This article uses diverse forms of electoral culture – including newspapers and magazines, election plays and ballads – to recover an overlooked aspect of perceptions of political corruption in the ‘pre-Reform’ era: the partisan control of electoral space. These forms also present new perspectives on the political engagement of voters and non-voters, showing how perceived spatial corruption was actively exposed to public view. In the process, the article unearths a multimedia precursor to Hogarth’s famous series on the ‘humours’ of an election, which combines text, mapping and visual satire to challenge the legitimacy of an election result, and how the dynamic interplay between drama and electoral culture – including the contemporary puppet play – helped to popularize opposition to the ‘stage-managing’ of elections. Election ‘mapping’ affords new avenues into the eighteenth century as an age both of perceived corruption and of active challenges to that corruption.
{"title":"Mapping and ‘stage-managing’ elections in the long eighteenth century: electoral culture, popular politics and the rhetoric of political space","authors":"Kendra Packham","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htae008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htae008","url":null,"abstract":"This article uses diverse forms of electoral culture – including newspapers and magazines, election plays and ballads – to recover an overlooked aspect of perceptions of political corruption in the ‘pre-Reform’ era: the partisan control of electoral space. These forms also present new perspectives on the political engagement of voters and non-voters, showing how perceived spatial corruption was actively exposed to public view. In the process, the article unearths a multimedia precursor to Hogarth’s famous series on the ‘humours’ of an election, which combines text, mapping and visual satire to challenge the legitimacy of an election result, and how the dynamic interplay between drama and electoral culture – including the contemporary puppet play – helped to popularize opposition to the ‘stage-managing’ of elections. Election ‘mapping’ affords new avenues into the eighteenth century as an age both of perceived corruption and of active challenges to that corruption.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141509677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This note assesses Philippa Langley’s four proofs for the survival of the two Princes in the Tower after 1485. Neither the Lille document nor supporting evidences prove that Lambert Simnel was really Edward V rather than Edward, earl of Warwick. The Gelderland manifesto recounting the escape of Richard, duke of York and the pretender’s pledge to Duke Albert of Saxony were propaganda as necessary for the imposter Perkin Warbeck as for the real prince. The blemishes of Warbeck’s body cannot be shown to identify him as the younger prince. While useful additions to the continental plots against Henry VII, these new evidences do not prove that either prince lived beyond the reign of Richard III.
{"title":"Historic doubts about the survival of the Princes in the Tower after 1485","authors":"Michael Hicks","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htae009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htae009","url":null,"abstract":"This note assesses Philippa Langley’s four proofs for the survival of the two Princes in the Tower after 1485. Neither the Lille document nor supporting evidences prove that Lambert Simnel was really Edward V rather than Edward, earl of Warwick. The Gelderland manifesto recounting the escape of Richard, duke of York and the pretender’s pledge to Duke Albert of Saxony were propaganda as necessary for the imposter Perkin Warbeck as for the real prince. The blemishes of Warbeck’s body cannot be shown to identify him as the younger prince. While useful additions to the continental plots against Henry VII, these new evidences do not prove that either prince lived beyond the reign of Richard III.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141509648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article seeks to examine the debate in the Scottish universities during the 1974–9 period, when the Labour government proposed to create a devolved Scottish Assembly. An anti-devolution consensus among university leaders is analysed and the arguments for and against devolution are considered. The article discusses the way in which the perceived result of devolution would be ‘parochialism’, while the advantages of the status quo were seen as ‘internationalist’. Nationalist critiques of the ‘Anglocentric’ universities are discussed. The arguments for devolution centred on bringing the Scottish universities into an integrated system of post-16 education in Scotland. Student opinion, as well as the views of senior academics, is noted. The debate is contextualized as part of the discussion of the merits of devolution but also as part of wider debates about the governance of the university system in Britain in the 1970s. The operation of the University Grants Committee was coming under severe stress as a result of wider economic conditions, and the Scottish debate is seen as part of a wider series of questions about the autonomy of universities from the state. The apparent paradox between the veneration of the British grants committee and the emphasis on the traditions of higher education in Scottish culture and identity are also discussed.
