的解释提出了质疑,该条约表明,在他的儿子威尔士亲王亚瑟于1502年春天去世后,亨利七世试图将英格兰纳入反奥斯曼联盟的泛欧平台,利用提供十字军东征资金作为外交杠杆。这篇文章展示了亨利七世的“十字军外交”是如何在实践中发挥作用的,主张重新评估亨利七世的外交政策目标长期以来似乎已经解决的问题,并展示了“土耳其问题”对16世纪早期欧洲外交的中心地位。
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引用次数: 0
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Historical Research
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