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Historians, accountabilities and judgement 历史学家、责任和判断
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-18 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htab033
L. Jordanova
‘Accountability’ may be a useful notion for reflecting on historians’ responsibilities, not just to students and peers but to their audiences, to ideas and to the past itself. The roles historians play in public life are of considerable interest given current controversies about ‘contested heritage’ that are strikingly polarized, with the lives of historical figures in the dock. To assess such roles, it is worth making comparisons with the situation a century ago, when the Institute of Historical Research was in its infancy. Furthermore, it may be productive to enlist the help of other disciplines. All such practices involve matters of judgement.
“问责”可能是一个有用的概念,可以用来反思历史学家的责任,不仅是对学生和同龄人的责任,也是对他们的受众、思想和过去本身的责任。鉴于目前关于“有争议的遗产”的争议两极分化,历史人物的生活也处于被告席上,历史学家在公共生活中扮演的角色引起了人们的极大兴趣。为了评估这些角色,值得与一个世纪前的情况进行比较,当时历史研究所还处于起步阶段。此外,寻求其他学科的帮助可能是有益的。所有这些做法都涉及判断问题。
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引用次数: 1
The Zaran company in the Holy Land: an unknown fourth crusade charter from Acre 圣地的扎兰公司:来自阿克的未知的第四次十字军宪章
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-11 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htab030
G. Lippiatt
This article publishes and examines a newly discovered charter drafted in the Holy Land during the time of the fourth crusade, bringing the number of such original documents to four. In addition to shedding light on the nature of donations made by minor crusaders to the Templars while in Outremer, the witness list also reveals for the first time documentary evidence of the progress of a group of crusaders who departed from the main host of the fourth crusade after the attack on Zara and their connections with wider events such as the Grandmontine crisis and the conquest of Normandy.
本文发表并研究了一份新发现的宪章,该宪章是在第四次十字军东征期间在圣地起草的,这使得这样的原始文件的数量达到了四份。除了揭示在奥特雷梅尔期间,小十字军向圣殿骑士捐款的性质外,证人名单还首次揭示了一群十字军的进展,他们在袭击扎拉后离开了第四次十字军东征的主要基地,以及他们与更广泛的事件(如格兰蒙泰危机和诺曼底征服)的联系。
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引用次数: 1
Foreign policy thought in Weimar’s ‘conservative revolution’: realpolitik or a question of being? 魏玛“保守革命”中的外交政策思想:现实政治还是存在问题?
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htab036
Nicholas Nedzynski
This article illuminates a neglected aspect of conservative revolutionary ideology: namely, foreign policy. It shows that the conservative revolution was united by more than opposition to political liberalism, while simultaneously considering the different tendencies and tensions at work within the current. It proves that the foreign political agendas championed by conservative revolutionaries share the cultural impulses and metaphysical basis that characterize their ideals in other spheres. This elucidates the relationship between the ‘spiritual’ and the ‘political’ that permeates conservative revolutionary thinking. These aims are achieved through a close, comparative analysis of original texts, in concert with a thematic approach.
这篇文章阐明了保守革命思想中一个被忽视的方面:即外交政策。它表明,保守主义革命不仅仅是对政治自由主义的反对而团结起来的,同时也考虑到当前工作中的不同趋势和紧张局势。它证明,保守革命者所倡导的外交政治议程,与他们在其他领域的理想有着共同的文化冲动和形而上学基础。这阐明了渗透在保守革命思想中的“精神”与“政治”之间的关系。这些目标是通过对原文进行密切的比较分析,并配合主题方法来实现的。
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引用次数: 0
‘Better off with Labour’? Fiscal policy, electoral strategy and the road to John Smith’s shadow budget, 1979–92 “和工党在一起会更好”?1979 - 1992年,财政政策、选举策略和通向约翰·史密斯影子预算之路
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htab037
Peter Sloman
The failure of John Smith’s ‘Shadow Budget’ to deliver a Labour victory in the 1992 general election has taken on a mythical status in narratives around the development of New Labour. This article sets the episode in a larger context by examining the development of Labour’s fiscal policies in opposition after 1979, in the face of rising inequality, public-sector austerity, and regressive tax reforms. It traces how successive election defeats drove a process of political learning, which came to revolve around the effort to reassure floating voters that a Labour government could control tax, spending and borrowing. The 1992 defeat seemed to demonstrate the difficulty of winning support for redistribution in the face of ‘tax bombshell’ attacks, and so paved the way for the more cautious and incremental fiscal politics of Gordon Brown and New Labour.