{"title":"A climate of fear? The Scottish universities and the question of devolution, 1974–9","authors":"Ewen A.B. Cameron","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htae007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htae007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article seeks to examine the debate in the Scottish universities during the 1974–9 period, when the Labour government proposed to create a devolved Scottish Assembly. An anti-devolution consensus among university leaders is analysed and the arguments for and against devolution are considered. The article discusses the way in which the perceived result of devolution would be ‘parochialism’, while the advantages of the status quo were seen as ‘internationalist’. Nationalist critiques of the ‘Anglocentric’ universities are discussed. The arguments for devolution centred on bringing the Scottish universities into an integrated system of post-16 education in Scotland. Student opinion, as well as the views of senior academics, is noted. The debate is contextualized as part of the discussion of the merits of devolution but also as part of wider debates about the governance of the university system in Britain in the 1970s. The operation of the University Grants Committee was coming under severe stress as a result of wider economic conditions, and the Scottish debate is seen as part of a wider series of questions about the autonomy of universities from the state. The apparent paradox between the veneration of the British grants committee and the emphasis on the traditions of higher education in Scottish culture and identity are also discussed.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141345877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines how printed newsbooks shaped conceptions of freedom of speech and the classical republican tradition in Britain. After exploring the persistent concern of parliamentary and then royalist newsbooks to provide true information to the public, the article considers how newsbooks increasingly condemned press control and state secrecy as tyrannical. Its final sections explore the contributions of Marchamont Nedham and examine how John Streater significantly advanced arguments for free speech as a foundational liberty for the free state, developing earlier claims in newsbooks. The article suggests that the invention of printed news encouraged more populist strands of classical republicanism.
{"title":"Freedom of speech, news and the classical republican tradition in seventeenth-century England","authors":"Jamie Gianoutsos","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htae006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htae006","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how printed newsbooks shaped conceptions of freedom of speech and the classical republican tradition in Britain. After exploring the persistent concern of parliamentary and then royalist newsbooks to provide true information to the public, the article considers how newsbooks increasingly condemned press control and state secrecy as tyrannical. Its final sections explore the contributions of Marchamont Nedham and examine how John Streater significantly advanced arguments for free speech as a foundational liberty for the free state, developing earlier claims in newsbooks. The article suggests that the invention of printed news encouraged more populist strands of classical republicanism.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140939514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines William Gladstone’s Irish policy through the prism of his commitment to ‘sound’ finance, a fiscal programme involving low taxation, minimal government expenditure, balanced budgets and free trade. These prescriptions, it argues, served as an unintentional stimulus to Irish nationalism while also encouraging Gladstone’s receptivity to Home Rule, because by the 1880s he had become convinced that the cost of governing Ireland within the framework of the Union was imperilling ‘sound’ finance throughout the United Kingdom. Viewed from the vantage of fiscal policy, it concludes, Gladstone’s approach to Ireland was characterized by ideological rigidity rather than political adaptability.
{"title":"Gladstone and Ireland: a financial approach","authors":"Douglas Kanter","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htae005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htae005","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines William Gladstone’s Irish policy through the prism of his commitment to ‘sound’ finance, a fiscal programme involving low taxation, minimal government expenditure, balanced budgets and free trade. These prescriptions, it argues, served as an unintentional stimulus to Irish nationalism while also encouraging Gladstone’s receptivity to Home Rule, because by the 1880s he had become convinced that the cost of governing Ireland within the framework of the Union was imperilling ‘sound’ finance throughout the United Kingdom. Viewed from the vantage of fiscal policy, it concludes, Gladstone’s approach to Ireland was characterized by ideological rigidity rather than political adaptability.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140585542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bringing environmental history, the history of medicine and the history of poverty into conversation with material culture studies, this article argues that sleep management in early modern England involved environmental practices in which bodies and matter were interwoven. Using records relating to the Worshipful Company of Upholders in London as a starting point, the article uncovers for the first time the range of animal and plant matter upon which early modern people slept. In so doing it transforms our view of the sleeping conditions of the early modern poor and demonstrates the significance of place-specific, material knowledge for health care practices.