约翰·史密斯(John Smith)的“影子预算”(Shadow Budget)未能帮助工党在1992年大选中获胜,这在围绕新工党发展的叙述中占据了神话般的地位。本文将这一事件置于更大的背景下,考察1979年后工党在面对日益加剧的不平等、公共部门紧缩和累退性税收改革时的财政政策发展。它追溯了连续的选举失败如何推动了政治学习的过程,这一过程围绕着向摇摆不定的选民保证工党政府可以控制税收、支出和借贷的努力。1992年的失败似乎表明,面对“税收重磅炸弹”的攻击,赢得对再分配的支持是困难的,因此为戈登·布朗和新工党更加谨慎和渐进的财政政治铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 0
Parish councils, political inclusion, Liberal politics and the question of class: the 1894 elections as a forgotten phase in British democratization 教区议会、政治包容、自由政治和阶级问题:1894年的选举是英国民主化进程中被遗忘的一个阶段
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htab035
James Moore
The creation of parish councils in 1894 has been somewhat neglected by historians of democratization and social class. This article explores how questions of political inclusion and class became important features of the first parish council elections. The National Liberal Federation and allied pressure groups encouraged electors to see the elections as a battle between working people and the privileged orders. Contrary to what is sometimes suggested, this demonstrates that ‘class politics’ was sometimes an important part of Liberal electoral strategy. Ultimately, the councils brought important changes to local political life, with working men elected to parishes in significant numbers.
▷1894年教区议会的成立,在民主化和社会阶层的历史学家中被忽略了。本文探讨政治包容和阶级问题如何成为第一届教区议会选举的重要特征。全国自由联盟和联合压力团体鼓励选民将选举视为劳动人民与特权阶层之间的斗争。与有时提出的观点相反,这表明“阶级政治”有时是自由党选举策略的重要组成部分。最终,议会给当地政治生活带来了重大变化,大量工人被选入教区。
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引用次数: 0
The Evil May Day riot of 1517 and the popular politics of anti-immigrant hostility in early modern London 1517年邪恶的五一暴动与近代早期伦敦反移民敌意的流行政治
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-12 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htab024
Brodie Waddell
London experienced repeated outbreaks of popular xenophobia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with the worst coming in the Evil May Day riot of 1517. This article illuminates the hydra-like nature of the stereotype of the immigrant at this time, which rhetorically combined the diverse population of aliens into a single material and political threat. It begins with a close analysis of the riot itself, before examining the continuing relevance of this distinctive caricature. It shows how the perceived ‘privileges’ afforded to several different sorts of strangers in early modern London made them a special target for popular hostility.
在十六世纪和十七世纪,伦敦经历了民众仇外心理的反复爆发,最严重的是1517年邪恶的五一暴动。这篇文章阐明了当时对移民的刻板印象的九头蛇般的性质,它将不同的外国人群体口头上结合成一个单一的物质和政治威胁。它首先对暴乱本身进行了仔细分析,然后考察了这幅独特漫画的持续相关性。它表明,在现代早期的伦敦,人们对几种不同类型的陌生人的“特权”是如何使他们成为民众敌意的特殊目标的。
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引用次数: 3
Forging liberal states: Palmerston’s foreign policy and the rise of a constitutional monarchy in Spain, 1833–7 打造自由国家:帕默斯顿的外交政策与西班牙君主立宪制的兴起,1833-7年
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-12 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htab021
Alfonso Goizueta Alfaro
British and Spanish historiography have consolidated the idea that Palmerston’s foreign policy toward Spain during the first Carlist War is representative of a ‘liberal phase’ in his career as foreign secretary. However, a close study of Palmerston’s private correspondence with his minister in Madrid, George Villiers, reveals that this compromise with liberalism actually masked a brute struggle with France for political ascendancy in Spain. Historiography considers realpolitik to appear only in his late career (c.1848–65), but this study of Palmerston’s approach to the Spanish Question reveals that it was the moving force of his foreign policy from the very beginning.
英国和西班牙的史学巩固了这样一种观点,即帕默斯顿在第一次卡利斯特战争期间对西班牙的外交政策代表了他外交大臣生涯中的“自由主义阶段”。然而,仔细研究帕默斯顿与他在马德里的部长乔治·维利尔斯的私人信件,就会发现这种与自由主义的妥协实际上掩盖了与法国在西班牙争夺政治优势的残酷斗争。史学认为现实政治只出现在他职业生涯的晚期(约1848-65年),但对帕默斯顿处理西班牙问题的方法的研究表明,现实政治从一开始就是他外交政策的推动力。
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引用次数: 0
Resituating Henrician Ireland: imperium, prophecy and Reformation between the Atlantic and Eurasian worlds, 1514–47 亨利时代的爱尔兰:大西洋和欧亚世界之间的统治、预言和宗教改革,1514–47
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-10 DOI: 10.1093/hisres/htab022
James Leduc
An intellectual-cultural history of sovereignty in Henrician Ireland, this article mines government writings and printed pamphlets to argue for Ireland’s integration within the dynastic strife, spiritual controversies and imperial ambitions that bridged the ‘New World’, the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean in the early Reformation. Its conclusions are twofold: that the Henrician Reformation galvanized the political theologies of interfaith representation in Ireland, and that the island felt the weight of European Atlantic colonialism earlier than has hitherto been appreciated. The article suggests the need to reconsider Henrician Ireland in its entanglements with the political-theological Reformation worlds of inter-imperial rivalry.
这是一部关于亨利时代爱尔兰主权的知识文化史,本文挖掘了政府著作和印刷的小册子,为爱尔兰在早期宗教改革中连接“新世界”、北大西洋和地中海的王朝冲突、精神争议和帝国野心中的融合辩护。它的结论有两个:亨利改革激发了爱尔兰不同信仰代表的政治神学,该岛比迄今为止更早地感受到欧洲-大西洋殖民主义的重量。这篇文章建议有必要重新考虑亨利时代的爱尔兰与帝国间竞争的政治神学改革世界的纠葛。
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引用次数: 0
‘A legend somewhat larger than life’: Karl H. von Wiegand and the trajectory of Hearstian sensationalist journalism “一个比生活更伟大的传奇”:卡尔·h·冯·维冈和赫斯汀式耸人听闻的新闻报道的轨迹
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-04 DOI: 10.1093/HISRES/HTAB019
Benjamin S Goldstein
This article re-evaluates the trajectory of sensationalism within twentieth-century American journalism and foreign correspondence by examining William Randolph Hearst’s chief foreign correspondent, Karl H. von Wiegand (1874–1961). By following von Wiegand’s activities as a journalist, celebrity, propagandist and diplomatic go-between through both world wars, it argues that post-World War I concerns over propaganda and commercial mass media’s reliability impacted the typically sensational methods of foreign correspondents particularly strongly. In von Wiegand’s case, his exceptionally sensational style, which became entangled in fascist propaganda throughout the 1930s and fell under an increasingly systematic ethical critique, caused his own reputation and ability to impact public opinion to weaken drastically.
本文通过考察威廉·伦道夫·赫斯特的首席驻外记者卡尔·H·冯·维根(1874-1961),重新评估了20世纪美国新闻和对外通信中耸人听闻的轨迹。通过跟踪冯·维甘德在两次世界大战中作为记者、名人、宣传人员和外交中间人的活动,它认为,第一次世界大战后对宣传和商业大众媒体可靠性的担忧对外国记者典型的耸人听闻的方法产生了特别强烈的影响。在冯·维甘德的案例中,他异常耸人听闻的风格在整个20世纪30年代与法西斯宣传纠缠在一起,并受到越来越系统的道德批判,导致他自己的声誉和影响公众舆论的能力急剧削弱。
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引用次数: 0
Memorandum concerning Joseph Priestley 关于Joseph Priestley的备忘录
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-04 DOI: 10.1093/HISRES/HTAB023
D. Jones
A previously unpublished memorandum on the life of Dr. Joseph Priestley written by Priestley’s former student, Benjamin Vaughan. Vaughan, who participated in the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris and served as a member of parliament, recounts the academic accomplishments, research interests and character of one of England’s most famous eighteenth-century polymaths. Vaughan’s reflections provide a first-hand account of the personal nature of Priestley, who helped fuel the scientific discoveries of the Enlightenment, including experiments that led to the discovery of oxygen. The original manuscript is available in the Benjamin Vaughan papers at the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia.
普里斯特利的前学生本杰明·沃恩撰写的一份关于约瑟夫·普里斯特利博士生平的先前未发表的备忘录。Vaughan参与了《巴黎条约》的谈判,并担任过国会议员,他讲述了18世纪英国最著名的学者之一的学术成就、研究兴趣和性格。Vaughan的思考为Priestley的个人本性提供了第一手的描述,他帮助推动了启蒙运动的科学发现,包括导致氧气发现的实验。原稿可在费城美国哲学学会的Benjamin Vaughan论文中找到。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Historical Research
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