{"title":"Making beds in early modern England: sleep, matter and environmental change","authors":"Holly Fletcher","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htae001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htae001","url":null,"abstract":"Bringing environmental history, the history of medicine and the history of poverty into conversation with material culture studies, this article argues that sleep management in early modern England involved environmental practices in which bodies and matter were interwoven. Using records relating to the Worshipful Company of Upholders in London as a starting point, the article uncovers for the first time the range of animal and plant matter upon which early modern people slept. In so doing it transforms our view of the sleeping conditions of the early modern poor and demonstrates the significance of place-specific, material knowledge for health care practices.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140199534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historians have debated the extent of poor relief and social security provision in late medieval England, yet our knowledge about the inmates of hospitals and almshouses remains limited. Corrodies – grants of food, clothes and shelter – have been seen as a way of alleviating poverty in old age. Utilizing the evidence of 260 corrodies, this article explores the gender, marital status and length of time recipients held their positions in two hospitals and two almshouses in Durham. Far from catering just to ageing male retainers, as is often thought, corrodies provided security for men and women of all ages.
{"title":"Social security in late medieval England: corrodies in the hospitals and almshouses of Durham Priory","authors":"A T Brown","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htad033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htad033","url":null,"abstract":"Historians have debated the extent of poor relief and social security provision in late medieval England, yet our knowledge about the inmates of hospitals and almshouses remains limited. Corrodies – grants of food, clothes and shelter – have been seen as a way of alleviating poverty in old age. Utilizing the evidence of 260 corrodies, this article explores the gender, marital status and length of time recipients held their positions in two hospitals and two almshouses in Durham. Far from catering just to ageing male retainers, as is often thought, corrodies provided security for men and women of all ages.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139053937","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the 1922 referendum White Southern Rhodesian voters rejected the Union of South Africa in favour of becoming a self-governing part of the British empire. This article will examine White Southern Rhodesian perceptions of South Africa during the referendum, considering historiographic ideas, particularly the ‘British world’, using contemporary newspapers and letters. The argument of this article is that White Southern Rhodesians saw themselves as distinct from White South Africans and that this is emblematic of the complicated nature of the ‘British world’ idea. The ‘British world’ is a useful idea, but it is hindered by the ambiguity of its parameters.
{"title":"Whiteness is not enough: South Africa and the 1922 responsible government referendum in Southern Rhodesia","authors":"Charlton Francis Cussans","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htad026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htad026","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1922 referendum White Southern Rhodesian voters rejected the Union of South Africa in favour of becoming a self-governing part of the British empire. This article will examine White Southern Rhodesian perceptions of South Africa during the referendum, considering historiographic ideas, particularly the ‘British world’, using contemporary newspapers and letters. The argument of this article is that White Southern Rhodesians saw themselves as distinct from White South Africans and that this is emblematic of the complicated nature of the ‘British world’ idea. The ‘British world’ is a useful idea, but it is hindered by the ambiguity of its parameters.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138690188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In his late thirteenth-century collection of playful and amusing recipes, which this article calls magic tricks, Richard de Grimhill, a low-ranking Worcester noble, collected a trick ‘to make a ring jump in the manner of a locust’, alongside other instructions to animate domestic objects such as eggs, loaves of bread and spit-roasting chickens. Using a source base of 100 late medieval manuscripts, this article demonstrates that rings and other domestic objects were animated in various ways: through sleight of hand, by exploiting the chemical properties of mercury, or with a mixture of mercury, sulphur, and saltpetre. Placing these three methods in their manuscript and cultural contexts, I underscore that late medieval European people experienced magic tricks as a form of both cognitive play and playful experimentation with chemical knowledge. They thus have broader implications for late medieval European approaches to the possibilities and limitations of the human mind and physical matter.
理查德-德-格里姆希尔(Richard de Grimhill)是伍斯特的一名低级贵族,他在 13 世纪晚期收集的俏皮有趣的秘方(本文称之为魔术)中,收集了一个 "让戒指以蝗虫的方式跳跃 "的小把戏,以及其他让鸡蛋、面包和烤鸡等家用物品活起来的说明。这篇文章利用 100 份中世纪晚期手稿的资料库,展示了戒指和其他家用物品的各种活化方法:通过技巧、利用汞的化学特性或使用汞、硫磺和硝石的混合物。将这三种方法置于手稿和文化背景中,我强调中世纪晚期的欧洲人将魔术技巧视为一种认知游戏和化学知识的游戏性实验。因此,它们对中世纪晚期欧洲人如何看待人类心灵和物理物质的可能性和局限性具有更广泛的影响。
{"title":"‘How to make a ring jump in the manner of a locust’: recipes to animate small objects in late medieval European manuscripts","authors":"Vanessa da Silva Baptista","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htad028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htad028","url":null,"abstract":"In his late thirteenth-century collection of playful and amusing recipes, which this article calls magic tricks, Richard de Grimhill, a low-ranking Worcester noble, collected a trick ‘to make a ring jump in the manner of a locust’, alongside other instructions to animate domestic objects such as eggs, loaves of bread and spit-roasting chickens. Using a source base of 100 late medieval manuscripts, this article demonstrates that rings and other domestic objects were animated in various ways: through sleight of hand, by exploiting the chemical properties of mercury, or with a mixture of mercury, sulphur, and saltpetre. Placing these three methods in their manuscript and cultural contexts, I underscore that late medieval European people experienced magic tricks as a form of both cognitive play and playful experimentation with chemical knowledge. They thus have broader implications for late medieval European approaches to the possibilities and limitations of the human mind and physical matter.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138563645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Henry VII of England has never been considered a ‘crusader king’; his monetary contributions towards anti-Ottoman crusading have been characterized by his biographers as little more than bribes designed to constrain the ambitions of would-be pretenders to the English throne. However, an unpublished Anglo-Hungarian treaty of alliance calls such simplistic explanations into question, showing that after the death of his son Arthur, prince of Wales, in spring 1502, Henry VII attempted to insert England into a pan-European platform of anti-Ottoman alliances using the provision of crusade financing as a diplomatic lever. This article shows just how Henry VII’s ‘crusade diplomacy’ worked in practice, arguing for a reassessment of what has long appeared to be the settled question of Henry VII’s foreign policy aims and demonstrating the centrality of the ‘Turkish question’ to early sixteenth-century European diplomacy.
{"title":"King Henry VII and the case of the missing treaty: Anglo-Hungarian crusading diplomacy reconsidered","authors":"Charlotte Gauthier","doi":"10.1093/hisres/htad030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htad030","url":null,"abstract":"Henry VII of England has never been considered a ‘crusader king’; his monetary contributions towards anti-Ottoman crusading have been characterized by his biographers as little more than bribes designed to constrain the ambitions of would-be pretenders to the English throne. However, an unpublished Anglo-Hungarian treaty of alliance calls such simplistic explanations into question, showing that after the death of his son Arthur, prince of Wales, in spring 1502, Henry VII attempted to insert England into a pan-European platform of anti-Ottoman alliances using the provision of crusade financing as a diplomatic lever. This article shows just how Henry VII’s ‘crusade diplomacy’ worked in practice, arguing for a reassessment of what has long appeared to be the settled question of Henry VII’s foreign policy aims and demonstrating the centrality of the ‘Turkish question’ to early sixteenth-century European diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":13059,"journal":{"name":"Historical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138495939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}